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ارتباط التغايرات الوراثية لجينات نظام الدوبامين مع السلوك الاجرامي العنيف للسجناء العراقيين == Association of Dopaminergic System Genes Polymorphisms with Violent Criminal Behavior in Iraqi Prisoners

اسم المؤلف: سهاد رضا متعب الطائي
اسم المشرف: محمد عبد الله جبر جاسم
الموضوع العام: علوم الحياة
السنة: 2016
الموضوع الدقيق: علوم الحياة
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: الانكليزية
مكان الجامعة: بابل
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The violent criminal behavior is emerged from the interaction between several genetics and environmental factors. The present study reflect the role of polymorphisms in dopaminergic system genes (drd2 ,comt ,dat1 ,drd4, and maoa) on violent criminal behavior in Iraqi prisoners.This research was a case - control study , blood samples were collected from 200 prisoners (case group) who convicted with terrorism (150 sample), murder (30 sample) and drug trading (20 sample) Issues selected from Al - Hilla reformist central prison for men and women in Babylon city and from position and deporting division in Karbala .This sample included (160 male and 40 female). Additionally, 100 sample were collected as control group included (54 male and 46 female).DNA was extracted and the polymorphisms analysis achieved by Restriction Fragment Length Polymorphism (RFLP - PCR) for drd2 and comt genes ,while the dat1 ,drd4 and maoa polymorphisms was analyzed by Polymerase Chain Reaction (PCR).All polymorphisms (except drd4) were subjected to PCR - sequencing for confirming the presence of polymorphisms .The results showed that the percentage of the case group was 34.5 % with an age ranged between 20 - 39 years ,most of them were male 80% ,72.5% were married ,77.5% were from rural area ,84% were self - employed and 41.5% were illiterate .Genetic analysis of drd2 TaqIA polymorphism demonstrated that a significant increase in the genotype frequency of A1/A1 was observed in case group (p = 0.03; OR= 4.93 ; 95% CI=1.08 - 22.5) and the A1 allele frequency was significantly associated with criminal behavior (p=0.03 ;OR=1.51; 95% CI=1.04 - 2.21).The comt (Val 158 Met) polymorphism revealed that the homo - mutant genotype A/A had significant higher risk of criminal behavior (p= 0.001 ;OR= 3.98 ; 95% CI= 1.7 - 9.3) when compared with control group. and the A allele(met allele) frequency was significantly associated with case group (p=0.003; OR= 1.68; 95%CI= 1.19 - 2.37).On the other hand , the analysis of VNTR polymorphism in dat1 gene showed non - significant difference in 9/9 genotype and 9R allele frequency between the study groups (p>0.05).The VNTR polymorphism analysis for drd4 gene revealed that the criminal individual who carried 7/4 genotype was significant higher than in control group (p=0.03;OR= 2.6, 95%CI= 1.09 - 6.17), and the 7R allele frequency was significantly associated with case group (p=0.04;OR=2.06; 95%CI= 1.04 - 4.1).Finally, the maoa VNTR polymorphism was analyzed in male and female separately due to the gene location on X - chromosome .The results demonstrated that there was non - significant difference observed between all genotypes and alleles frequencies between case and control male (p> 0.05),whereas in female a significant association in 3.5/3.5 and 5.5/4.5 genotypes (p<0.01) ,additionally the 3.5 R alleles was associated with higher risk of violent criminal behavior in female (p= 0.004;OR=2.62; 95%CI=1.36 - 5.05).These results suggested that the drd2 ,comt ,drd4 and maoa in female polymorphism might increase the susceptibility of individual to engage in to crimes in the presence of certain environment risk factors.

توصيف المركبات الفعالة في نبات الشويل Cressa cretica L. وتاثيرها في الفطريات المعزولة من التهاب الاذن الخارجية == Characterization of bioactive compounds in Cressa cretica L. and their effect on fungal otomycosis

اسم المؤلف: اسيل محمد عمران الطائي
اسم المشرف: نداء عدنان ابو سراج | ابتهال معز الحسيني
الموضوع العام: علوم الحياة
السنة: 2017
الموضوع الدقيق: النبات
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: الانكليزية
مكان الجامعة: بابل
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: This study aimed to investigate the phytochemical components and antifungal activity of Cressa cretica L. using Gas chromatography - Mass spectrum (GC - MS) and Fourier transform infrared spectrophotometer (FTIR) techniques in addition to the characterization ( morphological and molecular) of fungal ear infection (otomycosis) and evaluate the antifungal activity (in vitro) of the C. cretica bioactive extracts. The secondary metabolites analysis of C.cretica extracts revealed the presence of phenols, alkaloids, terpenes, flavonoids, glycosides and tannins. The results of GC - MS reported 112 chemical compounds (30 in flowers, 34 in leaves, 23 in stems and 25 in roots). The results of the FTIR confirmed the presence of large numbers of functional groups in each part of the plant and these functional groups which varied according to the solvent type. More of these functional groups were alcohols, phenols, alkanes, alkyl halides, aldehydes, carboxylic acids, aromatics, nitro compounds and amines. The results were designed according to factorial experiments with complete randominal designed. Clinical diagnosis of otomycosis fungi revealed that there are 126 positive casesout of 185 cases included the filamentous fungi Aspergillus niger, A. flavus, A. terreuss, Penicilleum digitatium, either yeasts have included Candida parapsilosis, C. albicans, C. glabrata , C. Krusie. The percentage of Candida was 53.63% while the percentage of filamentous fungi was 46.36%, males was more infected than females, the age group 11 - 20 years old appear more affected than other age groups (19.8%), while the age group 31 - 40 years old and those who are older than 61 years were the least affected. Antifungal activity of C. cretica extracts revealed that each species of Candida had been affected by a part more than others, as well as a certain type of solvents, as follow : C. Parapsilosis largely affected by flowers extract when solvent hexane was used (the diameter of inhibition zone was 10.33 mm) at the concentration of 50%, while the C. albicans was most affected by whole plant when used ethyl acetate solvent (the diameter of inhibition zone was 10.92 mm). Stems extract by using hexane solvent was the most inhibitory growth effect on C. glabrata (the diameter of inhibition zone was 10.8 mm), while the roots extract by using methanol solvent showed largest inhibition on C. krusie growth (the diameter of inhibition zone was 8.56 mm). Minimum inhibitory concentration (MIC) reached to 25% on C. glabrata and C. krusie when using hexane stems extract and methanol roots extract respectively, while C. parapsilosis and C. albicans had reached the minimum inhibitory concentration to 30% when using hexane flowers extract and ethyl acetate whole plant extract.The results revealed that the alkaloids extract are the most effect against all species of Candida under study, the inhibition zone for C. parapsilosis was 4 mm diameters and 3.6 mm for C. albicans , 3.2 mm for C.glabrata and 5.2mm for C. krusie, followed by phenols extracts and terpens with the exception of C. albicans since terpenes extract had been more affected than phenols extracted, and this effect was increased with increasing the concentration of extract. When the C. cretica compared with the antifungal (Fluconazole) the results showed that the effect of extracts had greater inhibitory effect against otomycosis fungi, where the greatest impact of fluconazole was 8.23 mm at concentration 50% in the treatment of C. glabrata, and had the little inhibitory effect on the growth of C. krusie where the diameter of inhibition zone was 0.53 mm at the concentration 50%, and that the inhibitory effect increases with increasing concentration, while roots alkaloids gave inhibitory effect reached to 5.2 mm on C. krusie .

التغييرات الفسيولوجية والبايوكيميائية لنبات عين البزون باستخدام حامض الساليسليك خارج الجسم == In Vitro Physiological and Biochemical Changes of Catharanthus roseus Using Salicylic Acid Under Salinity Stresse.

اسم المؤلف: هديل عامر كاظم
اسم المشرف: بشير عبد الحمزة محمد العلواني
الموضوع العام: علوم الحياة
الموضوع الدقيق: النبات
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بابل
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: اجريت التجارب في مختبرات كلية العلوم في جامعة بابل ,خلال الفترة 2015 - 2016 ,لتقدير كمية منتجات الايض الثانوي(المركبات القلويدية : الفنكرستين والفنبلاستين)من اوراق وكالس نبات عين البزون Catharanthus roseus. تضمنت الدراسة تعقيم الاوراق وزراعتها في وسط الـ MSمضافا اليه منظمات النمو النباتية : (1 mg.l - 1) من كل من 2,4 - dichlorophenoxi acetic acid (2,4 - D) وBenzyl adenine (BA) من اجل تحفيز الكالس. بعدها اخذت كمية مماثلة من الكالس وزرعت في وسط الـ MS مع منظمات النمو ومضافا اليه تراكيز مختلفة من ملح الـ, 6, 9, 12 and 15 dS.m - 1 NaClوتراكيز مختلفة من حامض الساليسلك50,100,150 and 200 mg.l - 1,وعمل تداخلات بين الملح والحامض. وقد ارتفعت مضادات الاكسدة الانزيمية SOD,CAT,POX ومضادات الاكسدة الغير انزيمية AsA ,proline ,GSH وكذلك الـ MDAفي الكالس تحت تاثير التراكيز 9,12 and 15 dS.m - 1 من NaCl وكذلك التراكيز 150 and 200 mg.l - 1من الـSA بالمقارنة مع عينة السيطرة وكذلك مع الكالس من التداخلات 6 dS.m - 1 NaCl +50 and 100 mg.l - 1SA ازداد محتوى الفنكرستين في تراكيز الملح 9,12 and 15 dS.m - 1وكذلك في تراكيز حامض الساليسيلك150 and 200 mg.l - 1,وقد كان اعلى تركيز للفنكرستين عند التوليفة 150 mg.l - 1SA+ 12 dS.m - 1NaCl حيث وصل الى129.092 µg/g واعلى تركيز للفنبلاستين عند التركيز 50 mg.l - 1 SA حيث وصل الى16.231µg/g.. | This experiment was conducted in faculty of Science labs, Babylon University, during 2015 - 2016 for extraction, to evaluate the quantity of secondary metabolites which are Alkaloids : (Vincristine &Vinblastine) from the leaves and callus tissue of Catharanthus roseus. This study included sterilized leaves of Catharanthus plant to culture them on MS medium supplemented with plant growth regulators : 1 mg.l - 1 of 2,4 - dichlorophenoxi acetic acid (2,4 - D) and 1 mg.l - 1 of Benzyl adenine (BA) to induced callus. Then, identically callus fresh weight sub - cultured on the same MS medium supplemented with different level of salinity using 6, 9, 12 and 15 dS.m - 1,and different concentration of salicylic acid 50,100,150 and 200 mg.l - 1 and their interactions. The results revealed that antioxidant enzymes activity like Superoxide dismutase (SOD), catalase (CAT),and peroxidase(POX),and non - enzymatic antioxidants like Glutathione(GSH), proline, Ascorbic acid(AsA),and Malandialdehyde (MDA) were high in callus under 9,12 and 15 dS.m - 1 of NaCl ,and 150 and 200 mg.l - 1 of SA, than in callus control and callus grown in MS media supplemented with 6 dS.m - 1 NaCl and 50 and 100 mg.l - 1SA and their combinations. Vincristine was increased in 9,12 and 15 dS.m - 1 of NaCl ,and 150 and 200 mg.l - 1 of SA, and the higher content was in the combination 150 mg.l - 1SA+ 12 dS.m - 1 NaCl where it was 129.092 µg/g. The higher content of Vinblastine was in the concentration 50 mg.l - 1 SA where it was 16.231µg/g

تنقية جزئية وتوصيف Biosurfactant من بكتريا Bacillus subtilis وتاثيرها على نمو بعض عزلات البكتريا والفطريات

اسم المؤلف: غـفـران فـلـيـح عـبد الـحـسـن عـزيـز الجـبـوري
اسم المشرف: فاطمة عبد الحسين مجبل التميمي
الموضوع العام: علوم الحياة
السنة: 2016
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: الانكليزية
مكان الجامعة: النجف
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: تم الحصول على 102عزلة من العزلات البكتيرية من 40 عينة من عينات الترب الملوثة بالنفط من مختلف المناطق ورشة عمل السيارات، محطات وقود السيارات، مصافي النفط ولخمسة مناطق مختلفة في العراق . خضعت كل هذه العزلات الى الفحص المجهري والخصائص الزرعية ووجد ان 80 عزلة منها تنتمي الى جنس Bacillus ، هذه العزلات خضعت ايضا لاختبارات بايوكيميائية وشخصت بناءا على دراسة rDNA 16S من قبل مجموعتين من البرايمرات (andB16SF B16SR) و(1492R and 27 F) اذ وجد ان 51 عزلة منها تعود الى Bacillus subtilis . تم فحص جميع هذه العزلات من حيث قدرتها على انتاج biosurfactant عن طريق فحص النشاط انحلال الدم على وسط دم الاغنام حيث وجد ان جميع العزلات كانت من النوع تحلل الدم بيتا حيث تم فحصها اعتمادا على قياس الشد السطحي بعد زراعتها في Jacques medium اظهرت النتائج ان 46 عزلة من 51 عزلة كانت منتجة biosurfactant , وقد تم اختيار ثمانية منها تميزت بانتاجها لهذا المركب وهي (S1,S2,S3 S4,S5,S6,S7,S8) حيث كانت العزلة B. subtilis S4 هي الاكفا في الانتاج لذلك اختيرت في الدراسات اللاحقة . تم استخلاص Biosurfactant الخام من العزلات المختارة بواسطة وتنقيته جزئيا باستخدام طريقة Ion exchange chromatography باستخدام DEAE - Cellulose تلاها طريقة Gel filtration chromatography باستخدام Sepharose - 6B . تمت دراسة خصائص المركبات المنقاة واظهرت النتائج ان الوزن الجزيئي biosurfactant التي تنتجهاB.subtilis S4 تراوح بين (1036 - 1058دالتون) من خلال جهاز HPLC - TOF - MS . اظهرت النتائج ان الحد الاقصى لانتاج biosurfactant من العزلة تم بطريقة استخدام زيت الزيتون (3٪) وكبريتات الامونيوم (0.3٪) وKH2PO4 (1.5) غم / لتر، وبدرجة حرارة 30 مº والاس الهايدروجيني (7) وفترة الحضانة لمدة 72 ساعة. وقد تحققت اعلى نسبة للـ biosurfactant بعد مكملات الظروف المثلى الى 0.3 غرام / لتر من الوسط الزرعي . تم اختبارالنشاط البكتيري والفطري للعزلات الثمانية ضد بعض الجراثيم المسببة للامراض، وهي Staphylococcus aureus,Streptococcus pneumonia, Pseudomonas aeruginosa ,Escherichia coli ,Proteus mirabilis, Candida albicans , Candida tropicalis , Candida krusei , Rhizopus oryzae , Aspergillus niger وكانت العزلة الاكثر فعالية هي B.subtilis S4 التي اظهرت وجود نشاط ضد كل مسببات الامراض ماعدا S.pneumonia ,P.aeruginosa ,C.krusei . كما بينت النتائج ان مستخلص العزلة B.subtilis S4 اظهر اعلى تثبيط نموعند التركيز 1500 مايكروغرام / مل وصل الى 24 ملم ضد E.coli، 23 ملم ضد K.aerogenes، 21 ملم ضد S.aureus، 15 ملم ضدC.albicans، 14 ملم ضد P.mirabilis، 11 ملم ضد C.tropicalis، وتثبيط نمو الفطريات، حيث وصل معدل النمو الشعاعي الى 31.9 ملم ضد A.niger و9.7 ملم ضد R.oryzae عند التركيز 2 ملغم / مل. كذلك اظهرت النتائج ان سمية المستخلص B.subtilis خارج الجسم الحي على ذكور الجرذان البيض بلغت حوالي 922 ملغم / كغم وتشير اذ ان الاعطاء اليومي biosurfactant لم تظهراي حالة وفاة في اي جرعة ، ولم تلاحظ اي تغييرات غير عادية في السلوك اوتاثيرات سمية خلال فترة 28 يوما من العلاج. واثبت التحاليل انه ليس هناك اي تاثير سلبي على معايير الدم الفسلجية وهذا يؤكد صحة هذه المستحضرات الحيوية للاستخدام . | About 102 bacterial isolates were obtained from 40 oil contaminated soil samples from various automobile work shop ,cars fuel stations ,oil refineries of five different areas in Iraq. Microscopic examination and cultural characteristics for all isolated were investigated , 80 isolates were found to be related to the genus Bacillus , Bacillus isolates were subjected to the biochemical tests and molecular identification based on the 16S rDNA by two sets of primers (B16SF and B16SR) , (27F and 1492R) of these 80 isolates revealed that 51 of the identified isolates belonged to Bacillus subtilis.All these isolates were screened for their ability for biosurfactant production through blood haemolysis activity on sheep blood agar indicated that all isolates were β - hemolysis while screening depended on measuring the lowering surface tension of cell free supernatant after cultivation in jacques medium which referred that 46 of 51 isolates were biosurfactant producers. Eight isolates were selected for the best biosurfactant producer isolatesCrude biosurfactants produced by the selected isolates were extracted by acid precipitation followed by partially purified with dichloromethane followed by purification and characteristics, the results showed that the molecular weight of biosurfactant produced by B.subtilis S4 ranging between 1036 - 1058 Da . Optimum conditions for biosurfactants production from B. subtilis S4 were determined. Results showed that maximum biosurfactant production from this isolate was achieved by using 3% olive oil , 0.3 % ammonium sulfate and 1.5 g / l Potassium dihydrogen phosphate ,at pH7,30 ºC and incubation period for 72 hrs. Maximum biosurfactant production was achieved after the supplementation of the optimum conditions was 0.3 g/l of culture medium .All of the eight isolates were tested for antimicrobial activity against twelve pathogenic microorganisms : Staphylococcus aureus ,Streptococcus pneumonia,Pseudomonas aeruginosa ,Escherichia coli ,Proteus mirabilis Klebsiella aerogenes,Candida albicans,C.tropicalis,C. krusei , Rhizopus oryzae , Aspergillus niger and Penicillium notatum.The most effective isolates were B.subtilis S4 which showed antimicrobial activity against some tested pathogens except S.pneumonia ,P. aeruginosa ,C.krusei and P.notatum.The results indicated that S4 culture extract showed high growth inhibition zone in concentration 1500 µg /ml reached to 24 , 23, 21, 15, 14 and 11 mm against E.coli , K.aerogenes , S.aureus , C.albicans, P.mirabilis,C.tropicalis respectively and high reduction in of radial growth of the fungi reached to 31.9 and 9.7 mm in A.niger and R.oryzae respectively at 2 mg /ml concentration .Study in vivo potential toxicity of B.subtilis lipopeptide biosurfactant towards male rat was evaluated. An LD50 value was determined to be about 922 mg / kg. Results show that daily administration of biosurfactant did not show any death cases at any dose. Also, no unusual changes in behavior and no intoxication were observed during the 28 days period of treatment. Analysis proved that there were no significant adverse effect on hematological parameters and this confirms the validity of those biopharmaceuticals on body of mammals.

دراسة جزيئية ومناعية لفايروس النورو والفايروس الغدي نمط 40 و41 في الاطفال المصابين بالاسهال == Molecular and Immunological Study of Norovirus and Adenovirus types 40 and 41 in Diarrheic Children

اسم المؤلف: رمله احمد محمد حسن العميدي
اسم المشرف: مهدي حسين محيل العمار
الموضوع العام: علوم الحياة
السنة: 2015
الموضوع الدقيق: علوم الحياة
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: الانكليزية
مكان الجامعة: النجف
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: هدفت هذه الدراسة الى التحري عن فايروسي النورو والفايروس الغدي نمط 40 / 41 في الاطفال المصابين بالاسهال واجراء تحليل لمعدل الاصابة وطبيعتها ودراسة الطبيعة الجزيئية للفايروسين وكذلك التحري عن قدرة الفايروسين على حث الجهاز المناعي وتحديد بعض الحركيات الخلويه عند الاطفال المصابين بالفايروسين.بالاضافة الى دراسة بعض ملامح الاصابه مثل تغاير الفصول والعمر وتحديد افضل الطرق لتشخيص الفايروسين. اجريت الدراسة الحالية في محافظة النجف الاشرف /مستشفى الزهراء التعليمي للولادة والاطفال خلال الفترة من كانون الثاني2014 الى كانون الاول 2014 والتي تضمنت 314 عينه من البراز والدم من الاطفال المصابين بالاسهال والذين تتراوح اعمارهم بين شهر الى خمسة سنوات.حيث اعتمد التحري في عينات البراز استخدام اختبار الكروماتوغرافيا المناعي السريع للكشف عن المستضدات الفايروسية للفايروسين النورو والغدي نمط 40 / 41.كما تم تاكيد العينات الموجبة بواسطة تقنية PCR Real Time لفايروس النورو تقنية PCR للفايروسالغدي نمط40 / 41،والتي اظهرت فيها النتائج بان معدل الاصابة كان 11.7% لفايروس النوروو8.9% للفايروس الغدينمط 40 / 41.كذلك تم فحص العينات الموجبة بواسطة المجهر الالكتروني والتي بينت مظهر للفايروسين في عينات البراز . وتشير الدراسة الى ان التقنيات الجزيئية المستخدمة في فحص العينات هي الاكثر كفاءة للتشخيص الروتيني للفايروسين مقارنة مع المجهر الالكتروني لتشخيص عينات الاسهال.وطبقا للفئات العمرية ،اظهرت النتائج ان الفئة العمرية 13 - 24 شهر سجلت ارتفاع عالي للاصابة بالفايروسين النورو والغدينمط 40 / 41.الحالات الايجابية كانت بين الاطفال الذين يتغذون على الحليب الجاف الاصطناعي (31 حاله) مقارنة مع الرضاعة الطبيعية من الام (14 حاله).اما نتائج الاعراض السريرية في الاطفال المصابين بالفايروسين فاظهرت ان كل الحالات تبين وجود اسهال من النوع المائي المخاطي وبنسبة 100% يليها الالم البطن بنسبة 94.5% و82.1 %،التقيؤ بنسبة 81 % و78.5 % واخيرا الحمى بنسبة 78.3% و71.1 % لكلا من النورو والغدي نمط 40 / 41 على التوالي. كما كشفت الدراسة الحالية بان معدل الاصابة المرتفع لفايروس النوروكان من شهر كانون الثاني الى اذار والتي كانت بنسبة 81%من الحالات الموجبة ، اما بالنسبة لفايروسالغدينمط 40 / 41كان معدل الاصابة المرتفع من شهر كانون الثاني الى نيسان والتي كانت بنسبة 89.2% من الحالات الموجبة. كما اظهرت النتائج وجود ارتفاع كبيرفيالحركيات الخلويه (السايتوكينات) لمصل الاطفال المصابين مقارنة مع السيطرة. وفقا للفئات العمرية ،اظهرت الفئة( 49 - 60) شهر ارتفاع عالي في مستويات الانترفيرون كاما ، الانترلوكين - 6((IL - 6 والانترلوكين - 12 (12 IL - (حيث كانت للفايروس النورو(90.8, 56.7, 84.3) جزء من الغرام /مل على التوالي،بينما كانت لفايروسالغدي(106.5, 59, 87.5)جزء من الغرام /ملعلى التوالي مقارنة مع مجموعة السيطرة. | Norovirus and adenovirus types (40 and 41) are the important causes of gastroenteritis infections in children worldwide. The present study was designed to determine the incidence and nature of infection of norovirus and adenovirus types (40 and 41) at molecular and immunological levels, as well as some features such as seasonal variation , age distributions and detected the most effective and suitable method for diagnosis of the two viruses . The study was carried out in Al - Najaf province, in AL - Zahra teaching hospital for maternity and children, during the period from January, 2014 to December, 2014. Stool and blood samples were collected from 314 children with diarrhea, their age range (from 1months to 5 years). Immunochromatographic assay for norovirus and adenovirus used to detect their antigens in stool samples, the positive results were confirmed by reverse transcriptase real time PCR technique for norovirus and polymerase chain reaction technique for adenovirus types (40 and 41), which showed incidence of 11.7% and 8.9% for norovirus and adenovirus, respectively. Transmission electron microscopy examination gave clear positive norovirus and adenovirus types (40 and 41) appearance in diarrheal stool samples .The study indicates that molecular methods are most suitable and sufficient tests for routine diagnosis of norovirus and adenovirus types (40 and 41) as compared to transmission electron microscopy analysis for diarrheal samples. According to age groups, the results showed that the majority of infections with norovirus and adenovirus were recorded among age group (13 - 24) months. The positive cases were highly among infants fed with bottle fed (31 cases) compared with infants fed with breast fed (14 cases). Regarding the clinical features of children with viral diarrheal infections , the results showed that all of the cases of both viruses complained of watery or mucosal consistence stool (100%) followed by abdominal pain (94.5%) and (82.1%), vomiting (81%) and (78.5%) , and fever (78.3%) and (71.4%) for norovirus and adenovirus positive children respectively. The present study also revealed that a higher incidence of norovirus was detected from January - March 2014, when it was found in 81% (30/37) of the positive cases, whereas the incidence of adenovirus was higher from January - April 2014, during which it was found in 89.2% (25/28) of the positive cases. The current study for cytokines profile detection showed that significant elevation in patients with norovirus and adenovirus than control. The age groups 49 - 60 months have shown a high level in cytokines Interferon gamma, Interleukin - 6 and Interleukin - 12 with concentration were (84.3, 56.7, 90.8) pg./ml , respectively for norovirus while adenovirus were (87.5, 59, 106.5) pg./ml , respectively as compared with control group . Conclusion of the study shows incidence norovirus genotypeII (GII) and adenovirus types (40 and 41) by rapid chromatographic test from infected children in Al - Najaf province. The study indicates that molecular techniques are most suitable and sufficient tests alternatively for transmission electron microscopy when there is good facility and both can replaced by rapid chromatographic test . Interferon gamma, Interleukin - 6 and Interleukin - 12 were increased in all patients with norovirus and adenovirus infections and showed high level in age group (49 - 60) months

قياس وتحليل الخسائر لموجات الموجع ذوات الفتحة المصنعة من سليكون على عازل == Measurements and Analysis of The Losses for Fabricated SOI Slot Waveguides

اسم المؤلف: ميثم نعيم صالح
اسم المشرف: مازن مانوئيل الياس
الموضوع العام: علوم الليزر
السنة: 2015
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: الانكليزية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: An interesting silicon photonics component is the slot waveguide. The discontinuity of the normal component of the displacement vector can be used to affect guiding of the majority of the electric field energy in a narrow low index gap when the field is polarized parallel to the silicon surface, that is, perpendicular to the silicon confining walls. By infiltrating nonlinear material into such a gap, one can simultaneously confine electric and optical fields achieving a high efficient optical modulation or switching that is becoming more desirable on optical communication. An array of 200 Silicon - on - Insulator (SOI) slot waveguide devices of varying slot widths, ribs widths, taper lengths and slot lengths are fabricated in each cell of a wafer fabricated at a commercial foundry. The cells are cleaved into individual chips after fabrication. Some chips are coated with thin films of polymers that fully infiltrated the slots. Measurements that consisted on spectral loss are made on the grating coupler waveguide devices of both coated and uncoated chips. Individual devices exhibited insertion losses varying from several dB up to values so great that the response is below the noise floor of the optical spectrum analyzer employed as a receiver. The chips that failed in the transmission test are primarily uncoated ones. Nominally identical devices on different chips exhibited nominally identical behavior. A commercial software program is used to simulate each of the structures that is included in the 200 devices test. The simulations are seen to show a degree of qualitative agreement with the experimental results. Comparison of the experimental measurements and the simulation results indicates that the loss inherent in a slot waveguide is quite low. Near loss free couplers from ridges to slots are achievable in case of coated devices, whereas the situation is different in case of uncoateddevices where a lot of energy is dissipated through the substrate. Use of a surface roughness model indicates that the excess loss that slots exhibit with respect to a ridge mode counterpart arise almost solely from surface scattering off the surface roughness. The increased loss in the case of the slot guide arises from the higher electromagnetic energy density at the surface of the guide due to the electric field discontinuity that is employed as a guidance mechanism in slot modes in contradistinction to ridge modes that are index - guided. Conclusions include some speculation as to the limits on the loss that can be achieved by variation the design of slot guides without any improvement in surface roughness over what is now available with fabrication in commercial foundries.

التحقق من تاثير عدم استقرارية بلاتو - رايلي في عملية سحب ليف شبه المواد انديوم - بوليمر == Investigation of the influence of the Plateau - Rayleigh instability in fibre drawn indium - PMMA metamaterial

اسم المؤلف: احمد عبد الكريم علي
اسم المشرف: عبد الهادي مطشر الجنابي
الموضوع العام: علوم الليزر
السنة: 2015
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: الانكليزية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: Metamaterial is a synthetic composite material with a structure such that it exhibits properties not usually found in natural materials. Fibre drawing method has been used in producing Poly - methyl methacrylate (PMMA) - indium wires metamaterials. PMMA and indium are having relatively the same glass transition temperature making them suitable for co - drawing. The fiber filaments must be drawn to smaller diameters to shift the metamaterials response to higher frequency. At these dimensions the metal filaments inside the fiber become unstable and break - up at random intervals. This instability is due to a phenomenon known as the Plateau - Rayleigh InstabilityWell known Tomotika model for the growth in the varicosity in the surface of fluid extended inside another fluid was modified to describe the fluctuations (instability) of inner core diameter for metamaterials drawing inside radiative furnace. Modified Tomotika model was used to investigate the instability growth of the indium wire diameter produced by co - drawing of indium metal embedded in a PMMA polymer.The critical parameter for the wire breaks is the wavelength of perturbations. A MATLAB model was used to describe a small drawing ratio (neglecting the wavelength of fluctuations effect). The experimental and modeling results are almost match when a very small temperature variation occurred. So the observed fluctuations in diameter can be reconciled with the Plateau - Rayleigh instability.For larger fluctuations (large drawing ratio) the wavelength of fluctuations was analyzed and sequential breakup on different length scales was observed. We infer limits to wire dimensions that can beachieved using the chosen material system and identify a path for extending drawing methods to fabricate smaller wires.Finally, simulation for deep subwavelength wave propagation inside wire metamaterials depending on the unit cell manipulation was performed. CST microwave studio software had been used to simulate wave propagation inside linear and 90o corner waveguide as well as equal arms beam splitter (50/50). It’s applicable to waveguiding 40cm wavelength in about 2.4 cm waveguide.

دراسة تجريبية للحيود الحراري في صبغات مختلفة == Experimental Study of Thermal Self - Defocusing in Different Dyes

اسم المؤلف: عمار محمد طعيمة
اسم المشرف: مازن مانوئيل الياس
الموضوع العام: علوم الليزر
السنة: 2013
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: الانكليزية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: This thesis discusses the effect of three factors on self defocusing technique used to measure the nonlinear optical properties of two solutions, the first one is safranin O dissolved in ethanol (SOE), and the second one is diphenylecarbazone dissolved in chloroform (DCC). These factors are the intensity of laser, the concentration of the solution and the effect of the temperature on the solutions.After providing the necessary solution and equipment to complete the designed experiment, an appropriate model of nonlinear system was chosen to extract the diffraction rings contains the following parts : (Diode Laser, Attenuator, Mirrors, Beam Splitter, Lens, CCD Camera, Laser Power Meter and PC) In this work the maximum change and the thermo - optical coefficient for the nonlinear refractive index as well as the nonlinear refractive index were measured, for the two different solutions (SOE & DCC) including three ratios and grains for each one. The measurements were performed using diode laser at and variable intensity (0.5 - 22) and the laser beam was focused on glass cuvette which has a thickness of through a lens with a focal length of .From this work it was found that increasing the laser intensity leads to increase the number of diffraction rings, the nonlinear refractive index and the maximum change of the nonlinear refractive index, also it was found that increasing the concentration of the solutions leads to increase the nonlinear refractive index as well as increasing the maximum change of the refractive index.Also it was found that increasing the temperature of the solution at certain intensity and concentration the obtained results for the thermooptical coefficient , and the nonlinear refractive index are found to be of the order of and at 298, 303 and 308K respectively for SOE solution, and and at 298, 303 and 308K respectively for DCC solution, in which all the thermooptical coefficient and the nonlinear refractive index are deceased.

لحام ليزر الاندي ياك لمعادن غير متشابهة تيتانيوم رتبة 2 مع سبيكة المنيوم - O3105 == Dissimilar Nd : YAG Laser Welding of Grade 2 Titanium to 3105 - O Aluminum Alloy

اسم المؤلف: عبير احمد شهاب العبيدي
الموضوع العام: علوم الليزر
السنة: 2015
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: الانكليزية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: التيتانيوم والالمنيوم مواد تلقى اهتمام تقني في الصناعات الالية والفضائية والمتحسس الذكي.التحديات التي تواجه لحامهم هي نتيجة للاختلاف الكبير في المواصفات الثرموفيزيائية والميكانيكية, اضافة الى الذوبانية المحدودة لكل معدن في الاخر,لذلك لحامهم باستعمال الليزرسيقلل تكوين الا طوار المعدنية الضارة لما كانت منطقة اللحام نفسها ضيقة .في هذا العمل قدم شكل خاص من اللحام الليزري النقطي لربط تيتانيوم رتبة 2 تراكبيا مع سبيكة المنيوم 3105 - O باسماك 1,0.5 ملم على التوالي, من خلال لحام درز دائري, لبق التصميم يستعمل نبضات ليزر متعاقبة ادت الى لحام شبيه للحام الليزري النقطي .لهذه الدراسة كانت معاملات لحام الليزر كالاتي : طاقة النبضة 11جول, مدة النبضة 6 ملي ثانية, تردد النبض 20هرتز,تدفق غاز الاركون 20 لتر/دقيقة وسرعة اللحام (4 - 6.67) ملم/ثانية.لقد لوحظ ان تاثيرسرعة اللحام كان الاقوى على الحرارة الداخلة لمنطقة اللحام حيث سرعة لحام 4 ملم /ثا (76%عامل تداخل النبضات), قد ادت الى افضل امتصاص لطاقة الليزر واكثر تجانس وعرض للمساحة المنصهرة عند منطقة تداخل ,Ti - Alلذلك تم الحصول على 70MPa مقاومة وصلة اللحام. اظهر فحص منطقة وصلة اللحام باستخدام المجهر الماسح الالكتروني SEM, مقياس تشتت طاقة الاشعة السينية EDS ومقياس انحراف الاشعة السينية,XRD تكون الا طوار المعدنية الضارة. المنطقة المنصهرة للتيتانيوم قرب منطقة تداخل Ti - Alضمت طور.Ti3Al الشقوق لوحظت في منطقة الالمنيوم المنصهرة قرب منطقة التداخل ,Ti - Alنتيجة الانحدار العالي في الخواص الميكانيكية والثرموفيزيائية. من اجل التقليل من تكون الا طوار المعدنية الضارة وتخفيف الانحدار العالي في الخواص . الثرموفيزيائية والميكانيكية, اربعة انواع مختلفة من الحشوات المعدنية (Al - 5Si, Al - 12Si - 2.5Mg, pure Nb and Al - 0.2Sc - 0.36Zr) مع ثلاثة اسماك مختلفة لكل حشوة قد حضرت في هذا العمل. حشوة Al - 5Si كان لها تاثير ايجابي على مقاومة وصلة اللحام حيث ان Siقلل التاثير الضار للاطوار المعدنية الضارة من خلال تعويض ذرات Al في Ti3Al لذلك فان مقاومة الوصلةزادت الى MPa80بدل MPa70.حشوة Al - 12Si - 2.5Mg قد حسنت مقاومة الوصلة الىMPa87 متجاوزة بذلك مقاومة القصMPa82 لترابط المعدن الاساس Al. نتيجة درجة اانصهاره العالية, حشوة النيبيوم النقي Nb منعت لحام صفيحة Al السفلى, لذلك هذه الحشوة كانت غيرمناسبة للا ستعمال وفق شروط اللحام لهذا العمل. لقد كان للحشوة الجديدة Al - 0.2Sc - 0.36Zr التي استعملت لاول مرة من خلال هذا العمل تاثير ايجابي جدا على قوة ترابط وصلة اللحام MPa103 حيث ان الكسر حدث من المعدن الاساس Al وليس من الوصلةخلال عملية الاختبار. بالمقارنة مع مقاومة التاكل لمعدن التيتانيوم الاساس, اظهرت الوصلات بدون استعمال حشوة وباستعمال حشوة Al - 0.2Sc - 0.36Zr نقصان بمعدل التاكل ب %51 و%72 بالتعاقب بينما اظهرت الوصلات باستعمال حشوات Al - 5Si,Al - 12Si - 2.5Mg زيادة بمعدل التاكل ب % 80 و%68 بالتعاقب. | Materials titanium and aluminum are of technological interest in automotive, aerospace and smart sensor industries. The challenges for welding them result from the large difference in thermophysical and mechanical properties, besides limited solubility of each metal in other. Thus welding them using laser, will reduce intermetallic phases (IMP) formation to acceptable limits, since the weld itself is narrow.In the present work a special form of laser spot welding is introduced to joint overlapped titanium Ti Grade 2 to 3105 - O aluminum alloy, with 1 and 0.5 mm thicknesses respectively. A welding tactile seam tracking design using following pulses that result to a circular seam, leads to spot like shape laser welding. For this study, laser welding parameters were : pulse energy 11 J; pulse duration 6ms; pulse frequency 20Hz; argon gas flow rate 20 l/m and welding speed (4 - 6.7) mm/s. Welding speed was observed to have the strongest effect on heat input, where 4 mm/s (76% overlapping) speed has led to better energy absorption and wider more uniform melted area at Ti - Al interface, thus 70 MPa joint strength was obtained. Examination of the joint region using scanning electron microscopy (SEM), energy dispersive X - ray spectrometry (EDS) and X - ray diffraction (XRD) showed the formation of different IMP in the Ti - Al welding zone. Ti fusion zone (FZ) near the interface was mainly containing Ti3Al. Crakes were observed in Al (FZ) near the interface as a result of mechanical and thermo physical properties gradient. Inorder to reduce IMP formation and relaxes the high gradient in thermophysical and mechanical properties in the welding zone, four fillers metals (Al - 5Si, Al - 12Si - 2.5Mg, pure Nb and Al - 0.2Sc - 0.36Zr), with three different thicknesses for each filler, were prepared. Al - 5Si filler has positive effect on the joint strength where Si has reduced the IMP harmful effect via replacing Al atoms substitutionaly in TiAl3 at the interface, thus joint strength was increased to 80MPa instead of 70MPa. Al - 12Si - 2.5Mg filler has improved the joint strength to 87MPa where the shear strength of Al base metal of 82MPa was exceeded. Due to its high melting point pure Nb filler prevented penetration of bottom Al sheet, thus it was unsuitable to use for the present work conditions. A new Al - 0.2Sc - 0.36Zr filler was used for the first time in the present work and has very positive impact to the joint strength 103MPa, where the joint has fractured from Al base metal. In comparison to the corrosion rate of Ti base metal, joints without using filler and with the new Al - 0.2Sc - 0.36Zr filler metal, have decreased the corrosion rate by 51% and 72% respectively, while joints with Al - 5Si and Al - 12Si - 2.5Mg filler metals, have increased the corrosion rate by 68% and 80% respectively.

التحقق عدديا وعمليا من مبادل حراري ذو سائل نانوي في منظومة التبريد والتهوية والتدفئة مع الكشف بالليزر == Numerical and Experimental Investigation of a Nanofluid Heat Pipe Heat Exchanger in HVAC System with Laser Detection

اسم المؤلف: ايسر عبد الرزاق الاميري
اسم المشرف: حسين علي جواد | زينب فاضل مهدي
الموضوع العام: علوم الليزر
السنة: 2015
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: الانكليزية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The improvement of energy saving in heat pipe heat exchanger system was investigated .Theoretical work was done to study the effect of coating with nanomaterials on the thermal performance of HPHE to enhance the energy saving. Temperature distribution and thermal resistance for different nano materials (BN, WC, HFB2, MgO and MOSi2), metal and metal oxide (Ag, Cu, AL, BeO, Al2O3 and CuO) on fins were studied. The maximum enhancement of the thermal performance at the evaporator section in steady state operation condition was (5.072, 5.063, 5.075 and 5.069) for (WC, HFB2, MgO and MOSi2) respectively and (5.829) for (BN) at the same section in transient operation condition while at the same section in steady state operation condition (5.063, 5.064, 5.07, 5.068, 5.075 and 5.076) for (Ag, Cu, AL, BeO, Al2O3 and CuO) respectively was detected. The best nano material for enhancement the thermal performance of HPHE are BN for nanomaterial ,Al for nano metal and CuO for nano metal oxide .The thermal performance of seven thicknesses of CuO coating layers on HPHE fins was also studied. Results showed that the enhancement of the thermal performance is decreasing with the increment of coating thickness at the evaporator section of transient conditions (5.076, 5.075, 5.073, 5.072, 5.070, 5.068 and 5.067) for (10, 25, 50, 75, 100,125and150)μm thicknesses respectively. Experimental work was done to examine the general performance of thermosyphon heat pipe at four concentrations (0.05, 0.2, 0.6 and 1) wt. % of nanofluid. Two CW diode lasers (532,650) nm were used as a detection system to determine the variation of the concentration within the system operation. The results showed that fourteen percent reduction in thermal resistance is detected for 0.05wt.% relative to the DI - water . The shorter time of steady state condition of operation, the higher values of total thermal effectiveness, energy saving and energy balance ratio of HPHE were satisfied at 0.05wt.%. The maximum value of relative powers of 0.05wt% nanofluid concentration is detected compared with the other concentrationsdue to the low density of nanofluid concentration. The start sensing and ending detection powers are (0.1, 1) W respectively of this type of nanofluid.

التوليد والسيطرة على التشويش في اتصالات التردد الراديوي - البصري == Chaos Generation and Control in RF - Optical Communications System

اسم المؤلف: اسراء علي ياسين
اسم المشرف: قيس عبد الستار النعيمي
الموضوع العام: علوم الليزر
السنة: 2015
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: تتناول هذه الاطروحة تنفيذ وتقصي موضوع الاتصالات الضوئية الفوضوية .ونظرا لمتطلبات السرية العالية، تستخدم الاتصالات الضوئية الفوضوية لتشفير الرسائل بين وحدات الارسال والاستقبال.ان الطريقة التي استخدمت للحث على السلوك الفوضوي هي طريقة التغذية المرتدة الضوئي - الالكتروني باستخدام جهاز من محاسن هذا المضمن هو عرض النطاق الترددي ودرجة التعقيد العالية. استند عمل النظام الى طريقة التغذية المرتدة. في هذا النظام، يكون جهاز مذبذب وحدة الارسال مسار مغلق بينما يكون جهاز الاستلام مسار مفتوح يستلم اشارة الفوضى من وحدة الارسال عبر وصلة الالياف الضوئية. تم البحث عمليا في طريقتين لتشفير الرسائل الى اشارة الفوضى. ان هاتين الطريقتين هما التعديل المشوش والتنكر المشوش. لقد بدانا من اختراع نظام الفوضى ودراسة خصائصه وتحديد عناصر السيطرة التي تؤدي الى حالات مختلفة من سلوك النظام. وهكذا تم تقصي الطريق الى الفوضى في مذبذب جهاز الارسال. ولملاحظة سلوك النظام، تم تحديد الرسم المتشعب من خلال تغيير العنصر المتحكم. ان عنصر التحكم هو القدرة البصرية الخارجة من الثنائي الليزري . وجرى بحث التسلسل الزمني وطاقة الطيف واعادة تكوين مساحة الطور. وقد تم بحث موضوع تزامن كلا الطريقتين. وتم الحصول على الرسالة المرسلة في وحدة الارسال من خلال تزامن المذبذب في وحداتي الارسال والاستقبال. وهكذا تم الحصول على الرسالة المستخرجة عند وحدة الاستلام. ان عرض النطاق الترددي لاشارة الفوضى الحاملة هو 200 ميكاهيرتز. وتكون قيمة القدرة الضوئية الخارجة من ثنائي اليزر والذي هو العامل المتحكم في نظامنا هذا في كسب الطوق المرتد في مذبذب الارسال بين (0.8 - 0.9) ملي واط. الرسالة كانت عبارة عن تردد راديوي 100 ميكا هيرتز وقدرة 0 ملي ديسبل. | In this thesis, the chaotic optical communication is implemented and investigated experimentally. Due to the high security requirements, chaotic optical communication is used to encrypt the message between the transmitter and the receiver units. The method which is used to induce chaotic behavior is electro - optical feedback loop by using a Mach - Zehnder modulator. The advantage for this modulator is a high bandwidth and high complexity. The system is a unidirectional feedback loop. In the scheme of unidirectional, the oscillator of the transmitter unit is a closed loop while the oscillator of the receiver unit is an open loop that receives the chaotic signal from the transmitter via an optical fiber link. Two setups were investigated experimentally to encrypt the message to the chaotic carrier signal. These methods are chaos modulation and chaos masking. We have started from creation the chaotic dynamics studied its properties and determined the control parameters that lead to various situations of the behavior of the system. The rout to the chaos for the transmitter oscillator has been investigated. To observe behavior of the system through changing of the control parameter, the bifurcation diagram is plotted. The control parameter is the output optical power of the laser diode. Time series and power spectrum of the time series is extracted by using Fast Fourier Transform FFT. The phase space reconstruction has been examined. The synchronization of two setups has been investigated. The sent message is extracted by the oscillators synchronization in the transmitter unit and the receiver unit. The extracted message has been obtained at the receiver unit. The bandwidth of the chaotic signal is about 200 MHz. The output optical power of the laser diode which is the variable control parameter of our setup in the feedback loop gain of the transmitter oscillator is between (0.8 - 0.9) mW.The message is a radio frequency at 100 MHz with power 0 dBm and is attenuated below this level with the noise level when modulated with the chaotic carrier.

خاتمة القصيدة العربية في العصر الفاطمي

اسم المؤلف: انمار كامل خضير الغانمي
اسم المشرف: حربي نعيم محمد الشبلي
الموضوع العام: اللغة العربية وادابها
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: اللغة
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: كربلاء
الصفحات الاولى:

شعرية السرد في الرواية العراقية (2010 - 2015) == Poetics of Narration in the Iraqi Novel 2010 - 2015

اسم المؤلف: احمد مجيد شاكر البصام
اسم المشرف: احمد صبيح محسن الكعبي
الموضوع العام: اللغة العربية وادابها
السنة: 2016
الموضوع الدقيق: اللغة
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: كربلاء
الصفحات الاولى:

فكرة الحكومة العالمية وتطورات النظام السياسي الدولي == Concept Of The World Government And International political System Developments

اسم المؤلف: يسرى كريم محسن العلاق
اسم المشرف: يسرى كريم محسن العلاق
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2015
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: he idea or hope of achieving a World Government wasconsidered amongst Philosophers and Advocates of world peace. Beginnings of the concept were found back in global philosophies and religions, where origins for globalism and unity of human race and natural law, formed its first intellectual approach.The idea of a world government was associated with the International Political System, since the Treaty of Westphalia In 1648, Where the Global Government was considered as an alternative to the International Political System, where through it there will be an end to conflict and perpetual war in the international system, As means and procedures that were produced by the international system proved to fail in achieving peace.Although the need for a world government in achieving world peace, establishing justice, And confront oppression and injustice sounds totally logical as a concept, but practically it was found to contradict with the international system On ground; setting the idea in the frame of an unrealistic approach or a kind of Utopia. In other words, conditions were far from favorable for its establishment. On the contrary, centralized nation - states in the international system, its absolute sovereignty, national divisions, and ideological conflicts, As well as the will of major powers to Control and dominate the international system, and seeking self - Interests by looting the world's wealth, controlling vital resources, and absence of peoples' role in international politics. All of these fac tors were considered main reasons preventing the establishment of the world government.The end of the Cold War revealed a major transformation in International Political System, where a set of political, economic, technological and cultural variables have led to a change in the nature of the International Political System. The world has become integrated as a result of the immense technological developments, growing economic globalization, decline of ideological conflict, increasing costs of military forces, As well as the decline in the authorities and functions of the state to manage some sectors at thenational and international levels, for the benefit of the growing roles and functions of other actors in global politics. Alongside the emergence of new global challenges and threats that not only endanger states but humanity as whole.According to what was aforementioned, a necessity for a high global management to deal with global issues and respond to global threats was in urgent need. In other words, what the global system is witnessing of major evolutions and drastic changes, require the establishment of a higher Global Authority or Authorities

مستقبل الدولة القومية : دراسة تحليلية في اطار تطورات البيئة الدولية منذ بداية القرن الحادي والعشرين == Future of the nation state Analysis study in the farm of international environment developments since the beginning of the twenty one century

اسم المؤلف: مهدي عل مهدي
اسم المشرف: نادية عبد القادر المختار
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: مفهوم الدولة القومية واركانها | السلطة السياسية الحاكمة | نظريات نشوء وتطور الدولة القومية | التحولات العالمية منذ نهاية الحرب الباردة | الليبرالية الجديدة |تحول الوظيفة الاقتصادية لحدود الدولة القومية | التنميط الثقافي العالمي | العلاقة بين التكنولوجيا والتنميط الثقافي | ااشكالية الفاعلون الجدد وتحولات وظائف الدولة القومية | اشكالية الجدل بين القومية والهيمنة الامريكية |الهيمنة الامريكية والدولة القومية | الرؤية الكونية لتحولات الدولة القومية | The nation - state is characterized by the outcome of the historical development which gave it a realistic shape and helped it to establish the basic features as legal judgment shape and institutional is based on a specific geographic area recognized its citizens and other countries ,and citizens who live on this geographical area don’t consider nationals of government ,but in dead they are members formed in a political association , which is the state , and there are jobs on the state must to do , cant other social organizations to do .It has the right to practice distinctive specialization such as the imposition of laws and their application even under duress, as long as it take into account the special laws in this matter , Despite the development that the nation state could teach which still eyists today refers to the historical and political development of the country to feel that the reality and the future of country go in the which finely, direction expresses by historical path in which the state confined itself and its institutions of power and resources which led to many problems term of depletion of the power or depletion of the resources , and the state was the victim of society such as this attrition.on the other hand , the transformation of international environment and the accompanying technological and economic transformations and the emergence of new actors in world politics led to penetrate the sovereignty of the state make them doubt site in performing its functions and even its survival as an institution of governance.These transformations have become a matter of death among political scientists and the fate of the nation - state does the state loses its authority or not in the benefit of other players , the perspective of globalization of the economy will cause a weakening of the nation state ,or events and this will inevitably lead to the control of the economy on the process of reforming a government in , in a globalized economy the state would be unable to control , because it will be forced to adapt to economic and social policy with what the markets , the new system will not be printed , according to the character of the nation - state but the nature of organizations and interest groups cooperate and grappling it serves as a new feudal .in contrast , critics of globalization is believed that the state will exercise its authority as usual and to be the only institution in position to take over the administration and organization successfully , state can make sure of the effectiveness of its sovereignty and independence through the use of force to impose laws and their application and attention to the comfort of its citizens , to talk about the future of the nation - state is not modern thing it has century a political thoughts in the nineteenth century , when it allocated the debate on the subject of the end of the state and put in the framework of the hypothesis that the elimination of the state is as a political program appeared this argument in the form of saying the end of the nation - state and that who said this end is (Hegel) in the paragraph of his writings entitled " The older system for German idealism " says " what I want to draw attention is that in the human thought is no space for the thought of the state ,because it is a mechanical things ,it is too low to be the idea of automating it isn’t a theme of freedom considers an idea so we have to overcome the state ".Heels' analysis of the state meets with the theory of Marx and Engels they both consider the nation - state historical outcome they expected fall with the collapse of capitalism and the society without the rule , so the state is apparent that it is fair ,doesn’t follow the interests of capitalism class , it must be transformed by revolution the proletariat likes the public forum and instead of controlling the people , the rule of stuff administration .To present the issue of the end of the nation - state cannot be defended by Marxists and anarchists only ,but also theoreticians politicians fundamentalists and consider an order refers to the diagnosis of the time, political crises seen by many of people are the result of the crisis that the nation state passing by and carl Schmitt speaks at the time indicates that the governorship state to the end , which is considered as adopted by many later ,wihem Henke says" that the state in event of a miserable" there are also some political scientists called since the seventies of the twentieth century , state sovereignty at home and abroad ,because it has become restricted little by little old groups with interests and cannot resist the globalization of the economy and society and their impact than the national state has made in crisis by the loss of control and as a result to these exchanges at the level of the globalization of economy and society calls postmodern theorists to reproduce policy outside the existing state institutions , Especially that we are seeing a delaine in standards of this political incorporation and confirmed to the merging of the rapid developments in the world since then and the rise of excessive forces markets prompting many observes to report that this political form entered eventually disappearing inevitable and replace it with other organizational forms.The national state has become flowerless in this new horizon for immigration control movement ,and exchanges of goods and services , financial flows and the work of transnational companies , and more the national government has become in a competitive struggle with new non - international doors it has also become exposed to different flows (economic , social , cultural )of each hand that lead to lose the control and observation .This phenomenon generates a form of openness a political border , and in this framework the international organizations , and corporate transformation and non - governmental organizations form a new base forpublic space cross homelands knows no limits and threatens the political fortress of national states.The talk about the end of the nation state is associated with turn on the concept of the state and powers and can be understood within transformation that there has been on the state to be able to deal with the new things faces by . in spite of the challenges and transformation that the nation - state faces it stays the only institution is recognized as a collector formwork to citizens on the basis of constitutional rule but the unstable state situation imposed by the change in working methods and abandon the political monopoly of the executive party and the process on the other hand ,it cannot marginalize community to reach a form of communal harmony and successful communicate and in order to succeed in this nation - state needs a permanent change in the level of institutional structures and to develop frameworks interaction and the actors so cope with the international and domestic regional variable and those taking place in the sector those with individual tendencies and pluralism .so nation - state cannot be removed from where it is a collector frame based on multiple facts but surely it cannot continue on the form that it has known and on the same policies that it has followed, it needs to introduce new organization ways by depending on the dimensions of functionality and zonal differentiated based on reactive policy units in the state of multiple levels of governance . the shift in the work of the nation state means that the functions of the state doesn’t really go back exclusively to them but share them with new actors in the international politicians and as a result of this transformation in no longer the exclusive authority of the state , but differentiation with other sectors of the power that is known as the state of the retina or multiple levels .

مشكلة التعاقب على السلطة واثرها في الاستقرار السياسي في العالم الثالث

اسم المؤلف: مها عبد اللطيف حسن الحديثي
اسم المشرف: حسان محمد شفيق العاني
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 1994
الموضوع الدقيق: العلوم السياسية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: This study has concentrated to search a phenomenon that has started to be emerged at the global level particularly since the end of World War II, namely the phenomenon of regional arrangements, which includes the contemporary history and containing the political literature many various experiments that aimed to establish regional arrangements, whether for security or political or economic one……etc. in various areas and are , all of them are suitable to extrapolate and take advantage with taking into account the differing circumstances and motives of power and interests of parties that were involved in.Amongst these experiments, the experience of regional arrangements is highlighted in the Southeast Asian region, which its importance is concentrated - among other related matters - as it is the first of its kind in the wake of the Second World War besides the emergence of the harbingers of a global system based on two poles,where the territory has witnessed many variables and associated with the great powers' struggles during the Cold War, extend their influence and spread serve the political, security and economic objectives using all methods to be achieved by growing arms race as well as by political instability that had happened in addition to the aspiration forces associated with great powers in political, security and economic to practice the role of regional powers on the South - East Asian countries, adding this to the internal divisions and problems that were experienced by countrieswhich led to the emergence of the experiences of economic integration, political and security integration so as to promote development and regional cooperation and expanding fields of cooperation and investment .These regional experiments were considered an index to the important steps that were taken by the countries of the region that the collective status at the International Labor has become the most influential of unilateral action which contributed effectively to the development of economic, political and security ties among countries of the region, and among the countries of the region and other international parties on the other hand.Focus of research in the Asian Regional Arrangements - particularly in South East Asia - in accordance to our point of views within the framework of the escalation of the importance of these arrangements in the face of challenges in international relations, especially economic challenge which imposed itself on the regional groups to re - examine many of the concerns and priorities toward cooperation and integration Under international situation that can no longer be dealt with in terms of small economic base represented by the State alone, despite the different area as evidenced by the efforts of even the first superpower - the United States - the creation of a set of regional arrangements revolve around, they set up a free trade zone for North America (( NAFTA)) and calls for the creation of a free trade area of the Americas, and the Pacific Ocean make it an extension of its regionally in order to enter into a conglomerate with Asian countries and Australia .The South - East Asia is considered an important region because of being one of the most areas and the fastest growing in the global economy, and with the direction to activate the role of the economic factor in international relations, that acquired by this region as an important dimension in international interactions in general and for the United States of America in particular.During the cold war era was the role the United States played in the South - East Asia of the most important roles in regional interactions affairs, it is true that this role has sought to contain communist expansion and influence the end of World War II , but to discharge the said planning and seeking to influence and domination, which United States to adopt many of the policies and alliances ways to make its role in the region is the most prominent through its involvement in all the alliances and agreements that occur in the region , on other hand , through affiliation of regional arrangements in the area, or through the twirl of bilateral and multilateral agreements with countries of the region or states surrounding the Kurdistan Region, which in turn is also trying to participate in the South - East Asia and the arrangements that is considered the importance of these arrangements for these forces .On the contemporary the Cold War period that witnessed patterns of bilateral cooperation between the countries of the region and the United States or the Soviet Union, and multilateral cooperation to build a multilateral regional arrangements , to ensure the security of the region, the period of post - Cold War saw the emergence of a new regional security environment has seen in some Business Continuity some aspects of the Cold War conditions, as well as the emergence of new arrangements for the countries of the region , that reflected the desire to find a suitable climate for dealing with data worsening regional situation and work to resolve those situations in which the Cold War left .This in turn led to the emergence of appearing and emerging voices from within the region demanding independence and away from the influence of this scalable American intervention in the region and arrangements of regional ready to conflict with the American hegemony, the United States of America as a single - polarization is keen to impose its views on the regional groupings around the globe.This is a fait accompli, but the gatherings and regional powers moving towards the development of their economic programs as well as the military, political and social, refers to the possibility of the emergence of a multipolar international system, then the United States realized the seriousness and sensitivity of the existence of regional groupings and arrangements to grow and develop in the geo - strategically and vibrant area surrounded by the electrodes Nuclear from each side that led to the desire to be a party to any regional alliance in the South East Asian region .So US strategy was keen to emphasize the need to prevent the emergence of any alliance in this region that can be directed against the United States and threatening to American interests through the formation of a security system to serve interests therewhere initiated maintains military alliances defense under the pretext of containing the threat of communism, and entered into a number of bilateral agreements with the countries of the region since 1951 and has entered into several agreements and security alliances within the region, which the United States made it possible to dominate for a long time on the Asian arena .Cosmic US strategy has remained during the Cold War period seeking to impose its hegemony on the Asian continent, to control and make it one of the fronts of confrontation with the Soviet Union, but in the wake of the Cold War , the United States began to rethink its security strategy in the region and to move towards a new strategy to be more compatible and closest with developments regional and international menu, where are the United States look at the South East Asian region as a source of security and economic challenges, where has made this area a greateconomic achievements broken which was by poverty and underdevelopment, which was characterized by the developing nations barrier, and have acquired certain features that have made them classified in the ranks of developed nations and became its own power and influence of an influence in the international arena.in addition to that , the economic growth has encouraged these countries to continue to update technological military operation and this portends a decline of US military prestige as a whole in the region and its role in the formulation of the balance of the region and its security, for these reasons, the United States was led to the thinking of the need to the creation of new security arrangements to be acceptable to the parties and regional president for the region and serve , as well , the interests of the United States and promote regional cooperation so as to achieve stability and security in the region .But what we observe today is so clear , that regional arrangements in the region now has a reaction towards the efforts of domination by the United States which is seeking to impose on them, and this is what was said the importance of the research topic being treated problematic relationship that was positive or inverse between American hegemony and American interests in the region and between regional arrangements in South - East Asia, additionally to that the topic is gaining great importance as well because of study of the nature of regional relations and annexed from economic and security as important as institutions (APEC) and (ASEAN) and (ASEAN Regional Forum) as well as the diverse relationships with the main parties , both in bilateral or multilateral within and outside the region alliances, and besides this is gaining study an important dimension in the study of the most important regional roles of major powers and efforts to rely on its regional way in supporting global roles basis in drawing policy world, which were emphasized by the ((China, Russia, Japan, India, the two Koreas, in addition to the United States of America)), and then it can be said that theregion attracts the attention of the most important international actors and efforts to monopolize hegemony over the region a path toward greater international role and more effectiveness .For the purpose of clarifying all of the above, the study is divided into four chapters as follows:Chapter I: The first chapter deals with the conceptual framework that is essential to any study in order to be the sound from the very beginning of the subject by clarifying the basic concepts in the subject Region, regional systems, and domination, in addition to the definition in South - East Asia in terms of geographical location and properties of the region.Chapter II: Chapter II specializes in addressing the most important challenges and problems that may be faced by the region, which resulted in the establishment of regional arrangements there, additionally to explain and brief explanation of the historical evolution that were experienced by these arrangements.Chapter III: Chapter III goes to show the selected models of regional arrangements in Southeast Asia, including the ASEAN, the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), and APEC.Chapter IV: Chapter IV, deals with introductions to American hegemony, as well as US interests in the Southeast Asian region, and clarify the roles allies and rivals of the United States of America in the regional arrangements for the South - East Asia, prevent clarify the most important future implications for American hegemony

الترتيبات الاقليمية والهيمنة الامريكية : جنوب شرق اسيا انموذجا == Regional Arrangements and American Hegemony Southeast Asia as a model

اسم المؤلف: فينوس غالب كامل السعدي
اسم المشرف: سرمد زكي الجادر
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الموضوع الدقيق: الدراسات الاستراتيجية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: This study has concentrated to search a phenomenon that has started to be emerged at the global level particularly since the end of World War II, namely the phenomenon of regional arrangements, which includes the contemporary history and containing the political literature many various experiments that aimed to establish regional arrangements, whether for security or political or economic one……etc. in various areas and are , all of them are suitable to extrapolate and take advantage with taking into account the differing circumstances and motives of power and interests of parties that were involved in.Amongst these experiments, the experience of regional arrangements is highlighted in the Southeast Asian region, which its importance is concentrated - among other related matters - as it is the first of its kind in the wake of the Second World War besides the emergence of the harbingers of a global system based on two poles,where the territory has witnessed many variables and associated with the great powers' struggles during the Cold War, extend their influence and spread serve the political, security and economic objectives using all methods to be achieved by growing arms race as well as by political instability that had happened in addition to the aspiration forces associated with great powers in political, security and economic to practice the role of regional powers on the South - East Asian countries, adding this to the internal divisions and problems that were experienced by countrieswhich led to the emergence of the experiences of economic integration, political and security integration so as to promote development and regional cooperation and expanding fields of cooperation and investment .These regional experiments were considered an index to the important steps that were taken by the countries of the region that the collective status at the International Labor has become the most influential of unilateral action which contributed effectively to the development of economic, political and security ties among countries of the region, and among the countries of the region and other international parties on the other hand.Focus of research in the Asian Regional Arrangements - particularly in South East Asia - in accordance to our point of views within the framework of the escalation of the importance of these arrangements in the face of challenges in international relations, especially economic challenge which imposed itself on the regional groups to re - examine many of the concerns and priorities toward cooperation and integration Under international situation that can no longer be dealt with in terms of small economic base represented by the State alone, despite the different area as evidenced by the efforts of even the first superpower - the United States - the creation of a set of regional arrangements revolve around, they set up a free trade zone for North America (( NAFTA)) and calls for the creation of a free trade area of the Americas, and the Pacific Ocean make it an extension of its regionally in order to enter into a conglomerate with Asian countries and Australia .The South - East Asia is considered an important region because of being one of the most areas and the fastest growing in the global economy, and with the direction to activate the role of the economic factor in international relations, that acquired by this region as an important dimension in international interactions in general and for the United States of America in particular.During the cold war era was the role the United States played in the South - East Asia of the most important roles in regional interactions affairs, it is true that this role has sought to contain communist expansion and influence the end of World War II , but to discharge the said planning and seeking to influence and domination, which United States to adopt many of the policies and alliances ways to make its role in the region is the most prominent through its involvement in all the alliances and agreements that occur in the region , on other hand , through affiliation of regional arrangements in the area, or through the twirl of bilateral and multilateral agreements with countries of the region or states surrounding the Kurdistan Region, which in turn is also trying to participate in the South - East Asia and the arrangements that is considered the importance of these arrangements for these forces .On the contemporary the Cold War period that witnessed patterns of bilateral cooperation between the countries of the region and the United States or the Soviet Union, and multilateral cooperation to build a multilateral regional arrangements , to ensure the security of the region, the period of post - Cold War saw the emergence of a new regional security environment has seen in some Business Continuity some aspects of the Cold War conditions, as well as the emergence of new arrangements for the countries of the region , that reflected the desire to find a suitable climate for dealing with data worsening regional situation and work to resolve those situations in which the Cold War left .This in turn led to the emergence of appearing and emerging voices from within the region demanding independence and away from the influence of this scalable American intervention in the region and arrangements of regional ready to conflict with the principles and rules ofAmerican hegemony, the United States of America as a single - polarization is keen to impose its views on the regional groupings around the globe.This is a fait accompli, but the gatherings and regional powers moving towards the development of their economic programs as well as the military, political and social, refers to the possibility of the emergence of a multipolar international system, then the United States realized the seriousness and sensitivity of the existence of regional groupings and arrangements to grow and develop in the geo - strategically and vibrant area surrounded by the electrodes Nuclear from each side that led to the desire to be a party to any regional alliance in the South East Asian region .So US strategy was keen to emphasize the need to prevent the emergence of any alliance in this region that can be directed against the United States and threatening to American interests through the formation of a security system to serve interests therewhere initiated maintains military alliances defense under the pretext of containing the threat of communism, and entered into a number of bilateral agreements with the countries of the region since 1951 and has entered into several agreements and security alliances within the region, which the United States made it possible to dominate for a long time on the Asian arena .Cosmic US strategy has remained during the Cold War period seeking to impose its hegemony on the Asian continent, to control and make it one of the fronts of confrontation with the Soviet Union, but in the wake of the Cold War , the United States began to rethink its security strategy in the region and to move towards a new strategy to be more compatible and closest with developments regional and international menu, where are the United States look at the South East Asian region as a source of security and economic challenges, where has made this area a greateconomic achievements broken which was by poverty and underdevelopment, which was characterized by the developing nations barrier, and have acquired certain features that have made them classified in the ranks of developed nations and became its own power and influence of an influence in the international arena.in addition to that , the economic growth has encouraged these countries to continue to update technological military operation and this portends a decline of US military prestige as a whole in the region and its role in the formulation of the balance of the region and its security, for these reasons, the United States was led to the thinking of the need to the creation of new security arrangements to be acceptable to the parties and regional president for the region and serve , as well , the interests of the United States and promote regional cooperation so as to achieve stability and security in the region .But what we observe today is so clear , that regional arrangements in the region now has a reaction towards the efforts of domination by the United States which is seeking to impose on them, and this is what was said the importance of the research topic being treated problematic relationship that was positive or inverse between American hegemony and American interests in the region and between regional arrangements in South - East Asia, additionally to that the topic is gaining great importance as well because of study of the nature of regional relations and annexed from economic and security as important as institutions (APEC) and (ASEAN) and (ASEAN Regional Forum) as well as the diverse relationships with the main parties , both in bilateral or multilateral within and outside the region alliances, and besides this is gaining study an important dimension in the study of the most important regional roles of major powers and efforts to rely on its regional way in supporting global roles basis in drawing policy world, which were emphasized by the ((China, Russia, Japan, India, the two Koreas, in addition to the United States of America)), and then it can be said that theregion attracts the attention of the most important international actors and efforts to monopolize hegemony over the region a path toward greater international role and more effectiveness .For the purpose of clarifying all of the above, the study is divided into four chapters as follows:Chapter I: The first chapter deals with the conceptual framework that is essential to any study in order to be the sound from the very beginning of the subject by clarifying the basic concepts in the subject Region, regional systems, and domination, in addition to the definition in South - East Asia in terms of geographical location and properties of the region.Chapter II: Chapter II specializes in addressing the most important challenges and problems that may be faced by the region, which resulted in the establishment of regional arrangements there, additionally to explain and brief explanation of the historical evolution that were experienced by these arrangements.Chapter III: Chapter III goes to show the selected models of regional arrangements in Southeast Asia, including the ASEAN, the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), and APEC.Chapter IV: Chapter IV, deals with introductions to American hegemony, as well as US interests in the Southeast Asian region, and clarify the roles allies and rivals of the United States of America in the regional arrangements for the South - East Asia, prevent clarify the most important future implications for American hegemony

الدور الدولي لحلف الناتو مكافحة الارهاب انموذج == International Role For NATO Anti - Terrorism as Model

اسم المؤلف: تقى اياد خليل القيسي
اسم المشرف: قحطان كاظم محمد الخفاجي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الموضوع الدقيق: الدراسات الاستراتيجية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The Saudi foreign policy has got great important for who deals with international affairs, it deals with politics events directly or indirectly; then its roll in most of the Arabic cases has showed clearly effected. Naturally the Saudi foreign policy interested in Arabic especially. The follower of the way to the development of Saudi politics to the age after the cold war towards Arabia ; find that it does not get away to the period that proceeded the cold war but continued to it. So the changes that happened to foreign and internal environments in last years of the 1980s and the beginning years of 1990s impost on the kingdom more interesting to the Arabian case. So at the time and after the gulf war the kingdom increased in power the military threat that the radical Iraqi regime was weaken another think the alliance with USA and the western that assured it the security. The vision that Saudi resemble towards the Arab - Israel conflict it is the dependent in the Arabic area.Although these good factors but they have become threat resources, the protection that US gives to kingdom has it paid in the economics problems that the kingdom faced after the second Gulf war directly in (1993,1994,1995).In addition of failure every tries to put combination that leads the Arabian interactive in 90s.The accusation of terror and the events of eleventh of September 2001 made the kingdom acting politics roll more actively towards the Arabic area cases.The invitation of the prince Abdullah for peace 2002 and to Syria to get back from Lebanon 2005 for that roll the appearance of Iran not only in Gulf but in Arabic as a competition.For the studying is enable to cover the important of the subject that it divided to introduction also two chapters the first search in variable effective the operation of making Saudi Arabia foreign policy . the second chapter studies the foreign policy behavior towards Arabic area since the end of the cold war.(chosen Arabic issue).The studying get many productions towards that issues.In gulf side : The kingdom insist on the necessary of the American existence in the area as an equal element for Iranian threat with assurance to find guaranty for gulf safety beside of that it tried to reduce the nervous centers and unstable in area. This clearly showed in the solving all the problems about the geographical boundaries with neighboring countries and refusing that Iran have had the nuclear weapons.In Iraqi side : With the growing of the Iraqi - American crisis and what the year 2002 has witnessed by increasing American military side to Iraq.The kingdom refused the military powers against Iraq and declared that it wouldn't allow using its grounds for shooting Iraq after the fallen of the regime in April 2003 kingdom was the first to invite the Arab counties to meet at council for searching the Iraqi development with the increasing of murdering and emigration the kingdom in Iraq assured the dissatisfaction of what is happening in Iraq and invite the necessary of policy sharing and welcoming with the Mecca policy that aimed to stop the violence in Iraq.In the Palestinian side : The Palestinian case formed an essential side from the external Saudi politics interests and it one of its standard that called to find a peacefully solution for this case by the decision of the legal international it assured that each sides of struggle should take care of the decisions of Madrid council for Pease 1991. And what it has signed in Oslo agreement 1993, so it faced against the Israel by the Palestinian side by its government and its people and it showed great interest by the great roll in this case and the invitation of prince Abdullah for peace 2002 for reaching to quiet peace between Palestine and Israel. But when the struggle has increased between Fateh and Hamas the kingdom has called for conversation in Mecca to put down these bloody wars in Palestine.In Lebanon side : From the principle of respect of the country the kingdom asked to get its army back from Lebanon lands and after the ex - president al - Hariry has been killed the kingdom asked to make international investigation to solve the problem. With the Israeli an attack for Lebanon in 2006 the kingdom called for stopping shooting although the criticisms that the kingdom put on Hizb Allah and its responsibility on what happened.In Yemen side : The kingdom insist in it refused position for entering Yemen to the cooperation gulf council nevertheless that Yemen announced that it transmit all obstacles that stand against of getting the membering.

السياسة الخارجية السعودية والمنطقة العربية منذ انتهاء الحرب الباردة == The Saudi Arabia Foreign Policy and Arabic Region since the End of the Cold War

اسم المؤلف: يسرى مهدي صالح
اسم المشرف: فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2008
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The Saudi foreign policy has got great important for who deals with international affairs, it deals with politics events directly or indirectly; then its roll in most of the Arabic cases has showed clearly effected. Naturally the Saudi foreign policy interested in Arabic especially. The follower of the way to the development of Saudi politics to the age after the cold war towards Arabia ; find that it does not get away to the period that proceeded the cold war but continued to it. So the changes that happened to foreign and internal environments in last years of the 1980s and the beginning years of 1990s impost on the kingdom more interesting to the Arabian case. So at the time and after the gulf war the kingdom increased in power the military threat that the radical Iraqi regime was weaken another think the alliance with USA and the western that assured it the security. The vision that Saudi resemble towards the Arab - Israel conflict it is the dependent in the Arabic area.Although these good factors but they have become threat resources, the protection that US gives to kingdom has it paid in the economics problems that the kingdom faced after the second Gulf war directly in (1993,1994,1995).In addition of failure every tries to put combination that leads the Arabian interactive in 90s.The accusation of terror and the events of eleventh of September 2001 made the kingdom acting politics roll more actively towards the Arabic area cases.The invitation of the prince Abdullah for peace 2002 and to Syria to get back from Lebanon 2005 for that roll the appearance of Iran not only in Gulf but in Arabic as a competition.For the studying is enable to cover the important of the subject that it divided to introduction also two chapters the first search in variable effective the operation of making Saudi Arabia foreign policy . the second chapter studies the foreign policy behavior towards Arabic area since the end of the cold war.(chosen Arabic issue).The studying get many productions towards that issues.In gulf side : The kingdom insist on the necessary of the American existence in the area as an equal element for Iranian threat with assurance to find guaranty for gulf safety beside of that it tried to reduce the nervous centers and unstable in area. This clearly showed in the solving all the problems about the geographical boundaries with neighboring countries and refusing that Iran have had the nuclear weapons.In Iraqi side : With the growing of the Iraqi - American crisis and what the year 2002 has witnessed by increasing American military side to Iraq.The kingdom refused the military powers against Iraq and declared that it wouldn't allow using its grounds for shooting Iraq after the fallen of the regime in April 2003 kingdom was the first to invite the Arab counties to meet at council for searching the Iraqi development with the increasing of murdering and emigration the kingdom in Iraq assured the dissatisfaction of what is happening in Iraq and invite the necessary of policy sharing and welcoming with the Mecca policy that aimed to stop the violence in Iraq.In the Palestinian side : The Palestinian case formed an essential side from the external Saudi politics interests and it one of its standard that called to find a peacefully solution for this case by the decision of the legal international it assured that each sides of struggle should take care of the decisions of Madrid council for Pease 1991. And what it has signed in Oslo agreement 1993, so it faced against the Israel by the Palestinian side by its government and its people and it showed great interest by the great roll in this case and the invitation of prince Abdullah for peace 2002 for reaching to quiet peace between Palestine and Israel. But when the struggle has increased between Fateh and Hamas the kingdom has called for conversation in Mecca to put down these bloody wars in Palestine.In Lebanon side : From the principle of respect of the country the kingdom asked to get its army back from Lebanon lands and after the ex - president al - Hariry has been killed the kingdom asked to make international investigation to solve the problem. With the Israeli an attack for Lebanon in 2006 the kingdom called for stopping shooting although the criticisms that the kingdom put on Hizb Allah and its responsibility on what happened.In Yemen side : The kingdom insist in it refused position for entering Yemen to the cooperation gulf council nevertheless that Yemen announced that it transmit all obstacles that stand against of getting the membering.

حقوق المراة بين الشريعة الاسلامية والقوانين الوضعية == Women's Rights In The Islam Regime And The Laws Rights Of Work Comparative study

اسم المؤلف: هيفاء خشن جاسم العزاوي
اسم المشرف: اكرم عبد الله الجميلي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2007
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The dignity is universal not adverbial, but it is not understood in same meaning from age to age and from place to place . From this day we will use the term Democracy in all the wide world started from Greece in it's meaning , that means Public rule , this meaning in the past including in Greece that different meaning in modern age . As we explained before the Attitude of Islam that opinion of prophet Mohammed( God bless him ) in explanation the man , as individual in greeting him and rising his position, this greeting and this rising or change his situation, in his live or after his death . that he obligate on him the Responsibilities and giving him the rights . And because the Islam religion of the life and work , as well as religion of worshipThe man must live in society he must be cooperated with other members in the society . Also the subject of the study included explanation for the reality of the women and her participation with her brother man since going out to start the work , organizing workAnd the getting the fee out side the house and her participation in several fields economic and social and political in the contemporary , and through this explanationWe explain development for the position of the woman . The human Rights issues became as matters in touch with every people 's life , and states with its evolution . with differences of its civilization geography position and its political economic and social regimes . This Issue touch every human being as an individual with his nature and his structure . The nature of human being of double description because of , he is a human being , and social being in the same time that lead to find several respected confirmations , and the tone of this confirmations raised with new international situation . These confirmations have its reflections not only on the most constitutions , regional and national slandered of the women is an important human being in dispensable to erect the life and play a basic role in any progressed or undeveloped society and if this sight for a women is an axiom in our current world , but it is not the same in the previous periods . The human history fill of women's suffering from factor of enslavement and persecution , and tried top quash her humanity and contemn her dignity , than the man who dominated on all administration fall private and general affairs in the society and in the same prevented women to enter in to such fields ./ decreased from her interests , and ignored abilities in its arrangement . As a result of evolution of human society generally the women's position evaluated significantly .In the beginning of 19 century many women movement lead woman resistance against the factor of enslavement and persecution and asked to liberated and grant women her political lawful and economic rights and her equinity with man with all respects . No basic change happened relating with women's position in current age, but if there is decision for quality principles , on constitution today with out mention to equality among citizens and that is with text , there are nit any differentiation among them , no discrimination because of color face , language , or belief that is became as distinguished matter That human rights with its values and institutions is part of Arab current culture in spite of, value of justice equality solidarity and freedom .

الولايات المتحدة الامريكية والامم المتحدة فترة ما بعد الحرب الباردة == The United States of America and United Nations after the Cold War

اسم المؤلف: اسامة مرتضى باقر السعيدي
اسم المشرف: سرمد زكي الجادر | فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2006
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The United States of America tries hard to continue its control upon the whole world, but why is this desire? It may aim to get commercial advantage through its strength.The foundation of the United Nations is the best achievement of the United States of America in the twentieth century.As a result to international development and in an attempt to keep the role of the United Nations in keeping peace and security it applies the human rights idealism that led to fasten the United States policy with the human rights idealism and United nation decision.The CCCP decline has a great and danger ous affection upon the United Nations. The organization, no longer, becomes corrupted and is considered the place where the struggle between the two (poles) power is reflected.Now the United Nations face contemporary challenges to its stability.The United states of America has followed all the ways that lead to its domination over the United Nation ;among which was the decision of the war in 1991, to force the Iraqi troops to withdraw from Kuwait . It aimed at showing the whole world that the United Nation Organization is completely under its control throughout using the international Legitimacy and adopting the collective security system in line with its own interests . As result , it is the director of the United Nation decisions.America acts without paying attention to International Legitimacy. Moreover, International Legitimacy must follow America's will or will lose it's position as happen to Iraq on March/ 2003.The action of 11/ September/ 2001 gave the United States America the power to act as it wants all over the world without expecting bad reaction from any state in the world pretending that it protects their nations. In other words, it lets the other countries think they will face alike events of terror. The achievements of the victory in the cold war might last for more than one century. The actions of 11/ September make the countries all over the world accept it as a leader even it makes many problems to these countries as it happened in London on 7/ 7/ 2005.Then the United States of America has gained the full control upon the United Nations, and directs it to gain the American goals under the pretext of having the legal cover.This led to a new problem which becomes so important; the United Nations must improve their laws. How ever, the United States of America try to make the improvement according to its views. Unfortunately the delay of improvement will bring a great advantage to the United States of America in prolonging its domination on the world

الشركات المتعددة الجنسية ودورها في الاقتصاد العالمي مع التركيز على العراق == The role of multinational corporations in the world Economic with Focus on Iraq

اسم المؤلف: هيثم كريم صيوان البدري
اسم المشرف: مازن اسماعيل الرمضاني | عبد علي كاظم المعموري
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2005
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: يشكل عام 1960 نقطة التغيير التي طرات على الصناعة النفطية العالمية، ففي ذلك العام تم تاسيس منظمة الاقطار المصدرة للبترول والتي تسمى اختصارا بـ (Organization of the petroleum exporting countries) (الاوبك - OPEC). ومن خلالها سعت الدول المؤسسة للمنظمة، الى تنسيق سياساتها النفطية تجاه سلوك الشركات النفطية الاجنبية في السوق العالمية وخلال تلك المسيرة برزت قدرة المنظمة على صنع القرار النفطي لضمان المصلحة الاقتصادية للدول الاعضاء . ولاسباب سياسية اتخذت المنظمة قرارها في رفع اسعار النفط الخام ولاول مرة في عام 1973 والامتناع عن تصديره للدول الصناعية مما ادى الى ان يشهد العالم انذاك والدول الصناعية بصفة خاصة ركودا اقتصاديا اقترن بانخفاض معدلات النمو الاقتصادي ومن ثم تغيير في هيكلية اقتصاديات تلك الدول افضت بدورها الى تغيير مسارات الطلب العالمي على النفط وخصوصا على نفط الاوبك. لذا عمدت الدول الصناعية الى اتخاذ الاجراءات الاتية : 1. تاسيس وكالة الطاقة الدولية (IEA) تحت مظلة دول منظمة التعاون الاقتصادي والتنمية (OECD) لكي تكون في مواجهة اوبك وسياستها النفطية .2. تكوين الخزين النفطي الاستراتيجي لدول اوربا والولايات المتحدة واستخدامه كاداة ضاغطة على عمليات تسعير النفط. 3. البدء بالانتاج النفطي وبشكل تجاري من مناطق خارج اوبك كبحر الشمال. 4. اللجوء الى بدائل الطاقة للتقليل من الاعتماد على النفط.واستمرت متغيرات السوق النفطية في ارساء اليات جديدة كنشوء الاسواق الفورية والاجلة للنفط في منتصف الثمانينيات من القرن الماضي. وقد ادت هذه الى احداث فوضى على صعيد الانتاج والاسعار من اجل الضغط على اوبك وتحجيم دورها في السوق النفطية. وفي تلك الاثناء ظهر متغير اخر اقترن بزيادة الطلب على الامدادات النفطية لدى الدول النامية حديثة التصنيع يرافقه نمو اقتصادي وانتعاش الطلب على نفط اوبك.ولم تتوقف حركة تلك المتغيرات رغم كونها من سمات القرن الماضي ، فعقد التسعينات هو الاخر كان حافلا بالاحداث . ابرزها حرب الخليج الثانية (1991) وما نتج عنها، وانهيار الاتحاد السوفيتي السابق وقيام الاتحاد الاوربي والازمة الاسيوية، هذه الاحداث دفعت الى عدم استقرار سوق النفط وتراجع الطلب على نفط الاوبك. واقترنت نهاية عقد التسعينات من القرن الماضي بظاهرة جديدة هي اندماج الشركات النفطية العالمية لتكون اقل من حيث العدد واقوى من حيث الفاعلية في رسم مسارات جديدة للسياسة النفطية العالمية وصانعة القرار السياسي لدى حكوماتهم ، منطلقة من توجهات اعلامية نحو ضمان جهات جديدة للامدادات النفطية تكون بديلا عن نفط اوبك يرافقها تعدد وجهات نظر الغرب حيال المنظمة واستمرارها برسم مشاهد مستقبلية ذات ابعاد اقتصادية وسياسية. ومن خلال ماتقدم تبرز اهمية هذه الدراسة في تناولها سلعة النفط كمصدر مهم للطاقة ولعقود طويلة ، والى اهمية التنظيم الدولي في ادارة هذا المورد الناضب الذي استاثرت به منظمة الاوبك التي تمتلك دولها الاعضاء حوالي (80%) من الاحتياطي النفطي العالمي. وعبر مسيرتها التي امتدت نحو اكثر من اربعة عقود شهدت منظمة الاوبك تحولات في السياسات النفطية وتمكنت من استيعاب المتغيرات الاقتصادية والدولية التي شكلت مسارا محددا لمستقبلها.

مكانة ايران الاقليمية في ظل المتغيرات الجديدة بعد 11 ايلول 2001 : دراسة الابعاد السياسية والاقتصادية == Iran's regional position in the light of the new changes after 11September 2001( the study of the political and economic dimensions)

اسم المؤلف: نسرين فالح حسن
اسم المشرف: عبد علي كاظم المعموري | سرمد زكي الجادر
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: Iran has gotten strategic importance which its being located between the most important strategic territories in the world. Due to its privileged position which is connection point between three Asian areas ( west Asia, middle Asia, and south Asia), so there are other additional strategic features like its located on supply routes of international trade and oil wealths and it's have basic factors that qualifies it to perform prominent regional role and promoting regional position. Iran's strategic importance is coming from correlation depth of its history with Intellectual culture, which have cultural and civilized legacy as well as its rich heritage,and gives it the ability to maneuver in many areas and stability in the event center, and can play a crucial role in its policy towards the neighboring countries of the border regions (the Arab Gulf States, Iraq, Turkey, Pakistan, and Central Asian States), also it adopted a multilateral strategy to build regional relationships that is an option for expansion of bilateral, regional and global cooperation. The Iranians through the generations have a unique sense to their history and the greatness of their culture, and strength, although evanescence of Persian culture because prevalence of Western traditions the most tempting are, without affecting the sense of self - esteem and exaggerated look to Iran, and Iranians believe look closely to their history, grandeur of their civilization and necessity to own their regional leadership. Iran's regional composition has granted the ability to play a prominent role in the Middle East makes it one of the largest regional countries, which have an essential ingredients, it has big human mass and strategic geographical location, deep historical background, and continuous moral influence on neighboring countries geographically. These ingredients actuated to be as part in regional equations. On the other hand, Iraq's invasion and occupation was a reason for the escalation of Iran's regional influence under the unstable regional environment outputs, whether in the Middle East or Central Asia, under the occupation of Afghanistan and Iraq, backed up by conventional military capabilities as well as the cultural, political, economic and religious influence which is rising and growing. The vast effect that Iran has to attain high rank as major regional power, can use it to explain the development of the military, nuclear and technological fields, and impact it on the other countries. Perhaps, the most prominent signs are growth of Iran's regional stature, constant pursuit to avoid any tensions with the total adjacent countries, and the tendency of Iran for reconciliation gradually with the international environment and it does not use the sectarian dimension of its foreign policy. The importance of change in Iran's strategy due to a change in the perceptions for special causes with the transformations that taking place in the Iranian regime's strategy, the Iranian president, "Hassan Rowhani," he wrote his article published by the newspaper "Washington Post", about the evolution of Iran's status, saying "what Iran is trying to do today is to transform threat that surrounds it on all sides to opportunities, and its employ for this the competition and cooperation in multilateral conflict fields, which Iran is now a major player in it. Iran follow the example of Russia to exert a show of strength and influence, and the Syrian arena it is only just a chessboard for Iranians with a warning the consequences bypassed in arrangements of resolving the crisis." There are limits to idea of Iran's regional status through play strategic alternative role, Iran is a partner to the Arabs according to historical connections, geographical neighborhood, and demographic interference. It the only state non - Arab which overlooks on the Gulf, while other states who overlooking on the Gulf are Arab states. At the time when the Gulf was the only maritime outlet for Iran, which is main crossing for about 80% of its oil exports,The Iranian - Arab relations are gaining special importance, as result of the Iranian - American conflict over Iran's nuclear program, Iran is not a main strategic alternative for Arabs in security issues currently, especially if the Arabic strategy is for peaceful settlement of Arab - Israeli conflict, but it is important alternative if this strategy is about the resistance, and therefore Iran remains a strategic alternative in the long - term. It has made those goals flowing together for Iran's supreme national interest , and its recognition as a regional power in the area, it has clout and influence like any other regional powers. It can contribute to impede the interests of many countries including United States, also it can not be excluded when discussing any special arrangements as being counterweight through what it prepares for the foreign policy and national security which is following it in the Gulf region. The study focuses on the aspiration of Iran to expand its regional and international status, although it is depending on the human, economic, military bases and even scientific - technological, as well as geopolitical importance that enjoy it, but this aspiration faces by United States and its Arab allies in the region through rejection and obstruction and international sanctions and trapping and even a media war. So we shall begin from Iran's attempt to promote its regional and international status by employing all the capabilities that enjoy it, which makes its reality in tune with the Iranian self - feeling in its rightful status under regional and international environment that is very complicated through a combination of pragmatism and some of ideological rationality

مكانة اسرائيل الاقليمية واحداث 11 ايلول 2001 : دراسة في الامكانيات والفرص == The regional status of Israel and the events of 11 - September - 2001 a study of potentials and opportunities

اسم المؤلف: ناجي محمد عبد الله هتاش
اسم المشرف: صالح عباس الطائي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2008
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الكلمات الدلالية:
  • المكانة
  • سياسة المكانة
  • القوة والقدرة
  • القوة الاقليمية
  • الاقليمية الجديدة
  • الهيمنة الاقليمية
  • الدور
  • القوة العسكرية
  • اسرائيل
  • التخطيط المستقبلي
  • البحث والتطوير
  • احداث سبتمبر
  • 11 ايلول
  • الادارة الدولية
  • الارهاب
  • صنع العدو
  • الشرق الاوسط
  • القل
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: This is a study of ( the regional status of Israel and the events of 11/septemper/2001 - a study of potentials and opportunities) by analyzing the variables which helped in the maintenance of Israel existence within a strange environment, and its relentless and continuance attempts to reach the regional domination statues in a region considered one of the most vital regions of the world; extending from Iran in the east to Sudan and Egypt in the west and from Turkey in the north to the Arab gulf in the south . This very region has constituted the middle east according to the British vision in the near past ,and today it is the beating heart of the great middle east project the united states is planning for. The Israeli search for a significant regional statues in this region has been quite unique due to its up normal establishment and its social, historical and cultural radical difference from other countries of this region. Thereby, Zionism realized the danger threatening this new born state among a hostile environment, that is why its purposes and aims have been arranged according to the priorities of planning for state establishment , in cooperation and coordination with the international powers which has an influential impact on the political system : earning the international and legal legitimacy required for the establishment of the state of Israel, fulfilling the Jewish destination, start up the Jewish immigration , preserving the state entity by building a powerful army relying on a huge reserve power capable of defending the state. In order to achieve these goals it has to own the power in every aspects and domain which creates superiority in quality over the hostile Arabic mass. This inspired the idea that the relationship of powers indicates obvious Israeli superiority since the establishment of Israel to the present day, enhanced by the Israeli cultural devotion for the superior west and the Zionist ideological power. Despite Israel capability of achieving the international legitimacy in existing , it did not cancel its great interest of having this regional role and an Arabic acceptance allowing for interacting and influential role in the region. Thereby, there are some of the priorities that constituted the frame of the Israeli political and intellectual perception of its geographical region : 1 - relying on a great power, first obtaining its protection ,and its constant support which qualifies it for a regional role secondly . 2 - embrace the absolute security conception based on geographical extension in order to ensure the strategical depth and secure military superiority maintenance supported by deterrent nuclear arm.3 - The assertion on the elimination of Arabic nation as a cultural and historical fact and finding some sort of religious and national conflict in the sense that it uses religion as a mean of wreaking the Arabic nationality as well as exploiting the sectarian and religious tensions for breaking down the region which fulfills the admission and acceptance of others ; and obtain the regional legitimacy by establishing an Arabic climate accepts the Israeli existence and cope with it to reach for the regional dominance in further level and play the role of regional leader. What helped Israel to accomplish so much of these goals and visions sum of the international variables that stormed the international political system found their echoes in the region which Israel took it for its advantage and used it brilliantly : by the end of cold war Arabs lost their stragical ally (the soviet union) which created the opportunity for Israel and united states to enforce the settlement on Arab. Followed by this golden opportunity, the attacks of 11/septempper /2001 which reached American depth, Israel seized to finish on the Arabic regime, since the prepecations of these attacks concentrated on the middle east core which Arabs and Muslims represent the majority . here, the study proves its hypothesis that accusing Arabs and Muslims of terrorism , distorting the image of Arabs and Muslims making them the target for the American war against terrorism , occupying Iraq , intensifying the American military presence and making the region go through turmoil to distort the region image ; all these are positive outcomes in the advantage of Israel to back up its policies and practices in the region in order to promote its regional statues supported by an American devotion during the region of the current American administration of George Bush junior never reached before. Consequently the study attempted to draw future portraits of the Israeli regional statues promoting two of them which are the most convenient for the Israeli interest : the portrait of continuity , and the portrait of continuity and change for the long and short range. The study has concluded into sum of the deductions confirming the reality that Israel being an important regional state for the time being , it is more than enough to say that it’s the most developed and advanced state and the only nuclear power in the region.

المنظمات الاقتصادية الدولية والنظام الاقتصادي العالمي الجديد == THE INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC ORGANIZATIONS AND THE NEW INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC SYSTEM

اسم المؤلف: ميس صاحب عبد الوهاب
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2004
الموضوع الدقيق: العلوم السياسية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الكلمات الدلالية:
  • المنظمات الاقتصادية الدولية
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: تبرز اهمية المنظمات الاقتصادية الدولية من الوظيفة التي اوكلت اليها والدور الذي تكفلت بادائه ، بانجاز مراحل مهمة لاقامة نظام اقتصادي عالمي ، وقبل كل هذا وذاك في المحددات والاسس النظرية التي كانت وراء صياغة بنودها وقراراتها ، فهي تترجم مفهوما وايديولوجية ليبرالية (راسمالية ليبرالية) من خلال الاسس التي اعتمدتها للنظام النقدي والتجاري الدولي وللسياسات المالية والتجارية والنقدية الدولية.وتنبع اهمية دراسة دور المنظمات الاقتصادية الدولية واثارها من كونها تمثل الالية الرئيسة في تنفيذ القرار الفعلي على الصعيد العالمي ، خاصة بعد نشوء منظمة التجارة العالمية ، وسد اوجه النقص القائمة في مؤسسات النظام الاقتصادي الدولي بما يكفل النظرة المتكاملة للعلاقات الاقتصادية المترابطة الخاصة بالنقد والتمويل والتجارة والتنمية.فوظيفة هذه المنظمات اصبحت … تحديد مسار التغير الذي يعد ملائما واحداث التحولات في الاقتصادات الوطنية بالطريقة التي تكفل بها انسجام النشاط الاقتصادي على الصعيد الاقتصادي الدولي. فمن الايفاء بحاجات المجتمع هدفا للتحول واحداث التنمية الى الاستقرار الداخلي وصولا الى تحقيق الاندماج في الاقتصاد العالمي ، فهذه المنظمات لا تتوقف عند الدور المعنوي او الرقابي ، بل يمكنها ان تفرض القواعد التي ينبغي على الدول الاعضاء احترامها في سياساتها الاقتصادية.فهذه المنظمات تقيد من سيطرة الدولة وتلزمها باتخاذ اجراءات وتدابير معنية تقلص من سيادة الدولة على اختيار سياساتها الاقتصادية بما يتلاءم مع ظروفها واهدافها الوطنية ، بل ان هذه الدول ستخضع للرقابة من خلال برامج واجهزة هذه المنظمات ، كما ان تنفيذ سياسات الاصلاح الاقتصادي والالتزام باتفاقيات منظمة التجارة العالمية ينطوي على نقل قدر من صلاحيات اتخاذ القرارات في الدول النامية من الدائرة الوطنية الى الدائرة العالمية .ويمكن تحديد اهم النتائج التي تم التوصل اليها من خلال هذه الدراسة وهي : 1 - ان مجرد التحول نحو نظام السوق والالتزام بقواعده لا يضمن نجاح جهود التنمية ، وحتى في حالة النجاح في زيادة الانتاج ، فان الاعتماد على اليات السوق دون غيرها لا يضمن تحسين نوعية حياة السكان ومحاصرة الفقر ان ما تحتاج اليه الدول النامية ، هي احداث تنمية اقتصادية واجتماعية تنفي ما تعاني منه من تخلف بتحويل الهيكل الاقتصادي فيها ليتم فيه انتاج القسم الاكبر من الحاجات المتنوعة للسكان وليس باتساع نطاق الاعتماد على السوق الدولية ، اي اننا ازاء هيكل انتاجي تتحدد وتنشا وحداته المنتجة ابتداء من قرار مستقل يتحدد في الداخل وفي ضوء الحاجات الاجتماعية المتنوعة من ناحية والموارد المالية والفنية المتاحة محليا من ناحية اخرى.2 - تنطلق المنظمات الاقتصادية الدولية في سياساتها من مسالة استحداث نماذج فقط ، من دون الاهتمام بمسالة امكانية التطبيق ، اي ان هناك فجوة بين تصميم وصياغة النماذج الانمائية ورسم السياسات وتنفيذها . فهذه السياسات تتسم بغياب النموذج القابل للتعميم على الصعيد العالمي ، اي النموذج الذي يحقق المكاسب لجميع الدول المشاركة فيه ، ونتيجة لذلك فان تطبيقات السياسات الاقتصادية التي تشترطها المنظمات الاقتصادية الدولية تكون لها معطيات متباينة في الاقتصادات المختلفة وفقا لمرحلة تطورها الاقتصادي ، الامر الذي اظهر تشوهات متباينة في مؤشرات الاداء الاقتصادي للدول المختلفة.3 - ان دعوة مؤسسات (برتيون وودز) الى تحرير القطاع المالي والتجاري يعني حرمان الدول النامية ، من اتخاذ سياسات اقتصادية مشابهة للسياسات الاقتصادية التي استخدمتها الدول الصناعية في بداية مراحل تطورها ، او حتى التي استخدمتها الدول النامية حديثة التصنيع في الماضي القريب . وسوف يتوجب على الدول النامية اتخاذ سياسات تنموية قائمة على الحرية الاقتصادية التي صممتها المنظمات الاقتصادية الدولية وليس وفق متطلبات نموها الوطني ، مما يعني ان سيادة هذه البرامج في الاقتصادات الوطنية ليس مسالة تغير طارئ في هيكل الاقتصاد الوطني . وانما هو تطور نحو بنية اقتصادية جديدة مغايرة في سياقها التاريخي ومتضمناتها الاقتصادية لاوضاعها السابقة ، لقد جاء سعي الاقتصادات المتقدمة نحو عولمة الاقتصاد حصيلة تطور زمني طويل لمزايا السوق امكن معه من وضع فروض يعمل السوق على تفعيل مؤشرات ادائها الاقتصادي ، الا ان سيادة الفروض نفسها في اسواق غير تنافسية والتي تتسم بقدر من التشوهات ، (وفقا لمفاهيم النظرية الاقتصادية) لن يساعدها على تحقيق الكفاءة ذاتها في اداء الموارد ، مما يؤدي الى اللاعدالة وعدم المساواة في النظام الاقتصادي العالمي .اي ستؤدي الى توزيع الاعباء والمنافع بصورة غير عادلة بين الاقتصادات المتقدمة والنامية .4 - بالرغم من ان اكثر التحرير المالي والتجاري الذي تنادي به المنظمات الاقتصادية الدولية قد يخلق فوائد للمجتمع الدولي من تخفيض الحواجز الكمركيه وازالة القيود الكمية وفتح الاسواق ، الا ان معظم الدول النامية والمتحولة سوف لا تتمكن من تحقيق تلك المكاسب وتحويل المزايا الاحتمالية الى منافع فعلية الا بعد اعادة هيكلية اقتصاداتها .5 - افضت سياسات المنظمات الاقتصادية الدولية الى نمط من ادارة الاقتصاد العالمي عمل على استيعاب المشاكل والمتغيرات الدولية عن طريق اعتماد سياسات نقدية مناسبة يعقبها تكيف هيكلي يهدف الى زيادة مرونة الاقتصادات وتحسين فعالية استخدام الموارد واعطاء دور اكبر لقوى السوق والانفتاح ، اي تحول اهتمام هذه المنظمات لحل مشاكل الاقتصاد العالمي عن طريق تكييف السياسات الاقتصادية الوطنية للتغيرات في البيئة الاقتصاد العالمية ، وبالمثل اصبح ينظر الى التنمية والتحول باعتباره يمنح اهمية اقل لتحسين البيئة المالية والتجارية الخارجية ، واعطاء اهمية اكبر لتعزيز فاعلية الاصلاحات الهيكلية بهدف توفير حوافز للقطاع الخاص لكي يكون قوة دافعة للتنمية والتحول الاقتصادي.6 - افرزت سياسات المنظمات الاقتصادية الدولية ازدواجية في قواعد النظام الاقتصادي العالمي الجديد ، فالحدود الوطنية لاتهم بالنسبة للتجارة وتدفقات رؤوس الاموال ، لكن يتعين ترسيمها بوضوح اذا تعلق الامر بتدفقات التكنولوجيا والعمالة ،فسياسات المنظمات تجنبت الحديث عن حركة عنصر العمل عالميا وكانها غير محتملة او كان راس المال يستطيع ان يحل تماما محل عنصر العمل على المستوى العالمي في تحقيق التخصصات المثلى ، ويترتب على ذلك ان الدول النامية ستسمح بالوصول الى اسواقها من دون ان يقابل ذلك السماح لها بالوصول الى التكنولوجيا ، وانها ستقبل بحركة رؤوس الاموال دون ان يقابل ذلك انتقال العمالة ، هذا الازدواج يعد من صميم عدم المساواة في قواعد النظام الاقتصادي العالمي الجديد . 7 - يبرز التقاطع بين سياسات المنظمات الاقتصادية الدولية والسياسات البديلة للدول النامية والمتحولة ، فالجانب الايديولوجي للمنظمات الاقتصادية الدولية يرى ان طريق التنمية يجب ان يكون راسماليا من خلال اعتماد الية السوق ، وهذه مصادرة لحق هذه الدول في تلمس الطريق المناسب لها للتنمية ، كما ان المنظمات الاقتصادية الدولية تخضع الدول النامية جميعها للشروط ذاتها من دون اية خصوصية تذكر ، في حين ينطلق النموذج البديل من خصوصية اوضاع كل مجتمع . كما ان وصفه المنظمات تضر اضرارا بالغا بذوي الدخل المحدود الامر الذي ينتج عنه ازدياد حدة الفقر ، وعلى العكس من ذلك فان فلسفة النهج البديل للاصلاح والتحول تعمد الى مراعاة الشرائح والفئات الاقل دخلا ، اي انها تستند الى اعادة صياغة فلسفة التنمية وجعلها متمحورة على الذات ونقل عملية التراكم من تراكم معتمد على الخارج الى تراكم يرتكز على الداخل وعلى الامكانات الداخلية في تمويل التنمية والابتعاد عن طريقة الاستدانه في ظل يسر الاقراض.8 - لم تستطع المنظمات الاقتصادية الدولية بوصفها اليات تسيير واداره النظام الاقتصادي العالمي من جعل هذا الاقتصاد اكثر استقرارا وعدالة فعمليات ادارة النظام المالي العالمي من قبل صندوق النقد الدولي والبنك الدولي لم تركز على الاجراءات الواجب اتخاذها للتصدي لحالة عدم الاستقرار الشامل وللمخاطر التي تهدد النظام العالمي ، بل ركزا جهودهما على ما ينبغي للمؤسسات والاليات الوطنية عمله وعلى وضع عقوبات صارمة فيما يتصل بالمشروطية والاشراف . في حين ادت اتفاقات منظمة التجارة العالمية الى بروز سياسة المنافسة الدولية كاحد مجالات السياسة الاقتصادية الجديدة ، والى رفع المستوى العالمي المطلوب من الناحية الفنية والمتطلبات القانونية التي يتطلبها النظام الاقتصادي العالمي الجديد. اي ان التحرير التجاري ادى الى اشتداد حمى المنافسة الدولية في ظل اوضاع اقتصادية غير متكافئة . | The importance of the international economic organizations comes through the job it has to do and the role to fulfill by accomplishing an important stages to build an international economic system, and before all of that inside the religious boundaries that led to write its bounds and decisions, because it translate a liberal and ideological (liberal imperialism) through the basics for the international commercial and fund system and for the international financial and commercial and fund policies. The importance of studying the role of the international economic organizations and its impact because it represent the main mechanism to implement the direct decision at the international side especially after the international trade organizations and to complete the lacks that exist in the institutes of the international economic system , that will guarantee the perfect view for the international economic relations that deals with the fund, supplement, trade and development the job of these commissions turns into determining the changing passage that will be appropriate and makes changes in the national economies by a way that guarantee the harmony of the economic activity on the international side, because these organizations do not stand to play emotion or monitoring role, but it can force the roles that the members should respect in their economic policies and that includes the shrinkage of absolute countries sovereignty for their economic policies on their obligations and promises to the international economic organizations.Therefore seeking a goal to determine the role of international economic organizations appears, making new features for the international economic system, and evaluate the administration of these organizations for the rehabilitation of their structures and economical transformation, in addition how to control the international financial crises heading to evaluate these influences on such policies in the international side.So the research starts from a point that the policies of the international economic organizations, stand to be new style in the administration of the international economy and national economies, but these administrations failed to accomplish perfect possibilities in the equal development and transform and combine for these countries in the international economy.This research has been built in four chapters, in addition to the preface and conclude : The first chapter The Basic Features of the International Economic System and the role of the international economic organizations building new style for the international economic relations, through three aspects, the first deals with (The characteristics and Man Features For the Old International Economic system), the second discuss (Motives for Establishing The International Economic Organization), the third deals with (International Economic Environmental variables and its impacts on developing policies of the International Economic Organizations.The second chapter discusses the International Economic Organizations in three aspects, the first study the denotation of the International Economic Organizations, the second view the applicable symbols for the International Economic Organizations policies, the third study the organization policies and problems that will appears through implementation in the underdeveloped countries. The third chapter deals with (International Economic Organizations and the administration of international financial crises and the economic transformation processes) in two aspects, the first specialized studying the International Economic Organizations and the administration of economical transformation, the second aspects deals only with International Economic Organizations and the administration of international financial crises.The fourth chapter which is the last, view (Policies of the International Economic Organizations and its impact on the International economy) the first aspect study (The Influence of the Financial Policies for the International Economic Organizations on the international economy), the second comes under a title ( The Impact of the International Trade Convention on the International Economy), the third and the last deals with (Social and Political Influences for the Policies of the International Economic Organizations on the International Side).The research comes to these conclusions : 1 - The International Economic Organizations starts its policy from making symbol's only, with out take into consideration the possibilities of implementation, that means that there is a gap between design and write the developing symbols and draw and implement policies, therefore applications of the economical policies gives different values in different economies according to the economical developing phase.2 - The invitation of the International Economic Organizations to liberate the financial and commercial field means to deprive underdeveloped countries to make similar economical policies that the industrial countries use at the first early stages from its developing phase, or even that has been used by the new manufacturer underdeveloped countries. The underdeveloped countries has to take developing policies based on the economical freedom that has been design by International Economic Organizations and not accordingly to its economical growth demands.3 - In spit of the financial and commercial liberation that the International Economic Organizations calls for, can create benefits for the international community by decreasing the customs obstacles, and eliminate the quantity chains and open markets, but most of the underdeveloped and transformed countries will not be able to achieve the benefits and will not transform the substantial characteristics to real benefits until the rehabilitation of its economical structure.4 - The International Economic Organizations led to new style for the international economy administration that can capture all the international dilemma and changes, by another word that we can transform the intentions of these organization to solve the international problems, by conditioning the national economic policies to the changes in the international environment and they will look with similarity to development and transform by giving less importance to improve the international financial and commercial environment and giving more to the economical improvements, that means to provide bonus to the private sector that will be strong power to carryon the economical and transform development.5 - The International Economic Organizations policies shows double vision for the new international economic system, because the national boundaries do not put into consideration when dealing with trade and falls of budget main stream, but it has to clearly determine if it has great role in technology and liberal support. The organization policies avoid talking about international movement of labor element as if it is impossible or budged can totally replace movements of labor element, on the international side to accomplish the perfect specialization, in order to do such thing the underdeveloped countries will allow to enter its markets without letting her to reach technology, and will allow the movement of main budget with out transferring labors. This double vision represents the hart of inequality in the principles of new international economical system it is obvious that thy worldlization process and the economical liberation led by International Economic Organizations increase the competing pressure on the international markets and to halt the economical success on the speed of skills gain and technology development. These processes and pressures increase the gap between the developed countries and the underdeveloped, therefore a need to mechanism and policies that the international economy stand on, the economic system that stand helpless to provide appropriate and realistic changes for underdeveloped countries to equal combine and raise the living level, will absolutely loss its speed in great parts of the underdeveloped countries and without this legitimate and justice, any new International Economic System will not be able to achieve stability and continuity

انتقال الفكر المؤسساتي من المحلية الى العالمية ودوره في تحقيق التنمية سياسيا واقتصاديا == transition The institutionalism Thought from local to global And its role in the achievement of political and economic development

اسم المؤلف: مصطفى حسين عبد الرزاق
اسم المشرف: عبد علي كاظم المعموري | احمد شهاب الحمداني
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: واجه الفكر الاقتصادي الكلاسيكي العديد من الانتقادات من مدارس فكرية عديدة لاسباب كثيرة، وتعد المدرسة المؤسساتية واحدة من اهم تلك المدارس، واكتسبت اهميتها لسببين : الاول : نجاحها في جعل المؤسسات السائدة احدى المتغيرات التي يعنى بها البحث الاقتصادي في عالمنا المعاصر، ورفض الفرضيات الكلاسيكية المسلمة بجودة المؤسسات، والتي تفضي الى افتراض مثالية الاسواق، ورفض فرضيات رشد المستهلك، والسعي الدائم للافراد نحو المنافع المادية، وتوفر المعلومات المجانية وغيرها من الثوابت الكلاسيكية. الثاني : تنامي الاهتمام بالمؤسساتية من قبل جيل جديد من المؤسساتيين، من خلال الاقتراب من الفكر الاقتصادي السائد ذا الجذور الكلاسيكية والانتقال من النقد بسبب اهمال الجانب المؤسسي، الى الدعوة الى ادخال العوامل المؤسسية وجعلها جزء من النظريات التنموية، اذ بدراونالد كوز بفكرة تكاليف الصفقة عام 1937، وبين ان بسببها تنشا وتتوسع الشركات الكبيرة على حساب المشاريع الصغيرة، لان الاخيرة تعتمد على الية السوق، فاذا ما كانت السوق غير فعالة (مكلفة)، تضطر الاطراف الى الدخول في شراكات تعاقدية لتجنب هذه السوق التي تعاني من التذبذب، والغموض (قلة المعلومات والشفافية)، وعدم الامان (حماية الملكية من المصادرة ومن المزاحمة الحكومية) ...الخ. اصبحت معظم الكتابات والدراسات والتقارير الاقتصادية - بما فيها تلك الصادرة عن المنظمات الدولية - تتفق على صحة الاطروحات الفكرية التي تولي اهمية كبيرة الى المؤسسات التي تمثل النظام السياسي والاقتصادي السائدين في بلد ما، وظهر اجماعا متزايدا على ان جودة النظام المؤسسي يعد اهم العوامل التي تساعد او تعيق التنمية الاقتصادية، وبعبارة اخرى، فان النظام السياسي الذي يحدد ملامح (المؤسسات) القواعد المنظمة للحياة السياسية والاقتصادية والاجتماعية، ومن ثم ايجاد سوق فعال، يعد اليوم عاملا رئيسا في تحقيق التنمية والرفاه للمجتمعات، ما دفع الكثير من المنظمات الى وضع معايير يمكن من خلالها تقدير مؤشرات كمية تعبر عن جودة المؤسسات، والقيام ببحوث تستخدم تلك المؤشرات لقياس اثارها، ورسم مسارا للتنمية يعتمد على التحسن في المؤسسات لاسيما الرسمية، من خلال جذبها لرؤوس الاموال المحلية والخارجية.ومع تعدد المؤشرات التي يمكن استخدامها للدلالة على جودة المؤسسات، فان المؤشرات الاكثر استخداما هي مؤشر سهولة الاعمال الذي يصدره البنك الدولي، ومؤشر الحرية الاقتصادية الذي يصدره معهد فرايزر (في كندا)، ومؤشر الديمقراطية الذي يصدره وحدة الاستخبارات الاقتصادية، ومؤشر الحكم الصالح الذي يصدره البنك الدولي، ويتضمن كل مؤشر عددا من المؤشرات الفرعية يعبر كل منها عن جانب من جوانب المؤشر.وعند قياس اثر جودة المؤسسات بالاعتماد على كل مؤشر على حدا، وبناء انموذج قياسي لكل منها بالاعتماد على بيانات مئة دولة لعام 2011، تبين الاثر المعنوي للاداء المؤسسي، وكان مقداره متباينا حسب المؤشر المستخدم، كما تبين من جميع النماذج ان مسار العلاقة بين الاداء المؤسسي والنمو غير خطية، ما يعني ان التحسن في جودة المؤسسات لا يحقق نموا اقتصاديا الا بعد بلوغ درجة معينة تتحدد حسب نوع المؤشر المستخدم، وفي ضوء المقارنة بين اثر المؤشرات تبين لنا اولويات الاصلاح المؤسسي الواجب اتباعها، استنادا الى نتائج كل مؤشر، فجاء في المقدمة الحكم الصالح، اذ بلغ معامل التحديد (R2) لانحداره البسيط (من الدرجة الثانية) (81%)، يليه سهولة الاعمال الذي بلغ معامل التحديد (R2) لانحداره البسيط (من الدرجة الثانية) (61%)، ثم الحرية الاقتصادية الذي بلغ معامل التحديد (R2) لانحداره البسيط (من الدرجة الثانية) (59%)، وجاء اخيرا مؤشر الديمقراطية الذي بلغ معامل التحديد (R2) لمعامل الانحدار (من الدرجة الثانية) (52%). | The classical economic thought subjected for many criticisms from many schools of thought because of many reasons, Institutional school one of the most important of these schools, It importance has gained for two reasons : First : its success in making the prevailing institutions, one of the variables that must be concerned economic research in the contemporary world, and rejection of the classical hypotheses in Ideal of institutions, Which leading to the assumption of perfect markets, and rejection the other its hypotheses such as Consumer rationality, make constant efforts to individuals about the Material benefits, and provides free information and other classic constants.Second : growing the interest in Institutional by a new generation of institutionalist, through closer to the mainstream economic thought a classical roots and the transition of Criticism due to the neglect of the institutional variable, to call for the introduction of institutional factors and make it part of the developmental theories, Ronald Coase began the idea of transaction costs in 1937,He indicate that large companies will arise and expand at the expense of small businesses account, because the latter rely on the market mechanism. If the market was not effective (inexpensive), the parties have to enter into contractual partnerships to avoid this market is experiencing volatility, and uncertainty (lack of information and transparency), and lack of safety (protection of property confiscated from the government and from Crowding in - out) ... etc.Most of the economic Scripts, studies and reports, - those issued by international organizations - agree on the validity of intellectual theses that attaches great importance to the institutions that represent the political and economic regime that prevailing in the country, and the back of a growing consensus that the institutional system quality is the most important factors that help or hinder economic development, in other words, the political regime that determines the features to regulation rules (institutions) of the political, economic and social life, and then find an effective market, is today a major factor in the development and prosperity of the communities, prompting many organizations to develop criteria by which to estimate the amount indicators reflect the quality of institutions, and carry out research using those indicators to measure their effects, and draw a path of development depends on improvement in the institutions Especially the formal institutions, through attracted local and foreign the capital fundsWith so many indicators that can be used to indicate the quality of institutions, the most widely used indicators is Doing business issued by the World Bank index, the Economic Freedom Index published by the fraser institute (Canada), the Democracy Index which published by the Economist Intelligence Unit, and the Good Governance index which is issued by the world bank, each index includes a number of sub - indices, each of which reflects an aspect of the indexWhen measuring the impact of the quality of institutions depending on each indicator separately, and make econometric model for each of them based on one hundred countries for the year 2011 data, shows the Significant impact of institutional performance, whereof mixed by user index, as shown by all the models that the relationship between institutional performance and growth path non - linear, which means that the improvement in the quality of the institutions does not achieve the economic growth only after reaching a certain degree determined according the user index type, and in comparison light of the impact of the indicators, show us the priorities of institutional reform must be followed, based on the results of each indicator, so came in the introduction of good governance, when reached the coefficient of determination (R2) of it in simple regression (Quadratic equation) (81%), followed by Doing business which reached the coefficient of determination (R2) in simple regression (Quadratic equation) (61%), then economic freedom which reached the coefficient of determination ( R2) in simple regression (Quadratic equation) (59%), and finally came Democracy index, which reached the coefficient of determination (R2) in simple regression (Quadratic equation) (52%).

دور الاتحاد الافريقي في تسوية المنازعات : دراسة حالة الصومال == The Role of African Union in the Settlement of Dispute Studying Somalia Cas

اسم المؤلف: مهند عبد الواحد كاظم النداوي
اسم المشرف: فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2012
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: كان تحقيق الوحدة الافريقية حلم يراود الكتاب والمفكرين الافارقة منذ نهايات القرن التاسع عشر وبدايات القرن العشرين ، لا سيما الافارقة الذين اختلطوا مع العالم الخارجي . وقد ارتبط ذلك الحلم بتبني العديد من المشاريع الوحدوية التي كانت تهدف بالاساس الى تخليص الانسان والشعوب الافريقية من الرق والعبودية ، وتكوين كيانهم الخاص بهم . وبعد نجاح العديد من الشعوب الافريقية في تحرير دولهم من الاستعمار الغربي انذاك في خمسينيات وستينيات القرن العشرين ، سعوا الى العمل على نقل الحلم الافريقي الى واقع ملموس ، عبر الشروع في تاسيس تنظيم اقليمي وهي منظمة الوحدة الافريقية انذاك، تعمل على تحقيق العديد من الاهداف والمبادئ ، التي من ابرزها ، تحرير جميع الدول الافريقية من الاستعمار ، فضلا عن تسوية العديد من المنازعات والحروب التي نشبت بين الدول الافريقية حديثة الاستقلال . ومنذ نهايات العقد الاخير من القرن العشرين ، سعى العديد من القادة الافارقة ، لا سيما بعد تزايد حدة المنازعات المسلحة في العديد من الدول الافريقية ، لا سيما على الصعيد الداخلي ، الى العمل على طرح العديد من الافكار والرؤى التي نجحت منذ بدايات القرن الحادي والعشرين ، وتحديدا في عام 2002 ، في اعلان القادة الافارقة عن تاسيس تنظيم افريقي جديد عرف باسم الاتحاد الافريقي ، وذلك من اجل مواكبة التطورات التي حدثت على الصعيد الدولي ، فضلا عن تحقيق اهداف عدة ، من ابرزها ، تحقيق السلم والامن والاستقرار فيما بين الدول والشعوب الافريقية ، ومن ثم تحقيق الوحدة والتكامل الافريقي على صعيد القارة ككل . ولاهمية دراسة الاتحاد الافريقي ، فقد سعينا الى ابراز اهميتها وفاعليتها في تحقيق الاهداف والمبادئ التي نادت بها ، لا سيما في مجال تسوية المنازعات . وللاهمية التي تحتلها الصومال في المحيطين الافريقي والعربي ، ولخطورة الوضع في الصومال ، لا سيما على الصعيد السياسي والامني ، فقد ارتئينا دراستها بوصفها انموذجا لدراسة الحالة . اما اشكالية الدراسة فانها تنطلق من رؤية مفادها ، انه على الرغم من نجاح الاتحاد الافريقي عبر سنوات عمله في التدخل في العديد من المنازعات المسلحة سواء كانت ذات الطابع الدولي ام الطابع الداخلي ومن ضمنها الازمة الصومالية ، الا انه لا زال يعاني العديد من التحديات اثناء منع وادارة وتسوية المنازعات في العديد من الدول الافريقية ، سواء تعلق الامر بالهيكل التنظيمي وكيفية اتخاذ القرار ام بالتحديات الداخلية والخارجية . في حين انطلقت الدراسة من فرضية مفادها " ان المشكلات والازمات التي واجهت العديد من الدول الافريقية ، فضلا عن التغيرات التي حدثت في الساحة الدولية ، اسهمت في ظهور العديد من الافكار والرؤى من قبل القادة الافارقة ، لانشاء اتحاد فيما بين دولهم ليكون بديلا عن منظمة الوحدة الافريقية ، ليسهم في الحد من الازمات والمشكلات التي اضحت تعاني منها العديد من الدول الافريقية ، وفي تحقيق الامن والاستقرار ، وبالتالي في تحقيق التكامل السياسي والاقتصادي في القارة الافريقية ". وفي ضوء الاشكالية التي انطلقت منها الدراسة ، والفرضية العلمية التي نريد البرهنة عليها ، تم تقسيم الدراسة على خمسة فصول اساسية : تضمن الفصل الاول ، دراسة نشاة وتطور الاتحاد الافريقي بدءا من دراسة المراحل التاريخية لفكرة الوحدة الافريقية وحتى تاسيس الاتحاد الافريقي .اما الفصل الثاني ، فقد تضمن دراسة الاتحاد الافريقي وتسوية المنازعات من خلال دراسة المدلول القانوني والسياسي للمنازعات ، ودراسة العلاقة بين المنظمات الدولية والاقليمية في مجال تسوية المنازعات ، فضلا عن دراسة الية الاتحاد الافريقي في تسوية المنازعات .اما بالنسبة للفصل الثالث ، فقد عمد الى دراسة مضامين الازمة الصومالية من خلال التطرق الى دراسة الجغرافية السياسية للصومال ، ومن ثم تتبع مراحل تطور الازمة الصومالية .في حين تضمن الفصل الرابع ، دراسة ابرز القوى الاقليمية والدولية المؤثرة ازاء الازمة الصومالية .اما الفصل الخامس والاخير ، فقد تطرق الى دراسة ادارة الاتحاد الافريقي للازمة الصومالية من خلال دراسة دور منظمة الوحدة الافريقية ازاء الازمة الصومالية خلال المدة ما بين (1963_2001) . فضلا عن دراسة سياسة الاتحاد الافريقي حيال الازمة الصومالية منذ العام 2002 ، ومن ثم التطرق الى دراسة الاتحاد الافريقي وامكانية احلال السلام والامن في القارة الافريقية في ضوء اهم التحديات والفرص التي تواجه عمل الاتحاد الافريقي اثناء تسوية المنازعات . ومن خلال تتبع فصول الدراسة ، فقد تم التوصل الى استنتاجات عدة ، من ابرزها : 1. شهدت القارة الافريقية ، تزايد نسبة اندلاع المنازعات المسلحة في العديد من الدول الافريقية ، لا سيما ذات الطابع الداخلي ، منذ العقد الاخير من القرن العشرين ، مما اثر سلبا على الامن والاستقرار في القارة ، كما حدث في الصومال منذ سقوط النظام السياسي في عام 1991 .2. نجح القادة الافارقة في انشاء اتحاد افريقي في بدايات القرن الحادي والعشرين ، لمواكبة التطورات التي حدثت في العالم ، ولتحقيق ما عجزت منظمة الوحدة الافريقية عن تحقيقه عبر سنوات عملها الممتدة قرابة (39) عاما ، لا سيما في مجال تسوية المنازعات .3. سعى القادة الافارقة اثناء اقرار القانون التاسيسي للاتحاد الافريقي الى التركيز على الجانب السياسي والامني ، فضلا عن الجوانب الاخرى ، عبر استحداث العديد من الاهداف والمبادئ الجديدة التي اصبحت تركز على تحقيق السلم والامن والاستقرار في القارة الافريقية . وتنبع اهميتها من كونها اصبحت تعكس التغيرات التي حدثت على النظام السياسي الدولي ، التي كان لها تاثير على الوضع الامني والسياسي في العديد من الدول الافريقية ، والتي من ابرزها ، حق الاتحاد الافريقي في التدخل في اية دولة عضو في الاتحاد في ظل الظروف الخطيرة المتمثلة في جرائم الحرب والابادة الجماعية والجرائم ضد الانسانية ، مع حق الدول الاعضاء في طلب التدخل من الاتحاد لاعادة الامن والاستقرار ، بالاضافة الى احترام مبادئ الديمقراطية وحقوق الانسان والحكم الرشيد وسيادة القانون . بالاضافة الى ذلك ، فقد تم استحداث العديد من الاجهزة الرئيسة المعنية بتحقيق السلم والامن والاستقرار في القارة الافريقية . فبينما لم يكن لمنظمة الوحدة الافريقية سوى ثلاثة اجهزة رئيسة معنية بتسوية المنازعات ، فان القانون التاسيسي للاتحاد الافريقي ، عمد الى زيادة عدد الاجهزة الرئيسة والمعنية بتسوية المنازعات في القارة الافريقية لتصل الى ستة اجهزة .4. سعت الدول الاعضاء منذ اللحظات الاولى لعقد القمة الاولى للاتحاد الافريقي في مدينة دوربان بجنوب افريقيا في عام 2002 ، الى ايلاء اهمية خاصة لتحقيق السلم والامن والاستقرار في القارة الافريقية ، عبر اقرار البروتوكول الخاص بتاسيس مجلس السلم والامن ، الذي مع دخوله حيز التنفيذ في عام 2003 ، اصبح يحل محل الية منع وادارة وتسوية المنازعات التابع لمنظمة الوحدة الافريقية انذاك . وقد عد مجلس السلم والامن من ترتيبات الامن الجماعي والانذار المبكر ، واصبح يمارس مهامه في حفظ السلم والامن والاستقرار في القارة الافريقية ، عبر القوة الافريقية وبمعونة لجنة اركان الحرب ، وهو بذلك مثل طفرة نوعية في عمل مجلس السلم والامن ، التي اذا ما تم تفعيلها بصورة كاملة ، ستؤدي الى الحد من اندلاع المنازعات في العديد من الدول الافريقية .5. نجح الاتحاد الافريقي عبر سنوات عمله القصيرة الممتدة منذ العام 2002 ، الى التدخل في العديد من المنازعات المسلحة التي نشبت في القارة الافريقية ، ومن ضمنها الازمة الصومالية . اذ قام الاتحاد الافريقي بخطوات عدة ، من اجل محاولة اعادة الامن والاستقرار في الصومال ، عبر الدعوة لعقد مؤتمرات لتسوية الازمة فيما بين الفصائل الصومالية المسلحة والحكومات الصومالية المتعاقبة ، فضلا عن تقديم الدعم والاسناد للمؤسسات الحكومية الصومالية ، وارسال بعثة لحفظ السلام في الصومال ، وحث الدول الاعضاء في الاتحاد الافريقي لتقديم الدعم المالي واللوجيستي للبعثة . 6. واجه الاتحاد الافريقي العديد من الصعوبات ، اثناء جهوده في تسوية المنازعات ، ومن ضمنها الازمة الصومالية ، ومن ابرزها ، ان مسالة نشر قوات حفظ السلام الافريقية كانت تفتقر الى القبول من جانب العديد من ابناء الشعب الصومالي والفصائل الصومالية المسلحة ، واقتصار عمل بعثة الاتحاد الافريقي على حماية بعض المنشات والمقار الحكومية المهمة في العاصمة مقاديشو ، وضعف الدعم المالي واللوجيستي المقدم للبعثة من قبل الدول الاعضاء في الاتحاد ، مما اسهم في عدم نجاح الاتحاد في ايجاد حلول جذرية وشاملة للازمة الصومالية .7. لا زال الاتحاد الافريقي ، يواجه العديد من التحديات ، اثناء منع وادارة وتسوية المنازعات في العديد من الدول الافريقية ، مما قد ينعكس بالسلب في المستقبل على عمل مجلس السلم والامن في تحقيق السلم والامن والاستقرار في القارة الافريقية ، من ابرزها : ا. التحديات على الصعيد الداخلي ، والمتمثلة بالتحديات المرتبطة بالهيكل التنظيمي للاتحاد الافريقي ، كما في التحديات المرتبطة ببعض المواد المتعلقة بحفظ السلم والامن ، والتحديات المرتبطة ببعض اجهزة الاتحاد الافريقي المعنية بتسوية المنازعات . فضلا عن ذلك ، فقد عد انعدام الاستقرار الامني والسياسي في العديد من الدول الافريقية ، من ضمن التحديات التي ستواجه عمل الاتحاد الافريقي في المستقبل ، في ظل عدم قدرة مجلس السلم والامن التصدي لجميع المنازعات الافريقية في ان واحد . فضلا عن التحدي المرتبط برفض العديد من الدول الاعضاء التنازل عن جزء من سيادتها لصالح الاتحاد الافريقي ، والتحدي المرتبط بقلة الموارد المالية المخصصة للاتحاد الافريقي ، لا سيما المخصصة للجانب الامني والسياسي. كل هذه التحديات الداخلية متفاعلة ، من الممكن ان تسهم في عدم قدرة الاتحاد الافريقي ومجلس السلم والامن في تحقيق الاهداف والمبادئ التي نادى بها ، والمتمثلة اساسا بالعمل على صون السلم والامن والاستقرار في القارة الافريقية .ب‌. التحديات على الصعيد الخارجي ، ومن ابرزها التحديات المتمثلة في بروز ظاهرة العولمة والليبرالية الغربية ، واحداث 11 ايلول من عام 2001 ، حيث عدت من ابرز التحديات التي من الممكن ان تكون لها اثار سلبية على عمل الاتحاد الافريقي ومجلس السلم والامن اثناء التصدي للمنازعات الافريقية في المستقبل . 8. على الرغم من تعدد التحديات التي من الممكن ان تواجه عمل الاتحاد الافريقي ومجلس السلم والامن اثناء ادارتها للمنازعات الافريقية ، الا ان هناك العديد من المؤشرات الايجابية التي من الممكن ان تسهم في قيام الاتحاد الافريقي بتسوية العديد من المنازعات الافريقية او الحد من تفاقمها في المستقبل ، عبر استغلال الاتحاد العديد من الفرص ، ومن ضمنها ، تفعيل العديد من المواثيق والبروتوكولات المتعلقة بالحكم الرشيد وسيادة القانون ومكافحة الارهاب ومنع التغييرات غير الدستورية وحسن الجوار وغيرها من المواثيق والبروتوكولات ، كاستجابة للتطورات الحديثة مثل سيادة مفاهيم الديمقراطية وحقوق الانسان ، ومناهضة جرائم الحرب والابادة الجماعية والجرائم ضد الانسانية ، والتي اذا ما تم التقيد بها ان تعمل على تعزيز وصون السلم والامن والاستقرار في القارة ، فضلا عن التفعيل الكامل لبروتوكول مجلس السلم والامن واطلاق هيئة الحكماء ، وانشاء العناصر الرئيسة للقوة الافريقية الجاهزة والنظام القاري للانذار المبكر . كل هذه الفرص وغيرها من الانجازات ، من الممكن ان تعمل ، لو احسن الاتحاد الافريقي استغلالها ، ان تسهم في تحقيق السلم والامن والاستقرار في العديد من الدول الافريقية ، ومن ثم تحقيق التكامل السياسي والاقتصادي فيما بينهما في المستقبل . وعليه ، فان الاتحاد الافريقي كان قد تاسس في بدايات القرن الحادي والعشرين ، في الوقت الذي لا زالت فيه العديد من الدول الافريقية تواجه تحدي استمرار وتجدد اندلاع المنازعات المسلحة ، لا سيما على الصعيد الداخلي ، مما سيجعل من مهمة الاتحاد الافريقي في صون السلم والامن والاستقرار في القارة صعبة . الا انه بالرغم من ذلك فقد سعى القادة الافارقة الى التعامل بواقعية مع الاحداث والازمات التي تمر بها القارة الافريقية ، والعمل قدر المستطاع على تجاوز معطيات المرحلة السابقة ، وايجاد الحلول المناسبة والممكنة اثناء اندلاع المنازعات المسلحة . |

الشركات عابرة القومية والمشكلات العامة في بلدان الجنوب == The transnational corporations and public problems in the southern countries

اسم المؤلف: محمد علي حمود
اسم المشرف: مازن اسماعيل الرمضاني | مها الحديثي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2006
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The transnational corporations become one of the important factors which effect of the political process in the northern and southern countries. Today transnational corporations play double role in the host countries, the first is positive role in which these corporations help in resolve the public problems and the second is negative role in which corporations create new public problems such as “weakness of national sovereignty, political corruption and crimes ...” The transnational corporations have many means uses to effect in the different faces of political, social and economic process in the southern countries. The important means were the financial, economic and technological power of the transnational corporations, political and military status of their home country and employment policies of the international institutions toward southern countries to support their investments. This study includes tow parts : - The first is the analysis main concepts “The transnational corporations, public problems “, and analysis of the strategy of the transnational corporations which deal with southern countries.The second part is analysis case study of the Brazil and explanation of the important sides and consequences which reflect the relation between transnational corporations and public problems in the southern countries.The main consequents of the study were : - Transnational corporations have important effect in the southern countries through develop many public problems such as unemployment, pollution and crimes. - Transnational corporations effect in public policy through create new public problems such as weakness of national sovereignty and poverty .

جدلية العلاقة بين الاصالة والحداثة وانعكاساتها في الثقافة السياسية العربية

اسم المؤلف: محمد عدنان محمود الخفاجي
اسم المشرف: مها عبد اللطيف حسن الحديثي | عامر حسن فياض
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:

دور عمليــــــــة التحــــول نحو اقتصاد السوق في تحديد اتجاهات السياسة الخارجيـــة : مصر انموذجا == The Role of transition to market economy in determination of foreign policy directions Egypt Case Study))

اسم المؤلف: محمد عباس احمد
اسم المشرف: عماد عبد اللطيف سالم
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2009
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: الاطار الفكري للتحول الاقتصادي واصلاحات الدولة في العالم النامي | الاطار العام للتحول الهيكلي نحو اقتصاد السوق | نظام اقتصاد السوق في النظرية الليبرالية | التحول الى اقتصاد السوق | التطور في ثنائية الاختيار بين الدولة الراعية ونظام اقتصاد السوق في الدول الغربية |الدولة الاشتراكية | الدولة في النظام الاشتراكي والليبرالي | الدولة في عالم متغير | عمليات واجراءات واصلاحات الدولة المتحولة في العالم الثالث | المؤسسات الدولية الراعية لنظام اقتصاد السوق | المؤسسات الدولية ودورها في التفاعلات الدولية | سياسات واهداف صندوق النقد الدولي والبنك الدولي | الاجراءات الواجبة من البلدان المتحولة |منظمة التجارة العالمية واثار مؤسسات التمويل الدولي في السلوك السياسي | اتجاهات السياسة الخارجية للدول المتحولة لنظام اقتصاد السوق : انماط الاداء |السياسة الخارجية في ظل نظام اقتصاد السوق : الانموذج المصري | مناطق الاهتمام في السياسة الخارجية المصرية في ظل تحولات اقتصاد السوق | Since the collapse of former Soviet Union in 1991, a verity of developing countries which were totally governed by one party system began its closely steps to transit to market oriented - economy due to many reasons like the vanishing of communist block and rising the revolution of ascending expectations in third world which make demands more influenced by external environment. Throughout Africa and Latin America, and in some poorer corners of Asia, nations have been waiting to test the new experience of liberalization that promote democracy and good governance, in coincide with this; a new type of conditions have been attached to proliferation of economic aids from rich countries, The unspoken message of these states is that countries seeking the money to mobilize its efforts to new era must show that they are reorganizing their societies according to Washington's standards where democracy and human rights became the topics of global agenda and this transition with no doubts has reorganize the foreign policy for these transitional countries in new directions focusing on mutual economic and trade cooperation, rebuilding the foreign political speech, the abandonment of ideological ideas and promote for wide prospects for corporations to invest in rising markets. This, The new foreign policy in the age of globalization in the 21st century became international, extending across the entire globe; also it developed new thought and a believable moral strategy to shape a connecting world, focused on actions to promote these mentioned goals.Globalization, privatization and liberalization have become dominant forcesshaping societies and economies the world over. With the fall of communismand the decline of socialism in most parts of the world, these processes haveaccelerated in the 1990s. These three processes are interrelated phenomena.Globalized economies are likely to be more privatized and liberalized econo¬mies. On the other hand, privatization and liberalization facilitate the process ofglobalization of a country or a region. Hence, it is essential that these processesbe addressed collectively. Globalization, privatization and liberalization are multidimensional phenom¬ena that have implications not only for the economic but also the socio - culturaland environmental aspects of countries and societies. As a primary objective, these, multidimensional aspects include reshaping the foreign policy.One way to try to measure "Globalization" in foreign policy is the annual index of A.T. Kearney and the Foreign Policy Magazine of the Carnegie Endowment in Washington D.C. This index includes rankings of 62 countries for 14 variables grouped in four categories : economic integration (trade, foreign direct investment, portfolio capital flows, and investment income), personal contacts (international travel and tourism, international telephone traffic), technological connectivity (internet users and hosts), and political engagement (memberships in international organizations, international treaties ratified, contributions to UN Security Council missions). No wonder two of the smallest countries, Singapore and Ireland, are ranked on the two top positions followed by Switzerland, the Netherlands and Finland. For years, the smaller a nation, the more developed it is, the more contacts cross - border.This dissertation advocate the essential thesis that globalization and transition to free market oriented - economy has its perceived influence in determine and reorganize the foreign policy directions. The dissertation has been divided into an introduction and fourth chapters with conclusion. Chapter one deals with the conceptual issues of meaning, definitions and differing interpretations and perspectives, this chapter devoted to study theoretical framework for liberalization and free markets, the reasons lay behind the transition to free economy in third world. Chapter two addressed the main globally institutions that promote liberalization like the world bank and international monetary fund (IMF), also this chapter extended to analyze the role of world trade organization and monetary clubs : Paris and London clubs.Chapter three discussed the foreign policy directions of transitional countries where these fundamental directions included : rebuilding the foreign political speech and interact with liberal choice, the rise of corporation which became a main player in new economies besides the state, the seeking to form a global and regional economic blocks and focusing to make foreign policy a primary tool in managing trade conflict. The forth and final chapter has been devoted to study the Egyptian model that contained the fundamental theatrical and practical basis of our thesis on how transition to market economy reshape foreign policy, so, we study the historical development of Egyptian political system, the main factors which made foreign policy changeable to interact with changing environment that influenced the foreign directions. In conclusions of dissertation we listed in shortly text the primary ideas of how the proliferation of liberalization has its impact that reach many aspects of life in third world and the reorganize of foreign policy was one of these vital aspects.

مستقبل الاتحاد الاوروبي : دراسة في التاثير السياسي الدولي == The European Union Future A Study in International Political Influence

اسم المؤلف: محمـد دحام كردي
اسم المشرف: علي حسن نيسان
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2009
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The twenty - first century witnesses important economic, political and technological transformation. Undoubtedly, this international will lead to the emergence of big international forces which have a clear influence up on the international policy. Among these candidate force will be the European union that works to be the influential pole according to its international position. The European integration project stants as European group for coal and steel in 1951 . this project develops after four decades to complete security, economic , and political one by signing (Masteracht ) agreement in April 1992, in which the European union is announced as independent political entity with legal prestige .This study is divided into introduction and five chapters . the first chapter includes theoretical frame of the international political influence and its important inputs and the relation with other concepts. The second chapter deals with the expansion and integration in European union showing the European integration and historical development. It also exposes the horizontal and vertical expansion during the last years. The third chapter is titled the European internal environment that concentrates up on the more influential internal environment element on the state power, such as the military, technological and economic variables . The fourth chapter is concerned with the European external environment that showing the European security and the regional, international environment and its positive and negative influences upon European union .The fifth chapter sheds light upon the European union future in the international policy. The European union status and future choices have taken great part in this chapter. The concentration is upon whether this union influential or not and the available justifications for the two choices .The study end with conclusion that sums up the findings

العلاقة بين الحكومة والمعارضة في الدول العربية == The Relationship between The Government & Opposition in Arabic countries

اسم المؤلف: احمد عدنان كاظم
اسم المشرف: وصال نجيب عارف العزاوي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2008
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: This dissertation has been tackling with specific options concerning with the nature of relationship between Government and Opposition . Thus this subject has different stages during diagnosing of this Political Phenomena , especially with stage of Predominating single - party system which was preventing any political opposition in the political life , besides to that making political groups and parties to be more weakness within political system .In the stage of hegemonic party system , the government excerting too much efforts to containment any political opposition . But the real situation during pluralism in political parties , It has taken another forms , in order to weak any an opposition towarded against Government , therefore the opposition should be working under the conditions which were imposing by Government .The important of this subject was appeared from different basic highlights such as are : - 1. The nature of stand of Government toward an opposition. 2. The style and political paradigm of Arabic elites who were ruling in the region .3. The nature of political culture which was prevalented within society and it's reflections and repercusussions on the structure of an authority .4. The huge of capacities of different political systems in Arabic region to assimulation of all groups of political opposition , such as a partner within institutions of states .From all of that , this thesis devided in to five parts , First chapter deals with conceptual and theoretical themes . But at the Second chapter tackled causes or motivations , and forms of an opposition within political system . In the Third chapter was tackling stages of appearance relationships between Government and opposition . Either within the stage of pluralism in political parties , it has been dealing in Fourth chapter . And in the last chapter has studied the future of connectionship between Government and Opposition by different possible likelihoods which were concerning with reflixable and non - reflixable relationship between two parts of political equation , therefore , it may relation be very dimunitive in vital role between Government and Opposition within political process , in the democratic stage

الاستراتيجية المصرية في الوطن العربي

اسم المؤلف: محمد ابراهيم المصبح
اسم المشرف: سرمد زكي الجادر | مازن اسماعيل الرمضاني
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2005
الموضوع الدقيق: الدراسات الاستراتيجية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الكلمات الدلالية:
  • لمحة تاريخية عن الاستراتيجية المصرية في الوطن العربي
  • شخصية مصر الاقليمية
  • ظهور الدولة في مصر وتطورها
  • الوظيفة الاقليمية للاستراتيجية المصرية (اطار نظري تاريخي)
  • المتغيرات المؤثرة في الاستراتيجية المصرية في الوطن العربي
  • المتغيرات الداخلية
  • المتغير
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: في العموم عند الحديث عن النظام الاقليمي يتبادر الى الذهن - دائما - ان ثمة انساقا من التفاعل تتخذ قدرا من الثبات والاستمرارية بين مجموعة من الدول التي تتوافر على اهداف ومنطلقات وطموحات ازاء ذلك المجال، وان ثمة توازنات للقوى داخل ذلك الاقليم يتم بموجبها تحديد الاطراف او الدول الاكثر فاعلية، وهذا الكلام ينطبق على الوطن العربي، فالاخير كان ولا يزال يشكل منطقة مليئة بالتحديات والتفاعلات التي ما انفكت القوى الخارجية - الدولية - تسعى للتاثير فيها، ومن ثم كان ولا يزال هذا المجال الحيوي ممثلا بهذا الاقليم يشكل عاملا مهما من عوامل تحريك السياسة الدولية. ان الوطن العربي مثله كمثل اي نظام اقليمي، شهد ولا زال يشهد تفاعلات من قبل دول تسعى من خلالها لضمان دور فاعل ومؤثر في تحديد موازين القوى فيه، وهذا التفاعل يدور في اطار حالة من التنافس المستمر بين القوى الفاعلة من اجل الحصول على موقع الريادة والقيادة للوطن العربي ، كما ان هذا التنافس في حالة من التحفيز المستمر بفعل ظاهرة الحراك الاقليمي، والدولي، فالى جانب طموحات القوى الاقليمية لنيل ذلك الموقع القيادي، يقف التنافس الدولي لضمان المصالح الكامنة في هذه المنطقة من العالم، وبالتالي فان عملية التنافس تنطوي على قدر من الاستمرارية. ومن بين ابرز واهم تلك القوى المتنافسة فيما بينها لاداء دور قيادي في الوطن العربي هي مصر، فالاخيرة صاحبة مشروع بهذا الخصوص، وهذا المشروع له جذوره المتاصلة في الفكر المصري، ليس في العصر الحديث فحسب، بل ان مقدماتها وملامحها الاولى تظهر بشكل جلي منذ ازمان بعيدة، وقد تصل الى مراحل التكوين الحضاري الاولى لمصر. ان تلك الطموحات مردها القدرات والامكانات التي تتوافر عليها مصر اولا، والسبق الحضاري الذي تميزت به عن الكثير من دول المنطقة ثانيا، ناهيك عن الكثير من المتغيرات ذات الصبغة الحديثة التي استجدت بفعل التطورات التي يشهدها العالم وتشهدها المنطقة، فعلى سبيل المثال، شكل العامل (الاسرائيلي) تحديا مهما امام مصر، بالشكل الذي حفز لديها طموحات القيام بدور اقليمي فاعل في منطقة لا زالت تعيش حالة صيرورة لنظام اقليمي مرتقب. كما ان وجود دول اخرى في المنطقة، تتوافر على امكانيات مهمة، وتمتلك طموحات كبيرة في الاتجاه نفسه حرك عامل التنافس على قيادة المنطقة، ومن ثم عزز هذا الطموح على انه ثابت من ثوابت الاستراتيجية المصرية. ان دراسة الاستراتيجية المصرية في الوطن العربي، من خلال تحليل دورها الاقليمي، يعد امرا له جانب كبير من الاهمية، وتلك الاهمية تعود الى عدة اسباب، فعلى الصعيد الاقليمي يمكن القول ان الاهتمام بمثل هذا الموضوع يعد مدعاة لاثارة الفضول العلمي الاكاديمي، حيث ان الانتماء الى هذا الاقليم يجعل دراسة مثل هذه المواضيع ضمن اختصاصنا وضمن دائرة اهتمامنا، كما ان دراسة الاستراتيجية المصرية في اطار محيطها العربي ذو اهمية بالنسبة لنا لكوننا ننتمي الى المستوى نفسه من التصنيف كدولة، وكذلك لان دراسة هذه الاستراتيجية يمكن ان تكون مدخلا لدراسات اخرى في المستقبل تدور حول عقد المقارنة بينها وبين استراتيجيات دول اخرى في الاقليم نفسه. وكذلك من بين دواعي دراسة هذا الموضوع، ومن بين الامور التي تسبغ عليه قدرا من الاهمية، هو ان الشكل النهائي، او ذا الصفة الاكثر ثبوتا - ان جاز لنا التعبير - لموازين القوى في الوطن العربي لم تتحدد بعد، وانه لا زال يعيش حالة تفاعل مستمرة، تجعل من الضروري الشروع بمثل تلك الدراسات لتقييم المستقبل واعطاء صورة قد تكون ذات اهمية في صياغة وبناء رؤى مستقبلية للمنطقة وطبيعة التفاعلات القائمة فيها.2 - اشكالية الموضوع : قد تتفق او قد لا تتفق الرؤى حول وجود برامج عمل واضحة المعالم تتوافر عليها مصر وتتجسد من خلال استراتيجية عربية محددة، والاختلاف في الراي هو نتاج طبيعي ومنطقي لتنوع الخلفيات العلمية والاكاديمية وتباينها بين الباحثين ومن ثم فان ثمة اشكالية مؤداها ان هناك العديد من وجهات النظر التي تعالج هذا الموضوع، فعلى سبيل المثال قد يرى البعض ان دراسة السياسة الخارجية تفي بمتطلبات الموضوع دون الخوض بتفاصيل تنسب الى الاستراتيجية اكثر منها الى السياسة الخارجية، وقد يرى راي اخر بان طبيعة المتغيرات الراهنة افضت الى تحول ملموس في الاولويات بحيث ان كتل اقليمية جديدة قد حلت محل المجال الحيوي العربي السابق الذي كان يمثل جوهر اهتمام الاستراتيجية المصرية، وكثير غير ذلك من الاراء التي تعبر عن قدر من الاشكال العلمي الذي يتطلب ان نضعه في مقدمة الامور الواجب اعتبارها خلال مسيرة البحث في هذا الموضوع.3 - فرضية الاطروحة في مواجهة هذا النوع من تعدد الرؤى، وبحكم العمل على دراسة موضوعنا فلا بد من الانطلاق من فرضية واضحة لتكون الاساس العلمي الذي سوف يتم بناء النقاش والتحليل العلمي عليه. فرضية الدراسة هي : (ان هناك دورا اقليمي بارز وفعال تسعى مصر الى تحقيقه، وان ثمة علاقة طردية موجبة بين كل من متغيرات البيئة الداخلية والاقليمية والدولية لمصر، وبين ذلك الدور المتوخى). وفي تتبعنا لسير المناقشات الرامية لاثبات هذه الفرضية، يمكن ان نطرح مجموعة من التساؤلات تشكل الاجابة عليها عاملا هاما في تحديد مسارات التحليل العلمي للدراسة، هذه التساؤلات هي : • ما هي الجذور التاريخية للاستراتيجية المصرية في الوطن العربي وكيف كانت؟• ما هي العوامل او المتغيرات المؤثرة في تلك الاستراتيجية؟ ولماذا؟• كيف تستجيب القيادات المصرية للمتغيرات الداخلية والخارجية؟• ما هو واقع الاستراتيجية المصرية ازاء الوطن العربي في ظل تلك المتغيرات؟ ولماذا؟• كيف سيكون حال الاستراتيجية المصرية خلال المستقبل المنظور؟ ولماذا؟و سنتناول من خلال دراسة الاستراتيجية المصرية في هذه الاطروحة مجموعة من المفاهيم التي قد تثير بعض الاشكال المفاهيمي مثل ( الوطن العربي ) ، هذا المفهوم يشير الى مجموعة الدول التي تم رسم حدودها في اعقاب تفكك الدولة العثمانية والاحتلال البريطاني الفرنسي للوطن العربي من خلال اتفاقية سايكس بيكو في عام 1919 . ويضم الوطن العربي شعب واحد يتكلم لغة واحدة وذو اصول واحدة عاش منذ مراحل زمنية سحيقة على هذه الارض الممتدة من المحيط الاطلسي الى الخليج العربي . 4 - منهجية الاطروحة : ان المنهج الذي سيتم استخدامه يقوم على التوفيق والمزاوجة بين اكثر من منهج بحث علمي من مناهج البحث في العلوم الاجتماعية، وذلك لما يتطلبه الموضوع من تحقيق اكبر قدر من الدقة، ولكن المنهج العام الذي يهيمن على مجمل سير التحليل والنقاش في الدراسة هو منهج التحليل النظمي، حيث ان المدخل التاريخي والمتغيرات المؤثرة في الاستراتيجية المصرية ستكون المدخلات الاساسية للموضوع، اما علاقة صنع القرار بتخطيط الاستراتيجية المصرية فهي تلك العمليات التي ستقودنا الى الاستجابة المتمثلة بواقع الاستراتيجية المصرية في الوطن العربي والتي تمثل مخرجات الدراسة، واخيرا تاتي دراسة المستقبل لتعبر عن التغذية العكسية او (الراجعة) والتي ستصب دون شك في متغيرات الموضوع الاساسية.5 - هيكلية الاطروحة : سوف يتم اعتماد الية التصنيف العشري للفرز وتحديد تسلسل مضمون الاطروحة وكالاتي : 1. لمحة تاريخية عن الاستراتيجية المصرية في الوطن العربي.2. المتغيرات المؤثرة في الاستراتيجية المصرية في الوطن العربي.3. واقع ومستقبل الاستراتيجية المصرية في الوطن العربي. | Through the long history stages, Egypt had an impressive role in its regional framework; this role had many types and pattern as it varied in each history stage, also due to the variation in goal and priorities and the changing in the missions from the one stage to another.In this thesis we began with analyzing the historical view for Egypt strategies in the Arab Nation as a start to analyze this role, we noticed that the regional role is the best that we can use to express this strategy.Notices and results of chapter one indicates that the idea of executing a leading regional role hasn’t gone from the Egyptian decision maker's mind, that all because Egypt had many capabilities that specialize it inside the region.To understand the necessary bases on building the Egyptian strategy at this framework, we had to research and analyze the variables that affect building such strategy, these variable are complicated, which makes it hard to distinguish each alone, and to avoid mixing these variables we had to separate it into basic levels during the study as follow : internal variables, regional variables and international variables.Next, we studied the decision making process in Egypt and how this operation might connect with another operation which is strategic planning and perception of interests and goals that should be done to support the regional role.In this framework we studied some of the theoretical issues concerning decision making and we applied these issues on the Egyptian political system to have a better idea about the channels that the decision made through.In the final subject we studied the present and the future of Egyptian strategies in the Arab Nation, which first discuss the reality of this strategy and the changing, that is related to the perception of the Egyptian leadership to the visual field, second analyzing predictions for the future of this strategy using assumed perspectives which are discussable and analyzable to give expected view to the Egyptian strategies, these perspectives might be in three fields : positive development in regional role or negative fallback or continuity in the same level.Results concerning this study could be summaries as follows : • Egypt had good capabilities in addition to its will and ambition to play important regional role.• With all these privileges there are disadvantages against the development of the regional role in the excellent way.• Balancing the previous two results, we might conclude that the best will be to continue this role relatively

التوازن الاستراتيجي في منطقة الشرق الاوسط بعد 11 ايلول 2001 == The Strategic Balance in the Middle East After The 11th September 2001

اسم المؤلف: لبنى خميس مهدي طالب الربيعي
اسم المشرف: سرمد زكي الجادر
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
الموضوع الدقيق: الدراسات الاستراتيجية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The subject of this thesis acquires its importance from several aspects , the most important is the nature of view towards the middle east zone as it a zone of interests to the united states and the other major powers and as the middle east zone suffering from many tensions between its parts which that tensions put this zone in front of many big challenges and complexity, one of these Challenges and most important one is : - 1 - the connection between the united states with the energy sources in side the middle east . 2 - the perfect supporting from the united states to Israel .3 - the perfect relations between the oil and weapons .4 - the newly strategic of the united states which is aimed to be the middle east taking several things as reason to its military and political maintaining in the middle east . Also the importance of this subject comes from the changes which had been made after the 11th September 2001 which made the dramatic changes on the middle east in large which this dramatic changes concentrate in larger part of it which what called the united states to fight the terror and which comes with larger attentions by from the international area specially the presentations of nuclear weapons in which the united states call for it , about the ability of this kind from reach to the hands of terrorism or terrorism states against the united states interests in the middle east .The importance of this subject is also due to the American war against Iraq march 2003 which made big development spot in this zone , by the maintaining of the united states and gave itself to interfere inside this zone wherever it see that possible . This thesis also acquires its importance from taking the power part area in the middle east and the most important pressure which faced them concentrated on the united states role which had been the main entrance to dealing with the problems of weapons inside this zone , and may be the Iranian situation was the most importance of them . At last , this thesis acquires further importance as it involves a section dealing with the future position of the strategic balance in the middle east . The subject of this thesis necessitated dividing it in to an introduction , five sections and a conclusion : - The first section is entitled : The frame concept of the balance and strategic balance and middle east concept . It contains tow sub - sections dealing with the frame concert of balance and strategic balance and the most nearly concept from them such as the concept of power and the balance of terror , and also the concept of the middle east and all different views upon this concept taking by the united nations concept about the middle east , the united states , the Israel and .. ect . The second section is entitled : The strategic balance in the middle east zone ( Historical Generations ) .It contains three sub - sections starting with the strategic balance in the middle east zone during the cold war which takes the major international powers at that time the soviet union and the united states and the strategy of each of them inside these zone . and the second section take the strategic balance in the middle east after the old war , and the third one take the strategic balance in the middle east after the 11th September 2001 . The third section is entitled : The abilities and powerful for the main powers ( Unitarian and Arabian ) in the middle east .Which conclude tow sub - sections, first include the abilities of Unitarian powers inside the middle east zone which this thesis concerned ( Turkey , Iran and Israel ) and there influence power inside the zone . The second section taken the Arabs abilities which includes ( Egypt , k. of Saudi Arabia and Syria ) , as the influence Arabic power which had there influence inside the middle east . The four section is entitled : The influence of the international changes towards the strategic balance in the middle east which conclude three sub - sections taken the ( overwhelmed American power on the international regime , the American war against the terror and the role of the united nation ) all of these changes putted under the political changes , also the ( knowmalization and oil ) comes under the economic changes , while the ( American necessary military maintenance in the middle east , weapons trading and the mass destructions weapons ) comes under the military changes , and all of these changes had been the major changes influenced upon the strategic balance in the middle east .The five section is entitled : The future of the strategic balance in the middle east . tow future sub - sections ( futuristic aspects ) . The first one dealing with the strategic balance in the middle east based on the united states powerful in the middle east ( balanced basic on Israel power ) , and the second dealing with the strategic balance in the middle east based on three powers in area are nearly in same power and influence ( Turkey , Iran and Israel . In the conclusions of the thesis , the researcher gives a summery of the thesis along with the most important results and recommendations educed . The researcher maintains that thought emergence a power part inside the middle east zone which work to threat the strategic balance in the middle east and also which threats the united states and Israel interests inside this zone and it will be takes by both of them the personal enemy , and the researcher thought that Iran as it is see the power that in consideration , but in this case if there is any obstacles facing the Iranian nuclear program that means the middle east zone will face more dangerous steps which maintain the powerful and the strengthen to united states from one side and on the other side the only power inside the middle east will maintaining to the Israel . The dangerous situation which this zone have been faced before and in the future , requires without any delay a kind of cooperation between its parts aiming for achieve cooperation program between the Arabic /Islamic parts which stood against the danger programs inside the zone , and to crystallizing as this cooperation program to considerate the united states and Israel challenges must taken in consideration the trust between the powers inside the middle east which this trust works to put this program in real and the matter that this induce us to the saying that ( Israel ) and its sponsor the united states are going ahead in achieving there goals in dominating the destinies of the middle east particularly the historical experiments has proved the failure of the dealing with the Israel , which that matter requires a serious strategic planning for this powers against the united states and Israel . At last , we say that backing the powerful power inside the region and lending its power with all means of assistance and support to make this cooperative program in real is regarded of the paramount importance for strengthening the whole power to standing in confronting the united states and Israel planning against powers in the middle east .

اثر البنية الاقتصادية في الثقافة السياسية في العراق بعد عام 2003 == Effecting of Economic Structure on Political Culture in Iraq after 2003

اسم المؤلف: احمد حسين والي البدري
اسم المشرف: هشام حكمت عبد الستار العزاوي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2015
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The present research includes two main comparisons as to take in and assimilate the Iraqi Society in respect to the political culture of economy reality having effect on the culture structure. The latter is a mixture of text , thought and history. Hence , the meaning of Iraqi culture structure expresses about its self in escalating activities ,alienation disorders , and religious or social( worthy things non violations ). The current study indicates the structure of the Iraqi intellectuality and state of that economic structure and activities ensued from it and not the political culture.In every society there would be discrepancy between non - reality and reality; this discrepancy requires to be interpreted and explained for the individuals of the society having the same social symmetry. From hence , it could notice that the Iraqi society suffers from the following : - Attractively in the subject of the economics : it is the existence of huge and diverse resources ,including strategy ( oil and gas ) , human capabilities and others , these resources live pace by pace with its contradictories as poverty , undeveloped economics , infrastructure and culture structure deforming . These phenomena indicate defects that should be scientifically processed , in the way that it could not logically say that there huge wealth sources beside poverty and unemployment ( violence and corruption). - In reality , the depth of democracy could not be achieved unless there should be equity among the citizens; besides, it requires all energy of personal efforts as to get a suitable living state . The economic and social power should be restricted only to elite having known by its production and capability as to get Iraq out of its present state to the right path. - The problem of Iraq is the structure problem where economic, social, cultural and political 's viewpoint should be valuably sought for. The weakness of political culture and its traditions related to its unity that expresses about the history of the state , political system and economic and social development.

الاستراتيجية الروسية حيال اقليم القوقاز : جورجيا انموذجا == Russian strategy towards the Caucasus region (Georgia model)

اسم المؤلف: كرار عباس متعب فرج المسعودي
اسم المشرف: لبنى خميس مهدي الربيعي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الموضوع الدقيق: الدراسات الاستراتيجية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: Poses province Caucasus General Georgia Especially Focus Interesting (historic And the political, geographic, economic, military) Parties International And regional since long time ago Even Time Presently, the form Stations Attract Empires Great Empire Mogul The Persian The Ottoman And Romania And Historic stations (Russia Tsarist After that Empire Russian And from Then Soviet) was Station Interest And attracting From empire The other On Power All Empire, and also she was Focus Conquests Islamic On hand Rightly Adults (RIP), but Narrative Date Caucasian We find Mostly from him He Under Influence And domination Russian Starting From Russia Tsarist Empire Russian Soviet and, if We reviewed Date Russian We find it's a Replete To dominate The presence at province Caucasus Nor drifting away about him And so The importance of Territory Historically And politically Russia, as Form Focus Starting Caesars Russians And private Kaiser (Peter Older) and campaigns And expansions in it and since Collapse Empire Tsarist And the advent of Empire Russian Which she was Subject province Caucasus General Georgia Especially to her Which Collapsed On hand Revolution Bolshevism In 1917, which On Impact Began Empire Soviet Take shape The Its leader Vladimir Lenin And from Then Joseph Stalin Effect Of at formation the Union Soviet In 1921, as subject province Caucasus (Northern And south) under Domination Soviet despite Happening Tensions Here There From Yup Coup The escape about him But Domination Soviet she was more powerful From So, while Georgia heart that Region ( the focus The study) was heart Concerns And interventions From Before Empires Previous And private From Before Russia Tsarist Empire Russian And Soviet And so Its importance strategically And its location at heart Territory The Affected Conquests Islamic Georgia Also, consider the Union Soviet (former) to Georgia On It a key province Caucasus So Make it Spin at Its orbit Strategic Nor Deviate about him despite change The transfiguration Circumstances And leaders the Union Soviet (former) and even After Collapse the Union Soviet (former) and independence Republics Soviet Previous about him And private at province Caucasus And private Georgia Form Territory General Georgia Especially Focus interest Strategic Russian Most Threw down several Strategies On Different Stages Ago Collapse Even Time the present Which she was Changed at All Stage But Target Strategic for every Stage Imperishable and he make Georgia No Deviate About Astronomy Strategic Russian The remaining Under Look Strategic Russian. Either geographically in the form of the territory of the territory of the Caucasus mountain constitutes isthmus stretching from the Caspian Sea to the east and the Black Sea to the west and north of the Russian Federation and to the south, and is a link between the continents of Asia and Europe and offers his views most easy and less expensive to Europe and is a territory of the Caucasus depth Geographical Strategic Russia Across Date And Russia Federal at Time the present Because Wall Separation About Threats Foreign There Allow Any Case From Conditions From the approach Of which The threat, either Georgia heart that Territory The point And private it's a Poses Location passage most Pipe Transfer Fulcrum energy From Area Sea Caspian to me Europe So See Russia at that Security Economic And a threat Pipeline Transported Energy if What It was the control On Georgia and this is What No Accept It. As for What Posed province Caucasus General Georgia Especially From Importance Economic Van Territory He Focus For most Resources energy at the world And private at Azerbaijan And as well About What It was Mentioned From it's a Poses As well as About Signed Geographical And strategic It constitutes status Economic strategy For most Countries the world And private Russia Federal And his heart Georgia (State of Traffic) for most Pipeline Transfer Energy, as well as About Neighborhood Area Sea Caspian Region Rich Powered or What it's called ( Gulf Arabi II) in Signal Of the bay Arabi the first the rich Energy, and this What Earns Importance strategy For the region Georgia To Russia Federal Which No Accept Non Role Dominant it . As for Military Importance The territory Caucasus General Georgia Especially Stems From Subscriptions Military Russia Across Date To Russia Federal After Collapse the Union Soviet (former) as Form Territory Point Fulcrum Rules Military Russian And private at Georgia After Eviction Military Russian Its rules at Georgia Kept Russia Federal Troops at Regions Georgia Separate By (Ossetia South, Abkhazia) as well About Troop save Peace International Which most of it Russian, this Subscriptions Military Russian Due The importance of province Caucasus General Georgia Especially militarily Russia Federal And security National Even No Stay Free And fill From the West And private the states United Of America. Increase from Importance Subject The study (Georgia) Heart province Caucasus He Strategies Russian Ago Collapse the Union Soviet (former) 1991 Even Time the present Which despite They change From Stage to me Stage Except It Confirms That Georgia Should that Stay at Astronomy Strategic Russian Nor Deviate Him. Event essential The importance of province Caucasus General And Georgia ( the focus The study) private And they form Importance strategy Russia Federal And she Line red The equation Zero Calculated Favor Russia Federal He War of 2008, which Proved Russia Federal Georgia And from Support Georgia at this the war Ban Russia Federal No Can Play with her at Neighborhood near And private province Caucasus And his heart Georgia was replayed decisive response reflects restore power and glory again. 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التحول الديمقراطي في الوطن العربي : بحث في امكانية تداول السلطة سلميا == Democratic Development In the Arab World

اسم المؤلف: قاسم علوان سعيد الزبيدي
اسم المشرف: اكرم عبد الله الجميلي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2009
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: This dissertation has been talking about the described as democratic developments in the Arab world. Authority represents one of the most important issues, which preoccupied the people and groups as one of the entrances to reform and change, and the access and means to achieve the stated justification for the reform and the wars and conflicts between nations, families, and the elites. In light of the dramatic decline of the totalitarian regimes and one - party systems, and falling one after the other and return to the multiparty system after a series of changes in the world since the late eighties of the twentieth century, the Arab political action, at least the ruling did not give great importance to the issue of a genuine democratic transition and serious lead to the peaceful rotation of power is a prime entry point to get out of the state of degradation and acute crisis experienced by the community of Arab States to varying degrees and different forms, described as democratic developments in the Arab world that they are still limited, and it did not exceed the restricted multi - organizational, and a relative relaxation in the conditions of public rights and freedoms , as the mechanism for the circulation of the Authority in accordance with constitutional rules are still lacking, leading to the absence of one of the foundations on which democracy, the political legitimacy that reflect the will of the people through Balhaquemen the consent of the governed in the administration of the practice of sentencing. The shift means that the passage of a democratic political system to change and dealing with large - scale structure of the authoritarian regime and the democratic transformation that could occur as a result the erosion of the authoritarian regime, which stimulates the elite of society to pressure him for the events of this transformation, or the result of the failure of political leadership in achieving Ahaffha and a realization of the importance of the events political reform, or be the result of a compromise reached between the political elites and social action on the steps of transformation. Through the transformation of our Aldemrati and the devolution of power in the Arab world by reaching the following conclusions : - - 1 - The events of a genuine democratic transition is a key input for a way out of the deficit and the deterioration experienced by the Arab States in their political, economic and social development. Yet, this transformation can only be through the development of solutions to the obstacles and problems encountered in achieving Dikratip lead to genuine citizens to play a role in the process of making public policy. 2 - The best way to achieve democratization and expansion of the provision is through a gradual transition, peaceful, because of the political situation for long periods, and the spread of a culture of cynicism and focus on the problems and worries of everyday life. 3 - The inability of the political systems of Arab perception of the meaning of true power in the authority of the State as found in the service of society and not the authority of rulers, and therefore can not be a monopoly by the socio - political forces, to face a lot of power on the trading of imbalances due to the breach of legal rules governing such currency Although most Arab constitutions referring to this principle. 4 - Despite making a number of parliamentary elections, but the parliamentary life has not lived up to the Arab influence in the devolution of power, or to become a reference for this circulation. 5 - still the party of life in the Arab world are weak despite the existence of political parties but such parties as the advantage of limited influence and did not have the freedom does not have the necessary conditions for access to power and handling, and this is what led to the emergence of many social ills that must be combated such as sectarianism and tribalism.6 - to consider the role of external factors to the events of transition to democracy in the Arab world in the context of the implications of the historical experience of the impact of these factors, as the maximum that can be done by this group is to intervene militarily and to the laying of internal conflict or civil war. 7 - The absence of democracy, whether the popular and official levels led to the existence of gross violations of Arab human rights and freedoms, led to the absence of democratic means to resolve conflict and solve problems, with the result that violence and oppression and abuse is the prevailing means. That the cause of democracy and development at the level of Arab political systems, will remain one of the most critical issues that pose the same urgency to the research and academic circles alike. This research has been divided into an introduction and five chapters and a conclusion and findings, as its first chapter a conceptual framework for democratic transformation and the devolution of power has been divided into three talks addressing the topic of the first democratic transition and the second topic dealt with the concept of devolution of power, while the third topic dealt with the relationship between democratization and devolution of power , The reality of the second quarter and the Arab political systems, where the first topic addressed in the constitutions of Arab political systems, and to address the second topic and sources of legitimacy in the Arab political systems, with the third topic was devoted to discuss the means to take power in the Arab political systems, while addressing the topic, and fourth - party systems Arab political. The third chapter, it was on the levels of democratization in the Arab world, in which the first topic was devoted to study the causes of democratization in the Arab world, while the input of the second topic of democratization in the Arab world and the third topic was devoted to study the obstacles to democratization in the Arab world, while the dedicated topic IV to study the output of democratization in the Arab world. Interested in Chapter IV to study the problem of the devolution of power in the Arab political systems, in which the first topic was devoted to study the constraints of constitutional and political structure of Arabic, while the second topic dealt with the weakness of Arab political opposition, and the third topic was devoted to study the problem of Arab civil society. Chapter V addressed the prospects for democratic transformation and the impact on the devolution of power in the Arab world was divided into three scenes of the first topic dealt with the failure of the democratic transformation scene and continuing crisis of governance, addressing the topic in the second scene of the success of the democratic transition and to broaden the base of governance, the third topic dealt with (What's work?) to refer to some of the steps that can be used for access to a genuine democratic transition.

التمويل الدولي عبر الشركات متعدية الجنسيات واثره في القدرة الاقتصادية للدولة : دراسة لنماذج نامية مختارة

اسم المؤلف: فايق حسن جاسم الشجيري
اسم المشرف: نادية عبد القادر المختار | عبد علي كاظم المعموري | مظهر محمد صالح
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The international financing represents a major interest of the economical and political systems because it is a basic component of the public and the private sectors which rely on capitals collection to finance the development. This means that there is economical policy aims to attract international capitals to contribute in development which is a basic function of economical system of the state. The international financing represents a channel to provide investment for the countries that face deficit of liquidly. so that it is found that the international financing increases continuously especially through multinational companies, it represents a link between projects and personal saving leads to activate the economical sectors and reflects at the rate of growth by covering the difference between the available investment and the required investment . The interest in international investment increased because it is considered to increase a growth rate and reduce the loans in all kinds and raise the economical indicators of the country. To investigate such opinion, this study deals with international financing and economical capability. It also considers the expected effects of international companies on the economical capabilities of the countries and gives actual results for two countries, South Africa and Chile. This study gives conclusions about international financing and its effects in the economical capability based on the role of international financing to investment in the countries that face deficit of capitals. Many developing countries open their economies for investment to levels showing that economical liberation is no logier important. The study shows that this will reduce the country ability to choose between investment kinds and reduce the country sovereignty on its resources and its national economy which is essential to build a self dependent economy. The international financing, although is important to feed the economy, but it will reduce the economical capability if it becomes out of the country sovereignty and becomes completely under control of multinational companies. This conclusion appears clearly from the two cases of study : In South Africa it is found that for the economy to merge in international market, they had to participate technology and increase the availability of capital that lead to raise the economical capability indicators. In Chile the situation is different because multinational companies took the decision to change the political system socialism to capitalism. So that it found that the role of multinational companies did not lead to raise the economical capability, but used the country capabilities to widen the companies’ investment activity. After the 1989 referendum, the country economical policy was changed, it became more independent and led to raise the economical capability indicators in the 1990’s which is called in Chile as decade of development . Chile succeeded in reducing the negative effects of the multinational companies

اثر دراسة قوى التغيير في استشراف مستقبل الدولة القومية : التنمية البشرية انموذجا

اسم المؤلف: عماد مـؤيد جاسم
اسم المشرف: منعم صاحي حسين العمار
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2006
الموضوع الدقيق: الدراسات الاستراتيجية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الكلمات الدلالية:
  • الدراسات المستقبلية
  • اصل وانواع الدراسات المستقبلية
  • مناهج الدراسات المستقبلية
  • منهج ديناميكيا النظم
  • التنمية البشرية
  • التنمية البشرية في اليمن
الصفحات الاولى:

الحريات الاكاديمية في النظم الديموقراطية والنظم الشمولية : دراسة مقارنة

اسم المؤلف: عماد صلاح عبد الرزاق الشيخ داود
اسم المشرف: وصال نجيب عارف العزاوي | فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2007
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: Undoubtedly, it was customary to define Academic Freedom as the practice encompassing’’ The granting of professors and students in the academic institution the right for follow - up of research, teaching and publishing without control, monitoring or trusteeship by the university institution or the relevant official bodies”. Such academic freedoms are deemed a brand of civil rights for individuals enjoying them within the legally recognized limits in, generally all countries, particularly those democratic countries. However, Academic Freedoms, in their broader range, embrace the custody of ensuring a warranty for independence of universities from external influences as well as for enjoying autonomy in the management of their affairs. Besides, Academic Freedoms mean protecting the academician against arbitrary or coercive measures of service laying off without recourse to the stipulations safeguards, within the academic institution, for individual security as to guarantee his personal safety and humanitarian mission for the service of higher education procession for the purpose of achieving through him , the right guidance of university administration.It is to be noted that the terminology of Academic Freedoms is derived from the general concept of freedom. You would behold within their folds an approach to various brands of general freedoms which are, consecutively, Freedom of Belief, Opinion, Meeting and Education.Each of such freedoms realizes an articulation of the concept of academic freedom. However, they are indispensable for absolute total definition, particularly the latter, I.E. freedom of Education or Teaching /Learning which has, for long, been a matter of protest especially in constitutional provisions, as being a constitutional acknowledgement for Academic Freedom. Historically (as sequence of dealing with the topics of this study) it is observed that Academic Freedoms as a practice (not as a terminology or as a concept for definition) was known over the succeeding chronological periods of humanity is life since ancient Babylonian and pharonic eras whose early cultures were greatly concerned with this practice and with establishing schools for higher education. It was a practice as well as an action program with sustained development, over succeeding eras, particularly the Greek and Roman eras with its climax in the Arab - Islamic state. Many intellectuals and scientists in the broad expanse of this state worked in the domain of sciences, know ledges and all ’walks’’ of cognizance. This is a positive and live indication of a clear vision with respect of the practice of Academic Freedoms, although (as afore - cited) the terminology had not crystallized as a concept. It is to be noted, that medieval and post medieval Europe witnessed the genesis of the university in its modern concept. This opened the path for the need to rely on the practice of teaching science freely in spite of (cross - disputes) during those eras between influential bodies and men of cognizance which culminated in regrettable incidents. This was in view of the fact that research beyond the known and approved limits were deemed a mere novelty. This, however, did not block the development of academic practice and adoption of the ’paths’’ of Academic Freedoms whose concept crystallized within the western academic institution, particularly the German institution in the nineteenth century culminating in the constitutional acknowledgement in Germany in this new brand of special freedom known as Academic Freedoms. It is to be noted that the hegemony of ideologies and political systems attempts at hegemony over academic thinking led to retreats within the academic institutions administration, waiving its independency, distancing from pattern of prudent administration and boosting of modes of university deviation (corruption)in its lobbies with consequent deterioration of scientific research level and occurrence of discrepancy between universities in advanced countries which recognize university independence and universities of third world countries in which state hegemony and excessive might over other institutions. We witness ,on the other hand, that the status of Academic Freedoms in other universities of other states are undergoing , now and then , a deterioration in the actions of the a fore - cited type of freedoms. This is due to Coup Detats, occupations, economic changes, political changes, repercussions of crises or impact of incidents with consequent suffering of the academic institution and its personnel not only in third world countries and highly centralized states but, oftentimes, and even in established democracy. Such a matter is treated in the folds of this study by adopting “Comparative Approach” and “Case style of study” as a basis for its study.The following were hypothized : With the expansion of democracy’s area and adopting the culture of Human Rights as well as of general / special freedoms in Nordic countries the patterns of reliance on sound implementation of the basics of good management at all levels, particularly in official and private institutions, of which the academic institution in those countries is one. The consequence is the realizations .of progress, escalation of the styles of scientific research and sustained work of academic institutions. In contrast in the countries of the south, there is retreat and recession in such independency as well as retreat in the results of scientific research and huge drain of brains with adverse consequences that led to degradation of the work of universities. This study attempted in its fold to remedy the foreign elaboration in order to reach a set of conclusions and recommendations as summarized hereunder : 1. Academic freedoms are deemed a wide concept which has not been, as yet, fully acquainted with.2. The concept is independent of all brands of known general freedoms. It is deemed a brand of special freedom.3. It means as a concept, a neutrality that frames researches and style of acquiring science. 4. The plurality of paths of knowledge and arriving at results by multiple methods is deemed an objective of academic freedoms.5. The release of academic freedoms means the release for programs that deter the drain of brains.6. One of the fundamental issues sponsored by the principles of Academic Freedoms is the good governance of special institutions, inclusive of universities.The recommendations are summarized as follows : 1. The works of Academic Freedoms requires the exit of the state as the “Guard “type to the “Sponsor” type.2. The understanding, in its broadest range, of the Academic Freedoms means action towards propagating the culture of human rights in society.3. Planning for teaching is a necessity of Academic Freedoms.4. Academic Freedoms stipulate the implementation of the fundamentals of rational government in university management.5. The basis of Academic Freedoms concept is safeguarding the sustained work of the academician with no threat of dismissal from service.6. The establishment of regional and international organizations for defence of Academic Freedoms is deemed a prerequisite. 7. Instead of multiple proclamations for academic freedom, recourse is to be sought for an international treaty (similar to that for rights of the child and the woman) that would unify legislations for defense of Academic Freedoms.These were the major points for remedy by the study and the conclusions. Therefore arrived at in accordance with the research’s plan) which shall clarified in detail in the annexed” index of topics”)

اتجاهات السياسة الخارجية الامريكية في القرن الحادي والعشرين والنظام الدولي الجديد

اسم المؤلف: علي وجيه محجوب الطائي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The bases and the structures are the bases on which based the external policy of the most countries. But, regarding the U.S of America, the structures are distinguished in its private nature coming form its particularity the historical composition of the United States.Based on this, the evaluation and the structures, which we already talked about and we spoke to in the first chapter in our thesis, are the bases on which stand the policy of the United States of America, as well as the determination of this policy. The level of the force to which reached the United States, which is considerable and distinguished on the shape renders the choices of the distinction seems some times necessary to the continuation of its heading and its control on the world. And this operation has been connected with the many challenges the U.S faced. The mental schooled deep routed the option of the unique state, whether additional or contomporain, or these currents which were renewed with new suggestion and personalities. From these most important currents are the mental currants which became stable in the options of the individualism in the right current religion or the new current conservative. And the religious treatment become mental base to the conflict religious and it is not a just conclusion, it is the reality in the facts of the events since the beginning of the 21st century. At the end, the bases interfered with power and with the individual justification and in the domination in the external policy.In addition to the mental changes, many changed occurred, most important are the strategic, economic, cultural changes. Each of these changes had its distinguished nature in the beginning of the actual century which rendered it different in its subjective, material of the last century.But the most of its characteristics in the structure of the building of the American power, it had its natural character in rendering the United Stated different of the other big powers, and that its power is renewable, and to avoid any point of weakness as soon as possible, through the techniques with special structures that could play the role of the administration to achieve the option of the superiority and to make it a concrete reality and a continuation to its remaining. The most important of these techniques are the war, the power, and the united Nations, and despite of our understanding of the availability of other techniques which are not less important of what we have mentioned above like the information and the free economy. Despite of all these changes we sought in our thesis, we are led to that point that the United States is going in the direction of the absolute superiority in the internal system, but the United Stated is threaten by a group of internal, economic, politic and social preoccupation. These changes are based on the idea of the worldwide which is in need of an interest which is equal to the interest of the United states in the affairs of the external world.On the other side, the United States does not wash to be a big power isolated of the other partners, even if it is capable to do this, due the nature of the power relationship form a side and that the United States is to be a leader for a permanent coalition or a temporary in the internal affairs that it face, the most import of these affairs is the terrorism.Thus, participating became a suggested option in the American external policy, but studying mental, strategic, economic and social changes led to that the style of the participation which the US want is not the participation of others , but the leadership of partnerships permanent or temporary that change according to the conditions and the requirements of the American national security . This participation is to be achieved thought a group of techniques; the most important of them is drawing the strategic coalition participating in the military through the war on terrorism, as well as the international partners.And in order that these directions get away of the directions of the intonation method, the thesis dealt with the future reflections in the direction of the American policy on the new international system.These reflections are distinguished, and this distinction we reveal as well as the study of the development of the new international system, and haw the contemporaneous changes discovered after the end of the cold war a group of phenomena and contradictions, the most important are the penman of the international terrorism, which put the internal system on the difficulty, and it put the American external policy direction in case of not determinative and the instability among the individuals and the participation and may be integrated with the others …For the mean time, the United States is not a sole power, even if it seamed so.The individuality in power means that other have agreed to support this superiority, and this power is not in need of support to any other power, but the United Sated is still in need of support and other coalition, even they had a superlative role like the United Kingdom, and or meaning role like Italy, Spain, as well as the others, meaning the other super power participating in the international system are still not agreed or not satisfied of the individualism of the United States to its participation.The individualism and the participation in reality is not the only option to the United States towards the courtiers of the south only, but it is the options of the external American policy regarding the big powers. So wheatear it is distinguished in its distinguished power or its view or to participate with them, but not based on its idea of the participation, but according to the idea of the participation based on that the U.S give up a part of its freedom of movements for that other big powers accept the participation of the United States.

تحديات بناء الدولة العراقية بعد عام 2003 : دراسة جيوستراتيجية == The Challengs of Iraq's State Building After the Year 2003 (Geostrategic Study)

اسم المؤلف: علي حسين احمد
اسم المشرف: قاسم محمد عبيد الجنابي | عامر حسن فياض
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الموضوع الدقيق: الدراسات الاستراتيجية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: يتكامل مع المقومات الجيوبولتيكية للدولة مقوم معنوي هو فكرة الدولة التي يجسدها شعور افراد المجتمع بوحدة الاهداف والمصالح والانتماء للدولة التي تعبر عنهم، واقرارهم بنظامها السياسي واحترامه وامتثالهم لقواعده القانونية، والدولة في العالم المتقدم منظومة علاقات سياسية واجتماعية واقتصادية تتماهى الدولة من خلالها مع المجتمع وتتجذر فيه، ولم يتحقق ذلك الا بعد مسيرة تطور وعملية تنشئه اجتماعية سياسية ازاحت الثقافة التقليدية وروابطها واعادت تشكيل بنية المجتمع على مفهوم المواطنة وروابطه والهوية الوطنية الجامعة لمكونات المجتمع المختلفة. ولم تمر الدولة العراقية منذ ولادتها عام 1921 بمسيرة تطور تكاملية المراحل ولم تعبر الدولة الناشئة عن مجتمعها المتعدد الاعراق والديانات والمذاهب والثقافات، وسادت حالة من القطيعة بين الدولة ومجتمعها، وقد وضعتها ظروف نشاتها والطبيعة المضطربة غير المستقرة سواء في داخلها، او في اقليم الشرق الاوسط في مواجهة تحديات داخلية وخارجية عجزت عن التعامل معها بسبب ضعفها النابع من ضعف ارتباطها مع مجتمعها التعددي المتنافر غير المندمج الذي فشلت كل الحكومات المتعاقبة في ادارة تعدديته، وعجزت عن خلق المجتمع المنظم الذي توحده الهوية الوطنية العراقية. واندلعت الصراعات والانقسامات الاجتماعية التي اخذت طابعا سياسيا بعد الاحتلال الامريكي عام 2003 بسبب ترسيخ سلطات الاحتلال للانتماءات والولاءات الفرعية عبر تشكيلها لمجلس الحكم الانتقالي على اسس المحاصصة العرقية والطائفية التي خلقت الطائفية السياسية واججت الصراعات والعنف والفوضى، وشوهت بنية الاحزاب ووظائفها السياسية والاجتماعية، وجاءت بدستور يعاني من عدم الوضوح والثغرات التي خلقت المشاكل والتوترات وستيعد انتاجها مستقبلا ان لم يعدل الدستور، او تعاد كتابته، وكان من نتائج الاحتلال الامريكي تحول العراق الى ميدان للصراع والتنافس الدولي، لادراك القوى الدولية للابعاد الجيوستراتيجية المترتبة على هذا الاحتلال الذي اخل بالتوازنات بين هذه القوى لصالح الولايات المتحدة في الشرق الاوسط، وانعكست تداعيات الصراع على استقرار العراق وامنه واثرت سلبا على عملية بناء الدولة، كما دخلت منطقة الشرق الاوسط والخليج العربي مرحلة اعادة ترتيب لادوار القوى الاقليمية ومجالات نفوذها ومصالحها وتداخلت هذه المجالات في العراق الذي اصبح ميدان تنافس وصراع بين القوى الاقليمية لتصفية الحسابات والاضطلاع بدور اقليمي اكبر وترك هذا الصراع بصماته على اوضاع العراق السياسية والاجتماعية والامنية والاقتصادية وغذى الانقسامات الاجتماعية مما اثر بشكل كبير على وحدة المجتمع وعملية بناء الدولة، ويتطلب التعامل مع التحديات بشقيها الداخلي والخارجي، واستكمال عملية بناء الدولة تبني استراتيجية للتنشئة الاجتماعية السياسية لاعادة بناء الفرد والمجتمع كخيار استراتيجي، وتبني خيار مرحلي بالاعتماد على النخبة من التكنوقراط لايقاف التداعي والانهيار وبناء دولة المؤسسات وتعزيز التماسك الاجتماعي والوحدة الوطنية، اذ ان المجتمع الموحد يمثل عمق الدولة الاستراتيجي ومرتكزها للتعامل مع التحديات وادامة عملية البناء والتنمية الشاملة، وتتكامل مع استراتيجية بناء الداخل استراتيجية كفوءة للشؤون الخارجية لتحقيق اهداف السياسة الخارجية وفي مقدمتها استعادة مكانة العراق على الساحتين الاقليمية والدولية . | The notion of state as immaterial factor integrated with state's geopolitical components, embodied in societies individuals unified goals, interests, and feelings of affiliation to their state, and recognition of its political system, respecting and follow its regulations, because it indicates them as citizens. In developed world states these elements have become a system of political, social, and economic interrelations rooted in society after series of evolutions and sociopolitical socialization process displaced customary culture,re - forming society structure around national identity and citizenship bonds to integrate society's divers constituent. Iraqi state hasn't witnessed these developments since its existence in 1921, and it didn't speak out on its divers society descents, religious, creeds, and cultures, moreover a condition of reclusion prevailed between the state and its society. The circumstances encompass its origination, besides the destabilized context wether inside Iraq or in the Middle East region put it in facing with challenges it failed to deal with, because of the weakness stem from the delicacy relations between the existed state and its diverse discordant society which indicated the deficiency to create organized society unified by Iraqi national identity. Conflicts and societal partition flared up after the American invasion of Iraq in 2003 took political form due to occupation authorities decision to form the interim governing council on racial and sectarian quota which ignited violence, twisted political parties structures, affecting their political and societal functions, besides producing an improper constitution experience ambiguity and crevasses, creating turmoil's and problems and will reproduce them in future unless constitutional amendment or rewriting take place. Iraq turned into international confrontation and competition arena after the American occupation in 2003, because of international powers realization of geostrategic impacts that would disrupt the balance among them in favor of the United States in the Middle East.These impacts reflected upon Iraq's security and stability and negatively affect the state building process, as the Middle East and Arabian Gulf region fall under a phrase of rearranging roles of regional powers and their spheres of influence and interests overlapped in Iraq due to its geostrategic importance. Thus Iraq has become the field of struggle between these powers for liquidation and taking over main regional role, which directly destabilized Iraqs political, social, security, and economic status. The aftermath of these variables interactions greatly acted upon society's unity and state building process in Iraq. The dealing with internal and external challenges, and the perfection of state construction require a sociopolitical socialization to rebuild individuals and society on democratic values as strategic option, and count on technocracy elite to put an end for disorder and downfall to establish Iraqi state on basis of establishment and promoting societal solidarity and unity, because society represents state strategic depth and pivot to tackle Challenges and maintain development Persistenncy. This strategy must be integrated with active foreign affairs strategy to achieve foreign policy objectives, endeavor to retrieve Iraqs prestige at both regional and international levels is on top. The study comprises an introduction, four chapters and a conclusion. The first chapter delt with Iraqi state historicity in two sections. The first section studies internal and external challenges facing the process of construction Iraqi state during monarchist era 1921 - 1958. The second section examines the challenges during republican era 1958 - 2003. The second chapter investigates state building internal challenge after 2003 in three sections. The first section studies legislations and political challenges, the second section examines security challenges, while the third one devoted to study the socioeconomic challenges. The third chapter puts under scrutiny the state building external challenges, the first section studies international challenges, and the second section investigates the regional challenges. The fourth chapter reviews in its first section the strategy of dealing with internal challenges, the second section examines the foreign affairs strategy required to deal with external challenges, The conclusion of the thesis includes a summary of the results reached to through the present study.

التعددية الحزبية والوحدة الوطنية في الوطن العربي == The Plurality of Parties and National unity in Arab homeland

اسم المؤلف: ابتسام حاتم عـلوان الدليـمي
اسم المشرف: مها عبد اللطيف حسن الحديثي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2008
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: Plurality of parties and National unity in the Arab home land.The important of this subject, the balance nature between guarantee real plurality of parties and making this plurality mean to reserve the national unity and not disassembling it .The Majority of Arab nations in the Arab homeland especially those called for following the plurality of political parties are of formal polarity, they put group of obstacles and Restrictions for any real plurality of parties whether on the level of actual practice of arresting and others, or through constitutional obstacles restricted the party polarity and codification this plurality due to laws and restricted constitutions giving the ruling party the ruling party the extent in general to win the Elections and to guarantee keeping power due to formal and forged circulation of power. The Studies depend hypothesis Represented accelerated Relationship referred to the effect of political party plurality on the national unity in the country. The party plurality based on real democratic bases acts its Effective role to ensure the national unity in that society and to maintain the social adhesion in it, While the party plurality based on sectarian , race, and Ethnic bases to Effect negatively on the National unity for Disassembling society and Increasing chasm Between its Individuals this Necessity Putting forward group of questions. How the party plurality in the Arab homeland and what is the general Framework of plurality in the Arab homeland? And what are the reason behind the transformation to plurality in the Arab countries and what are their consequences ?What is the concept of National unity? And what is the party Plurality with the National unity? And What is the peaceful Circulation of power in the Arab homeland ? and how this circulation affects the National unity? Is there party plurality in Iraq, Egypt and morocco and how this affects the National unity considering them applicable pattern for this study?.The Structure of the study has distributed on four Chapters, Moreover, the Introduction and conclusion . The first chapter deals with the state in the Arab homeland and the third deals with the state in the Arab homeland and the second, the origination of the state in the Arab homeland and the third deals with the obstacles Faced the state in the Arab Homeland . The second chapter tries to study the party plurality in the Arab homeland and in three categories, the first one deals with explaining the general framework of party plurality in Arab society, While the second one studies the party Phenomena in the Arab Homeland and through two demands.The first Studies the appearance of party plurality in Arab homeland and the second one studies the Characteristics of these parties and the research pointed out to the Transformation Process from one party regime to party Plurality and through two demands, the First studies the Reason of transformation to party plurality and its Consequences and the second Referred to the reality of party life in Arab homeland, whole the third chapter studies the national unity and partiality on the level of concept in the first research, the Relation of Political Parties with the National unity, While the third Research deals with the Effect of Power in the Arab homeland on the National unity. The Fourth Chapter studies three Arab states, Iraq, Egypt and Morocco as applicable patterns of study and explaining characteristics of party plurality in each state and its Effect on the National unity. The Study has Reached that all the Parties Arab homeland have appeared in democracy absence Circumstances in these states and their appearance have expressed the social categorical and patriotic needs, they obtained Relative Unanimous then transformed in parties, Individuals and leaderships, The conflict is great among them and do not lead to social adhesion and Subsequently to achieve the National unity and this is has noticed in the applicable patterns where the party plurality, but they are of sectarian or Denominational Nature and that Effects Negatively on the National People unity

وضع الاقليات في الدولة الفيدرالية - ستراتيجيات التعامل وسياسة الاحتواء : دراسة مقارنة بين العراق والهند == The Situation of minorities in the federal state : Coping Strategies and Policies of Containment a Comparative Study between Iraq and India

اسم المؤلف: علي جاسم عبد علي عبد الله
اسم المشرف: عامر حسن فياض
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2015
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: Those human groups that distinguish it from other citizens were not, have achieved a stable unrivaled referred to Mendez until they have suffered a lot of injustice and oppression, which is still suffering, even in some of the systems developed democracy, that these are distinct from the rest of the community groups dubbed minorities name and that and according to specific criteria applies these groups is consistent with the nature of the name, and it was the closest and most common is the standard numerical these groups, was launched researchers and specialists from several criteria to be called and the possibility of compatibility with the political systems in the countries in which they live and are considered citizens, since citizenship is the rights and duties , he must enjoy those groups full rights and a commitment to full duties, similar to the rest of the citizens of the state, but these rights and duties may encounter complexity depending on the nature of the political system and the extent of the enjoyment of democratic values. In systems where the central state is very strong almost disappear those privacy or even sometimes disappear , whether it be due to deliberate or extreme centralization by which leave no room for such groups to exercise self - rights, such as the use of language and the way of education and practice their own culture which is characterized by which keeps its part to revive that culture and conservation, therefore, we find that minorities in the central states can not full rights to enjoy, but the only commitment to their duties, which in this case has violated one of the pillars of citizenship, namely the rights, and remained live only on the second corner.In spite of the fact that a variety of Federal Regulations (Union treaty and the Union of personal Federation and the Federation of actual, and the confederation), the best one and the most coherent is the Federal Union, which is one of the more regulations efficacy in the management of the issue of minorities, but most effective, the state here with one political system and one flag and the policy of extra - one, but the terms of reference which are distributed between the capital and the so - called (center) and the regions or provinces by the Constitutional labels for the Constitution of the Federal State, and usually happens to these countries or States are gathering a result of a constant threat to its existence in the case of survival of individual, or the presence of common factors between population, which prompts them to integrate in one state while retaining some of its terms of reference and this is according to the nature upbringing in which they arise federal state, The way growing up control of the capture of the powers broader and be specific powers, the federation as a solution to countries in which the plurality of linguistic minorities exist, ethnic or religious, can through the way the administration which is characterized by granting powers to manage own affairs similar to what is in being an independent state, there is a constitution and the authority of the legislative and executive authority private regional as well as judicial, and assume that the management areas Affairs authorities in line with the aspirations of the citizens of those regions and who are, in turn, the citizens of the State of the Union as a whole, but this organization and this administration is not absolute and not subject to the decisions of the center fully and absolutely, they first must take into account the age of the laws and legislation, the Federal Constitution, which is the cornerstone in this union the main pillar in it, as well as to not be the of those Territories mostly authority in the field of relations Foreign conclude agreements or enter into treaties as the continued federal State province, but the important thing here is that this system gives broad powers in the management of private affairs of the citizens of the province and who are often distinct from the rest of the citizens of the state, either linguistically or religiously or ethnically ... etc. of distinctions human, as well as allowing those regions the possibility to participate in political decision - making at the federal level, any internal autonomy in the management of private affairs, as well as participation in the central authority in the management of public affairs, any participation in the two levels of government, federal level Federal and level the other the regional level, Here you find minorities match in achieving stability and administration to its affairs that can not be obtained in other systems, it is worth mentioning the federal could go back Soaking up the majority in that State, The vast could have divided themselves on a geographical basis for the enjoyment of the powers granted in the Federal Constitution.In this federal place systems to become the world's safest communities unique, as it is through the powers it recognizes mainly the existence of discrimination within the geographical boundaries of that State, and also through his powers can these groups to exercise their culture and use their own language and legislation of laws fits (harmonious condition with the Constitution), and also Through its powers are both pillars of the pillars have achieved citizenship (rights and duties), so the sense of citizen full rights and sense not to threaten the group to which he belongs, as well as his sense of caution state parent so to speak, as a state sponsor of his presence and keep it, so his response positive and trying to bring himself second pillar of citizenship, namely the duties that fall upon himself, the state federalism, if what has been applying its own rules correctly, it keeps its unity and integration within distinct communities, saved breed has a desire to perform basic duties, and culture of others is prohibited and the recognition of uniqueness, generate the desire to stay and integration in that State, however, to predict human destiny remains under different systems of the imagination, the final We are studying and dealing with human hearts which is to change the earliest of stability, states and even the federal ones seen some internal vibrations which generated violence that left hundreds but thousands of the dead, but of course, the federal system is the most flexible in absorbing these vibrations and over her response to them.And it is through the foregoing are seeking through this research is to reveal the power of the federal systems in the containment and to deal with these groups and the possibility of maintaining the entity external unified state divided constitutionally internally, and also touched on the strengths and weaknesses in those systems and which could lead to a demand for secession or destabilize threat to internal stability and security of the state.It seeks this research is to clarify the concept, characteristics and models of the federal state, and the extent of the success of countries that adopted and what are the strengths and weaknesses, and go into the details of these points necessitated a theoretical framework to explain the reasons behind the adoption of some States federal model.the importance of studyingMinorities have become since for quite some time, one of the reasons for the spread of the phenomenon of instability, another reason for the intervention of foreign countries in the affairs of the countries where minorities live, and those countries Iraq, and the problem of minorities in Iraq problem back to the genesis of the Iraqi state, and that is the capacity of the subject and the possibility of stand on the achievements of this model in the management of the issue of minorities, we had to search in the federal which absorbed more different communities and differentiated, namely India and of pluralism, linguistic, religious and ethnic, and the possibility of description of these solutions to the case of Iraq and take advantage of how to survive one country for more than seven decades with all What content of pluralism and differences, and whether that Iraq, after less than two decades, could be his rein in Kurdish minority of separation, through integration into a federal state, but it remains to be said here to the actual application of this system and how growing up, this system has met success and acclaim in the States, and troublesome in other countries, including reflected recently on the level of acceptance or rejection of the idea of federalism in modern by the two countries, and therefore we dealt with this subject in detail together with the Indian model and compare it to Iraq, with the difficulty of comparison in terms of the size of the state and the nature of the population linguistic and religious and ethnic differences, but the foundation is how to manage diversity In the federal state.The study hypothesisOff thesis from the premise that, that minorities if they have been dealt with according to respect its presence and recognition, they will be a factor of stability and not a threat factor, and here the hypothesis started from the fact that the best systems for the management of internal diversity is the federal regulations, they provided the flexibility and capacity for absorption through and means available, to contain and to deal with these groups, policy, and who are, in turn, citizens where, here the basis of stability in the multi - religious countries and languages due to the federal system, which contained in those states internal differences, but this model is applied in a country without the benefit of Past experience in the federal rule, that makes this state is weak in the face of problems that may arise in the future, which makes these groups demand the right to secede from the body of the state, and thus its weakness and inability to remedy the other detachable demands, and it Federalism has the ability to full body politic to keep State if applied properly by the parties to form government (federal and regional).

العراق ما بعد الاحتلال وتاثيره في الامن الخليجي == SECURITY IN THE GULF AND THE IMPACT OF POST - OCCUPATION IRAQ

اسم المؤلف: عامر حسن ثابت
اسم المشرف: محمد كريم كاظم
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: Intellectual interest in the Gulf security is well - established. Very few studies, ‎however, have been conducted on the impact of post - occupation Iraq on the Gulf security arrangements. ‎The main objectives of this research are to highlight the threats and challenges facing the Gulf ‎region after the occupation of Iraq in 2003, and to address the post - occupation Iraq issue as an ‎important factor in restoring stability and security in the Gulf region. ‎Many factors and variables have contributed to the importance of the Gulf region as a key ‎arena for regional and international politics. Domestically, there is both the wealth of the Gulf ‎Cooperation Council states and strategic location of the Gulf itself, the continued internal and ‎regional threats the GCC states are facing, and, lastly, the increasing global demand for the ‎Gulf’s oil and gas. ‎The subject of this research is a highly complex subject of study. This difficulty is very much ‎manifest in appreciating and applying the most suitable analytical approach. As such, this ‎research has adopted a multi - level and multi - causal analytical framework. The researcher ‎believes that such a framework will not only lead to a more nuanced analysis, but also to a ‎richer understanding of the topic.‎ The results of this research are consistent with its hypothesis; it proves the following : Firstly, ‎there is a concrete link between the occupation of Iraq and its impact on the broader security ‎of the Gulf. Secondly, that Iraq can play a positive, balanced and durable role in the Gulf ‎security. This is particularly relevant because of the many factors linking Iraq with the ‎GCC states. Thirdly, in terms of security, that there is need for a new strategy consistent with ‎the national interests of all actors involved in the Gulf region, as well as the security ‎requirements of the region, in order to restore stability and security, and to save the Gulf ‎region from a fourth destructive war. ‎The US - led invasion of Iraq in 2003 is considered to be a major event, which has had a lasting ‎impact on the ‎security regime in the Gulf region ‎. Earlier, what was dubbed Operation ‎Desert Storm’ ‎in 1991 marked the beginning of the disturbance of the strategic balance ‎that ‎had been unique to the Gulf region. The subsequent invasion and occupation of Iraq by the ‎United States further disturbed that balance, affecting not only Iraq but the whole region. ‎The ‎dramatic changes that took place on the ground following the occupation in 2003 testify ‎to this. These changes rapidly redrew the features of the Gulf security and ‎caused an ‎impact on every state in the Gulf, without exception, in terms of security and stability.The United States’ invasion of Iraq, coupled with its considerable presence in the Gulf region, ‎revealed ‎unprecedented facts regarding security matters, not only in Iraq, but in the Gulf ‎region as a whole. This has necessitated a comprehensive assessment of the security regime ‎that ‎prevailed in the Gulf region prior to the war in 2003 in the light of the events that took ‎‎place afterwards. The elimination of Iraq from the equation, coupled with the unfavorable ‎developments in the state of Iraq ‎since 2003, could have possibly turned Iraq into a security ‎threat to the region on account of its attraction to proponents of extremism, ‎violence, and ‎terrorism.‎The nuclear activities of Iran, in light of the continuous tension in the US - Iran relationship, ‎‎also constitute a main feature of the new security regime in the Gulf region. Moreover, the ‎United States ‎has redeployed its troops so that they are now based in Qatar, Kuwait and ‎Bahrain.‎In light of the above, it has become necessary for the Gulf States to consider a new ‎security ‎system to cope with the post - Iraq - occupation stage, as the security issue has become an obsession for these states. In the meantime, in order to resolve the security question, a security ‎formula should be reached between them. However, to reach that end, a number of ‎conditions need to be satisfied. These include an end to ‎the United States’ occupation of Iraq, and bringing about stability and reconciliation between the Iraqi people. ‎Another issue is the United States - Iran conflict and the provision of security guarantees to small ‎countries so that those countries do not need to seek external alliances to protect their national ‎security. This is not to mention making appropriate arrangements for securing oil production in ‎the region, which implies coordination with the major oil consuming countries to set the balance ‎right in the interests of both producers and consumers. However, satisfying those conditions, in ‎addition to the reservations of the United States on any new security arrangements in the region - given that ‎the United States is a major player in current events - constitutes a main challenge.‎The establishment of a regional security arrangements based on the resolution of all bilateral conflicts, ‎setting a common stage for cooperation and coordination between the states in all areas, and ‎the continuation of internal political reforms is in the interest of all states in the region ‎including the GCC. Furthermore, bringing stability and security to the Gulf region is in ‎the interests of the international community, particularly the United States.The fall of Saddam Hussein’s regime in 2003 could have been a dream - at least, for the decision - ‎makers in the state of Iran. This might have been particularly so in light of the fact that ‎Iraq had been a stumbling block in the course of Iranian policy in the Gulf region for decades. But, as of ‎yet, the Iraqi occupation has not proven good news for Iran. This is for the simple reason that decision - ‎makers in Iran have become aware of the fact that they may be the next target for the United States. For ‎this reason, they tried to exhaust United States forces in Iraq, not to mention the efforts they made to ‎dominate the internal scene in Iraq by any and all means.‎Through its policy in Iraq, Iran aimed at becoming a main player in the regional game, an issue ‎which had been beyond the understanding of the United States decision - makers. In all likelihood, they were not ‎aware, beforehand, regarding the extent of Iranian involvement in the new Iraq, so that the United States ‎and Iran found themselves facing each other in the post - Saddam Iraq. Nonetheless, the fact of the ‎matter is that the new Iraq has become a common ground for interaction between the United States and ‎Iran, in which both parties need each other equally. It seems that the Americans are becoming ‎aware of the extent of that game, which, we believe, it is in their interest to do so. That could be ‎so even if that leads to more Iranian domination in Iraq as a secondary outcome - as the rules of ‎the game may dictate. The simple fact is that these rules are irreversible as long as the state of ‎Iraq remains disunited, and part of the country keeps the same distance from both ‎Washington and Tehran : i.e., remaining outside of the interaction between the two countries.‎The new equation in which Iraq became an important variable in the resultant Gulf - Iranian ‎relationships caused the Arab neighbours of Iraq to raise the question of how they should ‎handle their relationships with the new Iraq that has become a battle ground for American ‎and Iranian domination at the same time. In the meantime, regional alliances in the Gulf ‎were being reviewed to cope with the new regime.‎The foregoing would require a study for discussion and analysis, as well as a reading of the reality of ‎the various events involving the Gulf region, and the most important problems that ‎constitute an impediment to the security and stability of the region and to the efforts of the ‎international actors in the region. In addition, the outcome of the post - Iraq - occupation stage from ‎April 2003 has led to the deterioration of the internal condition in Iraq, such as a lack of security in ‎the event of increasing terrorist activities, and increasing violence, which could be due to ‎internal, regional or even international causes. This is not to mention the mass killings and ‎displacements which affected the people’s morale and state of mind, blocking the development ‎process in a broader sense. Given the close links between states in the region, the impact of the ‎outcome has gone beyond the borders to include neighbouring countries.‎The fact of the matter is that the Gulf region is experiencing a real security crisis which has more than one ‎cause, from the changes that have taken place in Iraq, to the intervention of some regional powers, ‎particularly Iran, in attempting to dominate the whole Gulf region, and ensuing disputes between those powers ‎and the US. This is not to mention the positive or negative impact of these facts on other local states in ‎terms of political and economic interests. This current crisis could have unfathomable effects on ‎the realities and future of the region and the GCC states will definitely be affected most. Given ‎its geopolitical regime, Iraq will influence and become influenced by the neighboring states - ‎particularly the GCC states - given the common factors and interests between the people ‎of those countries, most importantly their common language, culture, history and the economic ‎interests that link all Arab states in the Gulf. Yet, in the aftermath of its occupation, Iraq has ‎changed its regional role in favour of Iran. So, the disturbance of the balance of power in the ‎Gulf region has opened the door for Iran to increase its grab on power in the region.‎The United States, on the other hand, may be able to play a greater role in setting the balance of power right in ‎the Gulf region. This will only happen should the United States succeed in closing the gap that has resulted ‎from its occupation of Iraq in getting rid of the negative effects that the occupation has had on the country and its neighbours in the Gulf. Moreover, the United States will need to play its role as a ‎superpower and its capacity to make an impact on the Gulf region in terms of security and ‎stability as part of its commitment to the international community.‎Generally speaking, this thesis features an analysis of the reason behind the United States’ ‎occupation of Iraq, and the deployment of the United States’ troops in GCC states. The researcher also ‎investigates the reason behind the security crisis in the region, which could be explained by the ‎United States’ notion that military power always proves the right option for achieving goals. This notion, ‎however, does not pay attention to the fact that, although military force can allow for victory on ‎the battleground, or remove an unwanted regime, it cannot guarantee political and ‎security stability.‎As far as Iraq is concerned, political stability and security remain a long - term goal since the ‎occupation. That could be due to the complex regime both locally and regionally, as well as ‎internationally. Due to this complexity, and the wide gap between the people and ‎rulers in most of the states in the region questioning the legitimacy of those rulers, any stability ‎in the region is of a fragile nature. This is not to mention the lack of mutual trust between various ‎states in the region. From this, it could be concluded that the security issue remains a major ‎dilemma at this current stage and will probably remain so for a long time to come.‎Much has been written about the Gulf region from different perspectives. But relatively little has been written about the orientations and policies of post - occupation Iraq towards the region, especially after its occupation in 2003.This statement is confirmed by the results of the researcher’s on - going survey of the Arabic and English literature on this topic. Many factors may account for the scarcity of this topic in the literature, including the impact of the prevailing internal situation in Iraq and its foreign policies towards the Arab Gulf states. Needless to say, Iraq is an important factor in the Gulf region and as such, continuity or change in its foreign policy may either enhance stability or encourage conflict in the Gulf.In this A thesis, I allocate to : In draft,deals with the significance of the Gulf region and the history of the region – ‎politically; economically; militarily – since the end of the Second World War. This includes ‎the 2003 invasion. The significant relevance of oil production is also discussed, as is the ‎notion of the six GCC countries.Chapter One; examines important challenges facing security in the Gulf region, specifically ‎with respect to demographic issues, and the importance of the increasingly foreign workforce, ‎in the context of globalization. Finally, the issue of terrorism is presented. The first section is ‎devoted to analysing the Gulf’s demographic imbalance which constitutes a serious challenge ‎for policymakers. On the one hand, immigration into the region is indispensable for the ‎process of vital economic development, but on the other hand immigration constitutes a ‎serious challenge given its unfavorable effects on the demographic structure and the labor ‎market. This has an additional impact on social and cultural values, particularly at this current ‎stage of globalization.‎Section two analyses the challenges facing the Gulf region from terrorism, and seeks to ‎answer the following questions : Why is there diversity in the definition of terrorism? What ‎determines who is a terrorist? What are terrorist goals and what are the means by which they ‎decide targets? What is the nature of the hostilities committed by and the means of support ‎received by terrorist groups? Why should the phenomenon of terrorism be studied and what ‎are the benefits envisaged from these studies? What is the relationship between the media and ‎modern communications and the phenomenon of terrorism in the Gulf region after the ‎occupation of Iraq? ‎Chapter Two; highlights Iranian policy in the face of the concept of Gulf security arrangements in ‎two main sections. The first describes and analyses the historic background of the present ‎issues, and Iranian perspectives on the notion of Gulf security. The second discusses Gulf ‎security in light of Iran’s nuclear program. Iran is considered to be a main player in the ‎Gulf region, in terms of its population as well as its military and economic might compared ‎with the other Arab Gulf states. The importance of their own security policies (including the ‎nuclear program) and the response to those policies on the part of the other Gulf States is ‎also considered, which encompasses a discussion of various key relationships (between the ‎Arab States, Gulf States, Iran and the US)‎.Chapter Three; examines the impact of post - 2003 Iraq on the security arrangements within ‎the gulf region. Firstly, the factors that have, and continue, to influence post - 2003 Iraq are ‎explored. Subsequently, both the influence of Iraq and the areas of influence exerted by Iraq ‎on the security arrangements of the Gulf are considered. Finally, the perspectives of the main ‎powers in the region with regard to Iraq’s influence on the Gulf security arrangements are ‎presented. The impact, in particular, of the Iranian nuclear program is also discussed, before ‎the conclusion of the chapter.‎Chapter Four; examines whether Iraq will have a substantial impact on Gulf security in the ‎medium - term future, and what aspects have made and may make Iraq influential in this ‎respect. The prospects of Iraq in this regard will consider the connection between the two, ‎and Iraq’s future prospects; the Gulf security issue is also considered in the wider respect of ‎Arab links, the isolation of Iraq from its Gulf surroundings, and the reality of Iraq as a ‎battleground for regional confrontation.‎

ظاهرة فراغ السلطة في دول عالم الجنوب الاسباب والنتائج == The authority absence phenomena in the Southern Countries World Causes & Results

اسم المؤلف: اسراء علاء الدين نوري
اسم المشرف: مها عبد اللطيف حسن الحديثي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2007
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: مما لاشك فيه ان كل ظاهرة من ظواهر الحياة انما تكون عرضة لمؤثرات داخلية وخارجية في نفس الوقت ، وقد تتفاعل هذه المؤثرات فيما بينها لتشكل حالة واضحة من التاثير تجسد طبيعة هذه الحالة واتجاهاتها الرئيسية ، واذا ما طبقنا هذا الكلام على طبيعة النظم الاجتماعية والسياسية فاننا نجدها عرضة وبصورة دائمة لهذه المؤثرات والمتغيرات ، ودول عالم الجنوب تقدم لنا نموذجا واضحا لمدى قوى وحجم تاثير المتغيرات الداخلية والخارجية في طبيعة نظمها السياسية ، ومنذ مدة طويلة ابتدات من المرحلة الاستعمارية وفي جوانبها السياسية والاقتصادية والاجتماعية .واتجهت الانظمة السياسية في دول عالم الجنوب نحو السلطوية وتركيز السلطة في يد فئة صغيرة ونمو نفوذها وممارستها مع تطور هذه الانظمة في بناء السلطة السياسية ، والتي من ابرز مظاهرها قمع القوى السياسية الساعية اليها وتصفية وجودها على ساحة العمل السياسي او تحجيم تاثيرها في الحياة السياسية ، واجهاض مطالب المشاركة السياسية ، والاعتماد على العنف السياسي في تصرفات السلطة السياسية تجاه مجتمعاتها .وان ما دفع لاحتكار السلطة في يد فئة صغيرة في هذه الانظمة هو الاطار الذي جرى بموجبه ممارسة السلطة السياسية ، وطبيعة التنظيم الدستوري الذي تم اقراره للسلطة ، حيث تعززت مكانة القابضين على السلطة ومركزها السياسي ومع تطور البناء الدستوري لهذه الانظمة ، حتى وصلت الى موقعها السياسي والدستوري القائم في هيئة الانظمة السياسية وفي نطاق الحياة السياسية لدول عالم الجنوب بشكل عام .ومع التطور التدريجي لمكانة الفئة الحاكمة ونمو تاثيرها وسلطانها السياسيين في هياكل وبنى ومؤسسات هذه الانظمة واساليب واليات عملها ، وبالتالي اكتسابها النفوذ المطلق والسلطات الواسعة وحصولها على التفوق التام على جميع المؤسسات السياسية سواء كانت الحكومية او التمثيلية او الوسيطة ، ثم التحول الكامل لهذه الانظمة صوب الشخصانية في الحكم والتي من شانها نفي ومصادرة اي شكل من اشكال الممارسة السياسية من جانب القوى والتنظيمات السياسية في الحياة السياسية . وتقترن بالسلطة السياسية في دول عالم الجنوب بعدد من الممارسات السلطوية في الحكم ، منها : 1. الهيمنة الكاملة على العملية السياسية بانفراد الرؤوساء بعملية اتخاذ القرارات السياسية وتقرير السياسات .2. عدم بناء المؤسسات السياسية والتقليل من اهمية المؤسسات السياسية القائمة وتجاوزها من اجل استمرار الهيمنة الشخصية للرؤوساء والمحافظة على نفوذهم .3. الارتكاز والدوران في دائرة العلاقات الشخصية في عملية صنع القرارات السياسية والسياسات العامة .4. اشاعة ثقافة الخضوع وتنمية الشعور بالتبعية لدى المواطنين بدلا من المساهمة النشطة في ادارة شؤون الحكم والسياسة .5. الاستخدام الواسع للعنف والقوة في مواجهة القوى والتنظيمات السياسية الساعية الى المشاركة والممارسة السياسية .6. اغفال قواعد الشرعية الدستورية واللجوء الى الممارسات الشخصية في الحكم والسلطة .وتعاني دول عالم الجنوب من ظاهرة فراغ السلطة والتي من اهم اشكالها وصورها مشكلة بناء الوحدة والوطنية والتكامل القومي ، وعدم شرعية النظم السياسية ، وانتهاكات حقوق الانسان ، والحروب الاهلية والاعتماد على العنف والعنف السياسي من جانب السلطة والشعب ، وهذه القضايا كلها مترابطة بحيث ان بعضها هو سبب لقضايا وازمات ومشاكل اخرى . وان هذه المشاكل والازمات التي تعيشها مجتمعات دول عالم الجنوب تؤدي الى العنف السياسي والنقمة وحروب العصابات التي تجد لها ارضا خصبة في مثل هذه الاوضاع ، مما يسهم في خلق اجواء غير طبيعية تعيق عمل المؤسسات السياسية بل تشلها احيانا ، وهذا يؤدي الى ان تكون الدول ضعيفة وغير قادرة على ايجاد الحلول اللازمة لمثل هذه المشكلات والازمات . وهكذا عندما تعجز السلطة السياسية عن حماية المجتمع والدولة من التفكك وتلبية احتياجات مجتمعها ، تكون قد فقدت اسس وجودها ، حيث ان القابضين على السلطة يعملون على التحكم بها وتحقيق مصالحهم وغاياتهم الخاصة ، وترك واهمال مصالح الافراد في المجتمع ، واستخدامها لاليات القمع والعنف ومحاولة قمع اي نوع من المعارضة لها ولوجودها ، وهذا من جانبه يؤدي الى استخدام واعتماد مجتمعات هذه الدول الى الوسائل غير السلمية باستخدام العنف ( الثورة ، الانقلابات ، الاضطرابات ... ) كرد فعل على سياسات الدولة ، وهذا يؤدي بالتالي الى ظاهرة فراغ السلطة .ومن اجل القضاء على ظاهرة فراغ السلطة في دول عالم الجنوب ، فاهم المعالجات والسياسات التي يجب اتباعها هي تحديد اسس تداول السلطة ، فيجب ان تكون هذه الاسس سلمية كوجود احزاب وهيئات وانتخابات ووجود حرية الصحافة والاعلام ، واحترام الدساتير ، ويقف على راس كل هذه الشروط شرط الوحدة الوطنية الذي لا يمكن ان يتنازل عنه باي حال من الاحوال . وكذلك قيام السلطة السياسية بانتهاج سياسات عدة كانتهاجها لسياسات اقتصادية ايجابية على النحو الذي تجعل المواطن يثق تماما من ان هذه السياسات هي لصالحه اولا واخيرا ، الامر الذي يوفر جوا يحفز المواطنين عامة والاقليات القومية والدينية خاصة وصهرها في بوتقة واحدة ، وكذلك فتح القنوات التي يمكن ان يعبر المواطن عن رايه وبطريق سلمي وفي كافة المستويات وبالشكل الذي يوفر مناخ الاصوات المتعددة بدلا من صوت السلطة الواحدة . وان تحقيق هذه التعددية والحرية يتحقق ليس عبر القرار الرسمي السلطوي فقط ، بل عبر تفاعل ما بين القرار والقاعدة الشعبية بين المواطن والسلطة . ويحدث ذلك عبر ما يلي : 1. الاتجاه نحو بناء مؤسسات سياسية راسخة وثابتة تشكل العماد الاساس لاي نظام سياسي ، هذه المؤسسات تعتمد في قيامها وادائها على حاجات الشعب ، بعيدا عن حالة الاستئثار بالسلطة .2. ان عملية البقاء هذه لا يمكن ان تتحقق الا من خلال اشاعة الوعي السياسي وانفتاحه ، والاستناد الى التعددية السياسية والحرية القائمة على اساس التعددية في الراي والحرية في التوجهات .3. بناء قاعدة اقتصادية متينة تقوم على اساس التعامل مع التكنولوجيا الحديثة والاستغلال الامثل للثروات الاقتصادية وتعبئة هذه الثروات والموارد لتحقيق التنمية الاقتصادية ورفع المستوى المعيشي للفرد والذي سيؤثر بدوره في حل ازمات ومشاكل تعاني منها مجتمعاتها .4. التعامل مع حالة التعددية على انها تمثل مطلبا شعبيا داخليا ، ولذلك يجب توفير المستلزمات الاساسية لنجاحها ، من خلال رعاية هذه المطالب الشعبية والتعامل معها بصدق واضح ، حيث ان التعددية عملية مشاركة الاحزاب والمؤسسات والقوى الوطنية بصورة واسعة وفعلية وهي تتطلب قدرا من الحرية والارادة الحرة للشعب .5. ان النجاح في رسم مستقبل قائم على الحرية والاستقرار ونبذ العنف بكافة اشكاله في المؤسسات السياسية لدول عالم الجنوب ، يتوقف على مبدا اساسي ومهم ، هو تداول السلطة بصورة سلمية وعلى وفق انتخابات حرة ومباشرة ومنتظمة .6. ان النظم السياسية في دول عالم الجنوب اصبحت تواجه في ظل الاوضاع الدولية الراهنة مزيدا من التحديات التي تعصف بها ، ولكي تنجح هذه النظم في مجابهة هذه التحديات فلابد من معالجتها بشكل منطقي ، ويبرز موضوع الوحدة الوطنية من بين هذه التحديات فهناك ضرورة لصيانتها والحفاظ عليها ، بل اصبح هذا الموضوع المفتاح الذي تمسك به القوى المتنفذة لفتح ابواب دول عالم الجنوب والدخول اليه ، لذا يجب الانتباه جيدا لاهمية هذه المشكلة من خلال تعزيز الوحدة الوطنية ودعم ورعاية حقوق الاقليات واحترام حقوق الانسان وتحقيق التنمية بكل اشكالها وارساء دعائم المشاركة السياسية للجميع دون استثناء او تمييز والعمل على جعل المصلحة العليا هي الهدف الاسمى . | It includes the role of the authority in Southern World Countries , this authority seems weak and absent , because of many local and foreign causes , like weak political participation and the continuous changes of the constitutions , and the political authority has used ampeause against the people …ect .This study is divided in to five chapters : Chapter one includes an explanation of the political phenomena , the authority and political authority , and the meaning of " Southern World Countries " , and the phenomena of " absence of authority " .Chapter two discusses local causes of authority absence phenomena .Chapter three discusses foreign causes of authority absence phenomena . Chapter four discusses results of authority absence phenomenain detail . Chapter Five discusses some solutions of the problems of the political authority .

الدبلوماسية الشعبية الجديدة لادارة اوباما والدولة العربية == The New public diplomacy Obama administration and the Arab state

اسم المؤلف: ضمير عبد الرزاق محود
اسم المشرف: نادية عبد القادر المختار
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The new public diplomacy, in its general framework, is understood as the process of communication done by states with peoples of other states without the knowledge of the latter's governments, in an attempt to move them in a way that serves the interests of the former states and achieves their goals in different fields. According to this understanding, the new popular diplomacy is, in normal conditions, one of the tools of foreign policy which can be adopted in achieving goals. In abnormal conditions, new popular diplomacy can work away from foreign policy, so that each one of them can achieve its goal, provided that the sum of their goals goes with the general American strategy. Thus, it is unnecessary that the foreign policy consists with the new popular diplomacy in achieving goals, yet each one of them can work in different conditions and environments.The new American public diplomacy started to activate its governmental and non - governmental programs and its technological tools in an attempt to encompass the peoples of the Arab states through intercommunication via civil society organizations, opposition forces, political parties, media men, and other different and wide sectors. It gave thousands of them the opportunity to visit the United States of America to participate in the programs of grants, symposia, and conferences. The common thing among these activities was talking about democracy, elections, human rights, minorities, and political participation. At the same time, satellite channels started focusing on presenting the shortcomings of regimes and showing their defects, in addition of attempting to present the problems of minorities and displaying their representatives and leaderships and working on the non - presence of government voice. Moreover, it employed the sites of socialbetworks for communication and creating societal opinions that stand opposite to the governing regimes' trends. All these and other activities were a preparation stage for the coming transforms.The outbreak of the peaceful popular uprisings in some of the Arab states during the first term of president Obama was a turning point in highlighting the role of the new Americanpublic diplomacy in the political developments resulting from the attempt to control these uprisings and direct them to serve the American interests. It worked from the outset through its tools on expanding the range of demonstrations and raising the level of demands and concentrating on the behavior of the security forces towards the protesting people, a matter that limited the regimes' capability of tackling the situation in a coercive manner, moreover, foiling the effect of banning the world wide web by those regimes and succeeding to transmit the developments of events live all over the world. The tryout of the American popular diplomacy in Egypt was the most significant and the most effective one on the other tryouts, playing a role which could not be achieved by the American foreign policy due to its professional commitments or the nature of its bilateral relations with the regime of president Hosni Mubarak, in addition to the different nature of the tools and means used .

الدور الاقليمي لمصر في الاستراتيجية الامريكية بعد احداث 11 ايلول 2001 == EGYPT,S REGIONAL ROLE IN AMERICAN STRATEGY AFTER 11 SEPTEMBER 2001

اسم المؤلف: صبحي فاروق صبحي
اسم المشرف: صالح عباس الطائي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2009
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: It is obvious through the progress of all the political, economical and military operation at the Middle East, that Egypt did regional roles in the strategic domains which done by the United States in the Middle East, As an example the changes of administration rules of the Arabic - Israelean conflict issues and it is the same with all Egyptian roles in most instances of the regional stability cases. After 11th of September, 2001 The American United Stated had a necessity to intervene as an active part in the rearrangement of the events and reactions of this region, and its futuristic possibilities, in as much as the violence works in USA done by persons from this region. And to confirmation its new strategic roles at this region , Egypt had a necessity to dependence on regional parts to facilitate strategic succeeding ways with all means ; democracy publicity , struggle what is called ( terrorism ), The Islamic severity , the political reformation , Teaching System reformation , The Economic Liberty and Women's Liberation . So USA found in Egypt apart had a preparedness to make interior responses and regional roles which harmonize with required USA strategy. Today the regional role of Egypt in American Strategy after 11th of September, 2009 became to overcome a lunge importation not just for the importation of both sides in this relation. whereas the first one ( Egypt ) with its strategic position and humanic , cultural , civilizational , gravity at the Arabic , Islamic and African environment Egypt became one of the keys of the great countries to enter the Middle East or influence on it . The other USA represent the greatest power of the world and having exclusive possession of the international decision which made a great countries like Russia , China and other European countries want to improve ,their relations with USA and make this point one of their national priorities, passing all the political conflicts even the strategies . In additional to this power has benefits at the Middle East and sometimes they become an active part in the region interactions. In the study & following the regional Role for Egypt in the American Strategy after the events of 11th. - Sept.2001 has a great benefits, so that we can through this continuously stand on multy of reasons so we can understand the conversions which is take place on this role&that represent one of our inducement to choose that subject beside the other urges, the more importance is : - 1 - The subject is by virtue of importance of both countries, Egypt is an effective &Islamic region .Therefore the regional part of Egypt was one of the important constant in the regional relationship always. On the other hand the United State of America which is the first global power in the world, it should be an effective relationship between American - Egyptian in the region.2 - To know the nature of the relationship between the aims which Egypt want to establish through the parts that it takes in its relationship with the United State of America & between the resource ,abilities available to it. 3 - The desire of understanding following to how far there is specific constants control dynamic regional Relationship &countries parts.According to the above, the thesis is divided to five chapters : - Chapter one takes the theoretical frame of the terms which has been used in the core include the part, territorial, regional part, strategic & effectiveness. - Chapter two, It takes the American look to Egypt& what it make United State Of America to give An important &concentrate specially to Egypt through forming & implementation its strategy in the Middle East region. - Chapter Three, takes the two issues : constituent supports of Egypt parts in its region, the second issue is to define that surroundings of Egypt movement which the thesis has named it Egypt regional circles Movement. - Chapter Four, it goes to proof ambushes & the appearances of effectiveness in which United State affected through it to Egypt regional parts & make it respond to some of strategic needs. - Chapter five, it concentrate on brought up responsibilities for responding Egypt parts to American strategies in the Middle East region.The thesis has achieved that is the stability of the relation between the two variables of the study is one of the following : 1 - Continuity (remaining the effect of the American variable in the regional of the Egypt parts.2 - Independency in the regional of Egypt parts (diminish of the American variable Parts.

ادراك التهديد واثره في ادارة الازمة الدولية : دراسة في العلاقات الامريكيةـ الايرانية == Threat perception and its Influence In International crisis’s Management Study In American - Iranian relations

اسم المؤلف: شيماء معروف فرحان
اسم المشرف: منعم صاحي حسين العمار
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2007
الموضوع الدقيق: الدراسات الاستراتيجية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الكلمات الدلالية:
  • ادراك التهديد
  • الازمة الدولية
  • ادارة الازمة الدولية
  • العلاقات الامريكية الايرانية
  • ازمة البرنامج النووي الايراني
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: Searching in threat perception is on of the most important variable in international crises and in its management, it’s the most difficult and sophistication factors with strategic perceptions, thus threat perception is related with international security, regional security and all forms of interests. It does not concern with special state but it includes all states, which represent support or threat so that threat phenomena takes a great interest rather than others, there’s no state can lives in this world with out the use of threat because this state represent support or threat. In order of all this factors, this study concerned with the analysis of threat as concepts and process by knew its shapes and its similarity and differences with other concepts and what it is includes of action and reaction, which differs in its degree because of the differences in the distribution of states power.This study tried to prepare the student by offering an overview of major International crises, which represent the crisis of Iranian nuclear programs.The study also dealt in the first part with the theory o threat as concepts and we try to realize it from another concepts such as security and challenges.Part two of the study focused on threat perception and its concerned with the concepts of perception and later we focused on threat perception and the most important factors, which influence this process such as ability and capability, armament, action. Etc.Third part of this study is concerned with historical background to the development of Americans - Iranian relations after the second world war and we tried to analyzed the nature or Iranian position in the united states of America strategy after this war and finally we focused on this relation between 1979 - 1988 and the period between 2000 - 2003.Part four of study goes to search on the development of Iranian nuclear program by studying the cases behind created this program and its aims and the situations of each Irain and the united states of America from this crisis.In part five of this study we deals with the international treads management of this crisis so they concerned with Iranian management to this crisis and European management and finally we focused on United States of America management to this crisis by dealing with different strategies such as the use of military forces or going to the negotiation and diplomacy solution and all this facts will depend upon the nature of the changes which happened in the united states of America strategy towards Iran specially .

اثر المتغير الايراني في العلاقات العراقية - التركية مرحلة ما بعد الحرب الباردة == The Effect of Iranian change In Turkish - Iraqi relations as period after the cold war stag

اسم المؤلف: شيماء عادل فاضل القره غولي
اسم المشرف: وصال نجيب عارف العزاوي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2006
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: منذ الربع الاول من القرن العشرين الذي شهد فيه تاسيس البلدين ( العراق وتركيا ) ،اقترنت العلاقات بينهما منذ بدايتها بجملة من التوترات المصحوبة بالحذر ،الا ان هذه التوترات كانت تتخللها فترات ايجابية مرده بالتاكيد المصالح المترابطة بينهما، والتي تدفعهما بين الحين والاخر للتعاون سبيلا لتحقيق غايات تخدم مصالحهما، رغم انها كانت تميل لارجحية الجانب التركي على الجانب العراقي .الا ان الوضع اعلاه لم يستمر طويلا ،وهذا يعود لجملة المتغيرات الدولية والاقليمية والمتمثلة في الانفراد الامريكي بالعالم مقابل تراجع الاتحاد السوفيتي ،فضلا عن حرب الخليج الثانية والثالثة ،والتي كان لها وقع الاثر وبشكل كبير في تراجع العلاقات العراقية - التركية ،بحيث لم تعد العلاقات بينهما كما كانت قبل عام 1991 ،نتيجة قيام تركيا باستغلال الاوضاع لتحقيق مطامعها التوسعية في العراق .ورغم معاناه العراق من احتلال امريكي مباشر لها بعد عام 2003 ،وما تحمله تركيا من تطلعات لرسم دور اقليمي في المنطقة في ظل المشاكل يعاني منها اقتصادها ،الا انهما ظلتا يحتلان مكانة كبيرة في الادراك الايراني ،وهذا بالتاكيد مرده المقومات المهمة الضرورية التي يمتلكانها من موقع جيوستراتيجي مهم ،وموارد اقتصادية وبشرية مكنتهما من ان يصبحا احدى القوى الفاعلة في الاقليم وعنصرا اساسيا في تقرير التوازنات الاقليمية القائمة في المنطقة .هذا فضلا عن ان ايران تشترك مع كلا البلدين ( العراق وتركيا ) بجملة قضايا تتمثل في ( القضية الكردية، وقضية المياه، وقضية الحدود ) كان لها وقع الاثر فيها ،واحتلت حيزا واسعا في العلاقات العراقية - التركية ولفترات طويلة ولازالت، وربما تستمر حتى المدى القصير، اذا ما استمر كلا البلدين ( العراق وتركيا ) في الركون نحو اتباع مبدا المحاور والاهداف البعيدة، ومحاولة رسم كل منهما دورا محددا يتناسب وكانته الدولية مخترقين حقوق الجوار التي نصت عليها الاعراف السماوية قبل ان تنص عليها الاتفاقيات والمعاهدات الدولية . | Al the first quarter ,the twentieth century which witnessed establishment of two counters ( Iraq & turkey ),the relations between the two counters since the beginning were of tension and diligence ,but these tension were penetrated by positive periods because of their joint interests which comply there to cooperate to achieve mostly it benefited the interests ,but Turkish interests more than the Iraqi interests. But the above situation isn’t continue for long due to the many international and regional changes which is represented by American dictatorship and the collapse the soviet union .In addition to the second and third gulf war which affect negatively on the Iraqi - Turkish relations and never because the same as prior to 1991 as a result of Turkish effort to utilize the current situation to achieve its expanding greed in Iraq. Although Iraq suffered from the American dared occupation after 2003 and the Turkish aim to draw a regional role in the area because of its deteriorated economy , never the less it still occupy a large place in the Iranian realization and that is because of its important and necessary essentials to both countries especially due to the geo - strategic location and human and economic resources which enabled them to be an active force in the region and a basic element in deciding regional equilibrium in the area . In addition Iran shares with both countries ( Iraq & turkey ) many issues ,such as the ( Kurdish issue , water issue and border issue)which occupy a wide space in the Iraqi - Turkish relations for along period and still continuous and may continue further if both countries ( Iraq & turkey ) continue in following principle of axis and distal objectives and trying to draw a specific role suitable with their international standing breaching the neighbor rights of celestial traditions before the international treaties and agreements.

سياسة ايران الخارجية تجاه المنطقة العربية منذ عام 1989 وافاق المستقبل == Iranian foreign policy Toward Arab Area since 1989 and Future Horizon

اسم المؤلف: سيف منذر عبد الواحد الجوعاني
اسم المشرف: فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2008
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:

اسرائيل والتحولات السياسية في البلدان العربية منذ عام 2010 == Israel and political transformation in the Arabic since 2010 countries

اسم المؤلف: سلمان علي حسين العزي
اسم المشرف: صالح عباس الطائي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2015
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: In this study titled (Israel and political transformations in the Arabic countries since 2010). We try to explain the eminent abilities and components which Israel has, especially the military affairs .It has a good strong developed one based on developed military industries of novel technology, all worked to arm the military army with most new weapon like nuclear weapon, in which the big military spending has a good role of that. In addition to that the economical abilities which came from Jewish donors, nonstop American support and German compensation, all these have a good role in building developed Israel commerce. Israel employed the Jewish experiences which had come from emigration to develop its economy, one of that is a big development of economical level in the country. In addition to that the technological abilities which have an eminent role to support the international and region Israel aims e.g. the fields of military industries and space fields like launching a grope of satellites for spying and collecting information . All of that make an obstacle against the international and region alliance of Israel to do its aims. Part of these eminent obstructions are social and inner political problems e.g. west and east Jews problems ,or disagreement between parties about main affairs like making of the constitution and who is the Jew ? In addition to that the economic problems e.g. lacking of row materials, oil ,Gas ,and lacking of water .Another important points are the need of near shops to sell their productions ,and no good strategic view as it is on a small land and surrounding with enemies . After that we go to search for the international and region effected points of Israel through searching the region effected points of Israel, one of them is turkey, Ethiopia, South of Sudan and middle of Asia, also what these points gave to Israel especially after the political changes in the Arabic countries in order to do its plans in Arabic area. Also we show the international points of Israel activity. U.S.A, European Union, Russian and china will be the first .This depends on a fundamental thinking of Israel idea as in depending on the great power in its international and region alliance. Another search, we go for the motives, the ways and the results of the Arabic political changes and its effects on the Arabic political reality then the Israel role in all of that depending on the central Arabic countries, e.g. Egypt Syria, in addition to another countries like Tunisia, Libya and Yemen. The role of Israel in the Arabic political changes depends on the continuity of demonstrations and unstable case in the Arabic countries, leading to the prepared aim of Israel for the Arabic countries .This leads us to search in the Israel American projects ,one of them is the Great middle East project and the strategy of its implementing through the creative confusion ,and the project of smashing Arabic countries depending on Bernard Luis and Audead Yunoon like dividing the Arabic countries to small unstable one ,and quarrel with each other, trying to put future possibilities for the nature of the relationship between Israel and Arab through three possibilities like the continuity of the relationship as it is or change it ,or both continued and changed one depends on each case

العلاقات الامريكية الصينية بعد الحرب الباردة وابعادها السياسية والاقتصادية == The America - China relations after cold war , and its political , economic dimensions

اسم المؤلف: زينب عبد الله منكاش
اسم المشرف: رفاه شهاب احمد الحمداني
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2015
الموضوع الدقيق: العلوم السياسية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: A new data have appeared in the post - cold war age began features running through the erosion of the western strategic coalition elements with the collapse of the Soviet Union and the decline justifications western coalition in the face of the communist threat ,and the emergence of international competition indications strategy including economic and regional interests to form a so centers international political and economic influence. The relations - China relations is today one of the most international relations complicated in the international system. Both countries are located under the impact of new international data environment after the cold war, as well as that each is trying to show the embodiment of the elements of power, which is owned by another, as the United States of America is seeking to devote unipolar system by having an abortion all attempts by some emerging international powers to interpret the new international system form, while China is seeking to return ,and change this system.Therefore, this study aimed to analyze the economic and political relations between the United States , and China through its review of the elements of which plan the path of those relationships and to monitor compliance and repulsion between the two cases in the post - cold war age , and the development of future indicators of these relations imposed by the nature of the international system and international environment, the existing economic relations, which between them.This study has gone to emphasize the need for clear structure helps to organize and coordinate the study according academy of problematic from which scientific hypothesis that went to prove in order to reach the desired formulation of scientific results. In light of this has been divided this thesis into five chapters, as well as the introduction and conclusion, and in light of this division thesis into five chapters, as well as the introduction and conclusion has been through the review of intellectual perspectives U.S.A. - China's relations post - cold war by having the international system attributes after the cold war and the role of the realist school system and the balance of power and coalition in the study of international relations and the impact on U.S.A. - Chinese relations ,and determine the nature of this relationship the U.S.A - Chinese and vision of those relationships, as well as the most important factors affecting them and the reality of the U.S.A. and Chinese cognition to the reality of these relations There is review of the elements of economic and political power of China and the U.S.A., and the areas of cooperation and coordination between the two countries in the field of trade and investment, energy and foreign debt. Economic, political ,and social determinants of U.S.A. - China relations, and finally had been reached that The expected future framework of U.S.A. - China relations is located within a combination between the rival and partner of the United States ,but not as a strategic partner to the inability of China's access to the international standing of the United States. Therefore, in the interest of China that offers all the ingredients that induce the United States to take its international partner in the future.

التخطيط الاستراتيجي والاداء السياسي الخارجي للولايات المتحدة الاميركية بعد الحرب الباردة == STRATEGIC PLANNING AND FOREIGN POLICY PERFORMANCE OF USA POST THE COLD WAR

اسم المؤلف: زياد طارق خليل
اسم المشرف: سرمد زكي الجادر
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2007
الموضوع الدقيق: العلوم السياسية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: فان مما تتفق عليه الرؤى الاكاديمية ان الولايات المتحدة كانت قد ولدت تتوافر على الفرصة الى جانب الارادة الانسانية في اغتنام هذه الفرصة - ان صح التعبير، مستفيدة من جملة خصائص عدتها هبة الرب التي خص بها (اميركا) او ( العالم الجديد ) . وفي مقدمة تلك الخصائص العزلة الجغرافية التي وفرت لها خطا دفاعيا طبيعيا يصعب اجتيازه ، والثروات الغزيرة باعتبارها القارة الغنية التي توافرت على مقومات الانطلاق والنهضة الاقتصادية (الصناعية والزراعية) ذاتيا ، واخيرا النزعة نحو التغيير في ضوء الارادة باتجاه تحقيق الذات . اما سبل الاغتنام فمثلت الاشكالية التي دعتها لاحقا للانغماس وسط ندرة الفرص وما يعرف بالطبيعة الايجابية للسياسة . فبدلا من انتظار اللحظة التاريخية التي تكون فيها الفرصة وسط بيئة دولية وعلاقات قوة تسنح باغتنامها ، اختارت الولايات المتحدة ان تصنع اللحظة التاريخية وتتربع على راس هرم القوة الى جانب الاتحاد السوفيتي اولا ، ومن ثم منفردة فيما بعد. وفـي طور الفاعلية المفرطـة ، ذهبت ابعد من ذلك ، مــن خلال صنع حالــة مــن السيولة الدوليــة مــن شانها ان تخلق فرص جديدة ( بكر )، فحولت احداث 11/ ايلول - سبتمبر /2001 المروعة ( مثلا ) الى جملة احداث دولية لاحقة عززت الوجود العسكري الاميركي في بقاع العالم المختلفة وحسمت الجدل الذي اثارته حالة استمرار مناطق نفوذ سابقة لاقطاب دولية افلة او اضحت في طور القوى الكبرى غير المؤهلة لممارسة النفوذ علــى مناطق غنية وحيويــة استراتيجيا كوسط اسيا والخليج العربي . وهنا لابد من الاشارة الى استراتيجية صناعة الاعداء في الفكر الاستراتيجي الاميركي ، والتي تاتي في اطار التوظيف السابق للسيولة الدولية من جهة ، وحالة الاستنفار التي تشهدها الماكنة السياسية والعسكرية الاميركية كلما اصابها شيء من الفتور والترهل النسبيين من جهة اخرى . وهــو ما يدفع الــى الاعتقاد ان القوى الدولية الكبرى المنافسة للولايات المتحدة - قطاعيا - اي في مجال معين من المجالات او قطاعات القوة والقدرة ، اضحت ترجئ الاعلان عن نفسها او حتى المواجهة الجزئية مع الولايات المتحدة من اجل خلق شعور عكسي لدى الاخيرة يؤدي بالنتيجة الى خفض او حتى الكف عن حالة الاستنفار الدائم الذي تشهده روافد القوة والقدرة الاميركية. فهذه الاخيرة لا تقيم ادائها في ضوء المخرجات الموضوعية التي تدعم وضع الولايات المتحدة كقوة عظمى فحسب ، وانما تتبنى ايضا الرؤية القائلة بان معرفة الشيء خاضعة نسبيا للمقارنة مع الاشياء الاخرى المشابهة او حتى النقيضة للاول . فالقول ان الدولة ( س ) هي قوة كبرى هو بالضرورة نتيجة منطقية وموضوعية لمقارنة قدراتها ومقومات قوتها مع قوى كبرى تماثلها واخرى دونها في المستوى ، اما الولايات المتحدة فهي القوة العظمى الوحيدة . الا ان هذا التوصيف غير قابل للمقارنة مع حالة مشابهة في عالم اليوم، فتسعى الولايات المتحدة الى ابقائه معرفا بدلالة القوى الدولية التي تتخلف عنه من حـيث المرتبة.وهذه المعادلة الاخيرة اضحت الاكثر جدلا وحساسية في عالم ما بعد الحرب الباردة الذي حمل معطيات ومتغيرات غير مسبوقة وعلــى الصعد النظريـة (الفكرية) والسلوكية ( الادائية ) على حد سواء . فقد شهد العالم تحولا نوعيا وكميا كبيرا لا يستثني صعيدا من صعد التغيير سواء السياسي او الاجتماعي او الاقتصادي او المعرفي - الثقافي . الامر الذي عزز الرؤية العلمية القائلة بان البحث في العلاقة بين مثلث (الهدف والوسيلة والاداء) على الصعيد السياسي ، لا يمكن اعتباره - ولو جدلا - من قبيل الخوض في هوامش الظاهرة السياسية والاستراتيجية ، وانما اضحى الشغل الشاغل لمن احترف العمل السياسي او تقديم المشورة السياسية هو الترجمة الاكفا والاكثر عقلانية لتلك العلاقة ولعل ما سبق يندرج تحت عنوان ( التخطيط ) بشقيه السياسي والاستراتيجي . وهو ما يتنافس في اطاره الساسة كل حسب ما يتوافر عليه من خلفية اكاديمية وثقافية ووظيفية اتاحت له المجال للاطلاع على ما تملية السياسة في التطبيق . وعندما يتعلق الامر بموضوع الاهداف والاداء وتوظيف الوسائل والادوات بصورة غير مؤدلجة فاننا نكون قد ولجنا عالم وعلم الاستراتيجية وضيقنا فرص التداخل بينها وبين الظاهرة ( السياسية ) التي يغلب عليها الصبغة الايديولوجية او حتى النفسية لصانع القرار . الا ان هذا لا ينفي ان الاستراتيجية في اطار الهدف السياسي هي لا تعدو ان تكون وسيلة لبلوغ المبلغ الايديولوجي! . لذا فان التخطيط الاستراتيجي امرا لا غنى عنه في معظم الدول المتقدمة ( او دول عالم الشمال كما عادت تعرف ) و( ثقافة ) لا مفر من تبنيها من قبل دول عالم الجنوب التي اعتادت التشبه بالاولى حتى من دون ان تكون مدركة او مؤمنة في بعض الاحيان بمحتوى ومضمون الفعل الذي تبنته . وهذا يعطي زخما مضافا لموضوعة التخطيط الاستراتيجي والاداء السياسي الخارجي للولايات المتحدة ما بعد الحرب الباردة ، التي لا تقتصر من حيث الاهمية على جانب معين يمكن القول انه يوجز المهمة ، وانما تنقسم اهمية الموضوع على بعدين اساسيين : - البعد الاول ، هو البعد الموضوعي المتعلق بذات الموضوع وجوهره والذي ينقسم بدوره الى جملة محاور وابعاد فرعية يمكن ايجازها بالاتي : - 1 - ان الهدف من وراء التطوير النظري والتطبيقي للقدرة على التخطيط الاستراتيجي ، انما هو محاولة لعقلنة صناعة القرار السياسي والاستراتيجي من جانب ، والاداء السياسي من جانب اخر . وهي اهمية تجعل من الموضوع ذي علاقة مباشرة بالنظريات والجهود العلمية المبذولة في هذا المجال ، كما انها تمثل توظيفا لكل ما سبق في مناقشة ابعاد الواقع والمعالجات المقترحة لكي يكون منسجما مع الهدف السياسي والاستراتيجي لصانع القرار . 2 - ان العالم كان قد تجاوز في جزئه المتقدم مرحلة تحقيق الاهداف بالوسائل والاستراتيجيات المناسبة نتيجة التخطيط الاستراتيجي الكفوء ، وذهب ابعد من ذلك الى صناعة الاهداف . وفق ما يتوافر عليه من قدرات او اليات الاداء السياسي . وهو ما ضاعف الحاجة الى التخطيط الاستراتيجي في حين لا زالت تعاني دول عالم الجنوب من عدم الفهم الدقيق او حتى الشعور بالحاجة الى تبني الية للتخطيط الاستراتيجي لمعالجة وضعها السلبي المتمثل في كون ادائها السياسي لازال غير قادر على مغادرة موضع رد الفعل او البحث عن سبل الانسياق الانسب وراء المنطلقات التي تصنعها القوى الدولية الكبرى والعظمى .3 - رغم ما سبق ، فان ندرة تشهدها الساحة الاكاديمية في مجال العلوم السياسية والاستراتيجية وتحديدا العربية دون العالمية ، بقدر تعلق الامر بتناول موضوعة التخطيط الاستراتيجي والاداء السياسي الخارجي بالبحث والتحليل وبكافة المستويات . اما البعد الثاني ، فيستمد اهميته من الدولة موضع الدراسة ، الولايات المتحدة الاميركية ، فهي : - 1 - قوة عظمى وقطب دولي ذي شان كوني الى جانب الاتحاد السوفيتي فترة الحرب الباردة ولخمس عقود من القرن العشرين ، ولوحـدها بعد انهيار الاخير . فولوج العالم الى القرن الحادي والعشرين سيسجل انه تم تحت عنوان الزعامة الاميركية ، كما انه من المتوقع ان يستمر لمدة قادمة من الزمن .2 - ان الموضوعية العلمية تقتضي القول ان الولايات المتحدة توافرت على النموذج الاكثر كفاءة في مجال التخطيط الاستراتيجي وفقا لمخرجات الاداء السياسي الخارجي ، وهو ما ضمن لها توظيفا امثل لعزلتها الدولية قبل تاكلها فــي الحرب العالمية الاولى وتبنيها للنهج الانغماسي بعد الحرب العالمية الثانية . ثم المواجهة الكفوءة مع الاتحاد السوفيتي ( السابق ) والتي انتهت بتفككه وتفكير الاطراف الدولية الكبرى المنافسة للولايات المتحدة لاكثر من مرة قبل الاعلان عن نفسها منافسا استراتيجيا يقصد المواجهة .ومؤخرا، ورغم مظاهر الاخفاق الذي تعاني منه الاستراتيجية الاميركية في العراق ، فانها لا تكاد تغادر الموقع المتميز الذي اتخذته لنفسها من حيث صناعة الاهداف والاعداء في عالم ما بعد الحرب الباردة . وهو العالم المستفيد من تجربة الاتحاد السوفيتي ، او اخفاقه بعبارة ادق ، في جزئه الشمالي والمتوجس في ذات الوقت من الطريقة التــي سبق ان عالجت بها الولايات المتحدة مشاكلها مع النظام السياسي السابق في العراق والتي اختتمت بها القرن الحادي والعشرين بعد غزوها لافغانستان .3 - ان الولايات المتحدة تتوافر على مقومات القدرة الشاملة التي لا تتوافر في منافسيها او ما يعرف بالاقطاب البازغة ( الصاعدة ) . وهو ما يقلل القيود في مجالي التخطيط والاداء على عكس ما قد يتوافر في بقية الدول الاخرى التي تعاني في العموم من قيود داخلية بضمنها تلك المتعلقة بقدراتها الذاتية واخرى دولية نتيجة وجود النظام الدولي احادي القطبية . كل ما سبق مثل مدخلا داعما لتبني الباحث موضوع الدراسة ومحاولة الالمام في جوانبه المختلفة وفق منهجية علمية لمناقشة الفرضية وتقديم معالجة متواضعة لاشكالية الدراسة التي هي بالضرورة تتناول العلاقة بين متغيري الدراسة .. الاول ؛ ممثلا بالتخطيط الاستراتيجي وهو ظاهرة سيتم الوقوف عندها من حيث التعريف بالمفهوم والمراحل ، واستحضار كل ذلك عند مناقشة الانموذج الاميركي في هذا المجال . اما المتغير الثاني ؛ فيتمثل بالاداء السياسي الخارجي ، الذي يتوافر بدوره على مقومات واليات عامة ، واخرى تتميز بها الولايات المتحدة التي سيتم التطرق الى تجربتها الفريدة والمهمة . فالتشخيص العلمي وفق المناهج البحثية المتبعة لامكانية وجود علاقة بين المتغيرين السابقين وطبيعة هذه العلاقة،حاجة علمية وفائدة اكاديمية لابد ان تلبى ،كما انها تمثل اشكالية الدراسة. وعلى غير بعيد عن الاشكالية ، بل في اجابة مفترضة عن التساؤلات التي اثيرت في اطارها ، فان الفرضية المتبناة تتمثل في : " ان ثمة علاقة طردية موجبة بين متغيري الدراسة ، التخطيط الاستراتيجي والاداء السياسي الخارجي الاميركي ، وهي علاقة ذات مرجعية علمية نظرية وابعاد واقعية تستند على ادراك الجهات المختلفة المساهمة في عمليتي التخطيط الاستراتيجي والاداء السياسي الخارجي من جهة ، وعلى مقومات القدرة التي يتوافر عليها الجسد الاميركي ومخرجات ذلك من استراتيجيات الاداء السياسي الخارجي والمشاريع الكونية التي اضحت تمثل المحصلة لكل ذلك ، من جهة اخرى " . ولعل وجود الفرضية المركزية السابقة لا ينفي وجود فرضيات دعت الحاجة اليها وجود اشكاليات فرعية ايضا وتساؤلات ذات علاقة بمتغيرات برزت اثناء التناول التفصيلي لمضامين الاجابة عن تساؤلات الاشكالية الرئيسة. ومن اجل بلوغ الغاية او الهدف من الدراسة في مناقشة الفرضيات المتبناة ، سبيلا لاثباتها او تعديلها او نفيها ، وظفت عدة مناهج بحثية كل وفق مقتضيات ومتطلبات الحاجة العلمية ووفق ما يسمح به استخدامه وخواصه ووضعه المناسب . ومن المناهج المستخدمة المنهج التاريخي ، والمنهج الوظيفي والمنهج الكمي والمنهج التحليلي وصولا الى منهج الاستشفاف الاحتمالي الذي ساعد الباحث في ولوج عالم المستقبل في محاولة لتشخيص الظاهرة واختبار الفرضية في زمن ات . كما ان التناول العلمي لاشكالية الدراسة وطبيعة الفرضية ، اقتضى ان تتوزع هيكلية الدراسة علـى اربعة فصول مثلت متن الدراسة واخر اخير مستقبلي . فاما الفصل الاول والذي حمل عنوان ( الاطار النظري ) فانه بدوره انقسم على ثلاث مباحث اساسية ، تم خلالها استعراض الرؤى النظرية التي تناولت مفاهيم الدراسة والعلاقة بين تلك المفاهيم . وفي الفصل الثاني ، توزع الادراك الاميركي للعالم على مبحثين . الاول تحدث عن ادراك اميركي لعالم الحرب الباردة ، واخر تناول الادراك الاميركي لعالم ما بعد الحرب الباردة ، وتم الخروج بمبحث ثالث شخص مفاصل (الاستمرارية والتغيير) في ادراك الولايات المتحدة لبيئتها الخارجية منذ الحرب العالمية الثانية وحتى لحظة اعداد الدراسة . وجاء الفصل الثالث ليناقش المتغير الاول من متغيرات الدراسة ممثلا (بالتخطيط الاستراتيجي الاميركي) . الامر الذي تطلب ان يكون على ثلاث مباحث ، الاول حمل عنوان (تطور الفكر الاستراتيجي الاميركي) وتم خلاله التطرق الى اهم محطات التحول والتطور التي شهدها الفكر الاستراتيجي الاميركي عبر استعراض ما جاء به الساسة ومحترفي التفكير الاستراتيجي . اما المبحث الثاني ، فتناول ( مؤسسات التفكير الاستراتيجي ) التي تتميز بها دون غيرها عملية التخطيط الاستراتيجي الاميركي . فوجود اكثر من الف مؤسسة غير حكومية متخصصة في مجال التفكير الاستراتيجي كان قد القى بظلاله ايجابا على اداء وكفاءة مؤسسات التخطيط الاستراتيجي الحكومية . كما انه وفر ماكنة لنقد ومراقبة الاداء السياسي الخارجي للولايات المتحدة . وفي حديث ذي صلة ، جاء المبحث الثالث يحمل عنوان ( عملية التخطيط الاستراتيجي ) ، حيث شخص الجهات الحكومية المساهمة في عملية التخطيط الاستراتيجي ودور كل منها في هذا المجال . واهتم الفصل الرابع بطبيعة الحال بالمتغير الثاني من متغيرات الدراسة وحمل عنوان (الاداء السياسي الخارجي للولايات المتحدة ما بعد الحرب الباردة) ، حيث تم التطرق في المبحث الاول لموضوعة مقومات القدرة الاميركية في حين كان النظام الدولي الجديد موضوعة المبحث الثاني . واخيرا ، فان الفصل الخامس حاول ولوج المستقبل في تناوله للتخطيط الاستراتيجي ومستقبل الاداء السياسي الخارجي الاميركي ، وذلك عبر احتمالين اثنين : الاول ؛ هو احتمال الاستمرار في الانغماس او التورط في الشؤون العالمية مما يعني استنزافا اكبر لماكنة التخطيط الاستراتيجي والاداء السياسي الخارجي على حد سواء . ومثل مشهد ( التغيير الايجابي ) الرؤية الثانية ، التي يقف ورائها غير رائد من رواد الفكر الاستراتيجي الاميركي ، الى جانب الكلف العالية التي يقتضيها الاستمرار في اطار الاحتمال الاول . وخلص الباحث الى ان الاحتمال الاوفر حظا في عالم المستقبل هو ( التغيير الايجابي ) والذي يرجح الدعوات القائلة بمساهمة المجتمع الدولي في اكلاف القيادة الاميركية ، والى جانب الاخيرة ، نظير السماح بالمشاركة في ظل نظام دولي عادل . لكن ذلك لاينفي احتمالية الاستمرار في النهج التدخلي الحالي لفترة من الزمن قد تبلغ المدى المتوسط ، الا ان الولايات المتحدة سرعان ما ستكتشف انها تتجه الى عزلة جيدة ولكن تحت عناوين الانغماس المكثف ومزيد من التورط في الشؤون الدولية . وهو شكل من اشكال العزلة لم تعهده في السابق . كما انه ، وعلى عكس الاشكال السابقة ، ذا كلف عالية لعلها تنتهي بموقع الولايات المتحدة على قمة هرمية القوى الدولية . ويبقى القول ان كل ما سبق يمثل مناقشة علمية واختبار وفق مناهج بحثية مختلفة لفرضية الدراسة ، وان تطلب ذلك اتباع هيكلية تعتمد رؤيا تفكيكية لمضامين الفرضية ، الامر الذي نتج عنه اثبات العلاقة نظريا وواقعيا بين متغيري الدراسة ( التخطيط الاستراتيجي ) و( الاداء السياسي الخارجي ) وفق النموذج الاميركي في الحاضر وفي بناء وترجيح الاحتمالات المستقبلية .وختاما اسال الله العلي القدير ان يتقبل هذا الجهد المتواضع ليصب في روافد العلم والابداع المختلفة التي عرف بها شعبنا الصابر وخدمة لعراقنا الحبيب | Throughout its history , United States of America marked, especially after the end of the cold war and got the victory after bringing the Soviet Union, by its rising towards the involving in the international affairs simultaneously with achieving victory as coupled with military event , then economic and political results remained in the interest of U.A.S for a period of time, and renewed with new military victory of the same style regarding the technical difference since the first world war till its recent invasion to Iraq . Not above, just a way out of efficient strategic planning , working to keep it such an agenda , government institutions and non - governmental , and spend much money for that . It is also available on earlier accumulation of number of theories and schools of thought that went with the spirit of times . So realization of American strategic decision - marker for the world , which reflected on foreign policy performance , has represented an outcome of a number of variables that can be summarized as follows : 1. The evolution of American strategic thinking which represents the intellectual outcome arising from the global experiences of U.S.A throughout its history .It doesn’t always involve positive phases , but it also suffers from the limitations and failures of the past , as commandments of founding fathers to commit isolation , and the great failure faced in Vietnam and other .2. The existence of strategic thinking institutions as a dynamic and important actor in formulating the American strategic decision . It should be noticed that the existence of these institutions in the U.S.A is a quantitative and qualitative than what is available in the world north of advocating institution .3. Divergence of institution views in the process of official strategic planning , which has recently led private institutions individually to adopt the American strategic decision .These institutions are represented in presidency, Ministry of Defence ( pentagon ) and the Intelligence Agencies which take the role of Ministry of the Foreign Affairs and National Security Council .4. American capacity constituents and tools of foreign policy performance , since the American superiority , can not always be translated under one title of capacity . Foe and international arena can also play a role to determine the best tool of foreign policy performance ones and the most suitable to face the other . The best employment of the previous variables has motivated the American strategic decision - maker to invest opportunities and avoid threats under the international arena till it reached unipolarity , so it has presented its global project aiming to re - construct the international hierarchy in new international order , sitting on its top individually . It should be noticed that the project was not born suddenly to let U.S.A finding itself without efficient strategic competitor . But it is outcome of previous efforts that lasts even to the period of isolation and building the American house on the base of global superiority , when there was no eligible material base to talk about , on ethical and moral grounds described the U.S.A as if the prominent defender of freedom and democracy in the world . This moral character has soon covered the new international order from the moment of declaration, but this time , it has the constituents of ability and superiority that make the international community listen to American attentively . The new international order has stimulated an extensive controversy , reflected on the probabilities of futurism of this performance , and according to the strategic view presented by institutions of previous strategic planning . Probability of continuation neglects the change on the strategic level , with the possibility of taking place on the level of tactics . It also supposes escalating of involving in global affairs according to the recent followed approach with tendency to traditional employment of means and tools of foreign policy performance which is represented by military force . The second probable is the possibility of change that might lead to two probables : - The first one carries the title of negative change and represents abandonment of U.S.A to its responsibilities and global ambitions which are currently available in return to former state of isolation . This scene has been excluded for lacking constituents of future probability represented by possibility of happening , based on facts emerging from reality , or even past experiences . Although the difficulties that faced U.S.A during the cold war , it wasn’t biased to the option of return to isolation . In addition , the present time is not available on the reason to make U.S.A abandon its global strategy under critical claims from other international powers which request no more from American leadership within the framework of international partnership , so the most probable in the world of future is the positive change which likely supports the contribution of the international community with the American leadership in the responsibility . Conversely , It allows more partnership under fair international order . This is likely to be although the probability of continuity in the current approach for a period of time , but U.S.A will soon find out that it moves towards isolation under titles of intense plunge and more involvement in the international affairs ; and this is a new shape of isolation which has never been before . It also , on the contrary of previous state , expenses too much that might remove the U.S.A from its high position in hierarchy of international powers . The foregoing represents scientific discussion and test , according to different research approaches , the thesis , although it requests structural kind adopting deconstructive vision to the contents of the premise , and that led to prove the relation between study variables ( strategic planning ) and( foreign policy performance ) realistic and theoretically according to the American model in present time , and formulating probabilities of futurity

السياسة الخارجية الامريكية وحقوق الانسان : دراسة حالة كوسوفو

اسم المؤلف: رياض مهدي عبد الكاظم الحطاب
اسم المشرف: قاسم محمد عبد علي الدليمي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2006
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:

فكرة التحالف في السياسة الخارجية البريطانية : دراسة حالة التحالف البريطاني الامريكي == The Idea Of The Coalitions In The British Foreign Policy A case Study : The British - American Coalitions

اسم المؤلف: رنا خالد عبد الجبار
اسم المشرف: نادية عبد القادر المختار | مازن اسماعيل الرمضاني
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2006
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: This study tried seeking in a quasi hidden phenomena behind all the relations of force among the counties upon the different time epochs that the international relations witnessed. This phenomena is the international alliances, trying to shed the light on this phenomena and its role on the British political policy.Based on this, it has been clarified that the changes on which based the phenomena of the alliances in the British external policy, and therefore all the objectives, and the means became influenced directly, in the beginning of the twentieth century, on the conditions of the prelateship with the dominant force in the international system, which is the United States, after that Britain was during the epoch of the great emperor, the one who putting the condition of the political international policies, and the one who determines which force is to be and against which force. Even, the super powers were competing to get the chances of the alliances with the British emperor to strength it self in the international conflict.Then the study finished in to seeking in the British American alliances, not because it is one of the cases of the alliances in the British external policy, but because it became the basic element in the influence on the total of the external policy of the British policy.Britain today does not make an alliance with the United States on the basic of the interest only, but it is more than that, as the alliances between them reached till the point of the ideology alliance between the two mentalities which is difficult to separate them on the first sight.But, when we study each one a part , we find the element of the contradiction seem immense among the deep - rooted British mentality, based on the romaine policy, philology ,and which developed through the epochs of the middle ages and the ages of the renaissance, and between the American political mentality , based on the American poetical experience , build by the points of the American political mentality, or what is called by the " America Father" who found the idea of the alliances and the idea of the American Constitution.The American policy is an individual experience , made by the immigrant to the American continent, and which was developed by the life condition of this modern country, till it became an expense related to America, and it could not be generalized. It is related to the political building and economic and social society, related to the united stated, which is about to be different form the structure of the other ancient nations.Britain is considered to be one of strongest counties in using the policy of the alliances to achieve its external goals in the policy. On the other hand, we registered our remarks on which based our study that the British - American alliance is considered to be one of the mot rare shapes of the international alliances which that the history sitnessed. This is due that to the shape of this alliance, its strength and its continuity, and its capability to make the influence. And above all, each par endures to maintain this alliance with the second part

المتغير الحضاري والامن الدولي (جدلية العلاقة) == The Civilizational Variable and International Security “Dialectical Relaioship

اسم المؤلف: رشا يحيى عبيس هاني
اسم المشرف: قحطان كاظم محمد الخفاجي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2015
الموضوع الدقيق: العلوم السياسية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: It can be said that the search in the manifestations of contemporary international politics with the feasibility of the scientific and practical point of view at the same time together, by virtue of the world that today's world can not be synaptic States if Maoradt development and progress can live isolated encrusted on itself.This thesis has tried to answer a series of questions revolves around its axis Perhaps Atralamngar civilization and the extent of influence on international security.The study examined carefully to Othertasara events on the cultural variable and effervescence of his face and the nature of its relationship to international security on the other.Given that the aim of the thesis is to highlight the dialectical relationship between international security and the changing culturalAnd depending on what it contained treatise of chapters and sections and demands, it concluded a number of results can be summarized the following : An change is a comprehensive process of formats, jobs and social relations, both personal and international levels, a process Mtaataddh and dimensions. The importance of the change in international politics lies in the control change and Tgeyemcn say that research in contemporary international politics phenomena with the feasibility of the scientific and practical point of view at the same time together, by virtue of that the world is today's world Synaptic can not countries if Maoradt development and progress can live isolated encrusted on itself. An political change is being General, lasting and comprehensive multi - dimensional phenomenon and parties, complicated and complex to a very large and infinite extent and impartial and last but not least, the phenomenon of time depends on the time as the decisive factor in the change.3_an There are several theories as to why the process of change. There are those who view the process of change as an evolutionary process, whether in writing or taken form circular. Ually this basis, international Mralamn changes were sensible developments and changes are sometimes spontaneously as a result of increased international interactions and taken a certain form on the level of international political summit pyramid.UN Security. An not and will not settle on one format, but will take Mtaatadh forms depending on the objective and subjective conditions as well as security developments in the case, which began significantly affected Pmaihdt in the international environment An There are many forces of change, and perhaps the most important international structure which serves as the director of the forces of change driving direction formed - aa structural Atah - then back again, according to the curriculum analytical systemic way nutrition retrospective feed back to be input and the forces of change is pushing for the events of a particular form of the phenomena of out. That the change in the presence of the enemy and the disagreement will affect the UN Security adjust the process in all its dimensions, because the strategies and tactics that will be followed by the actors in the international scene will change depending on either deems appropriate to achieve its security. Cultural variable that takes two principal forms to influence the UN Security Council. It entrance Adtraba security and orderly entrance. There are more than approach the entrance and reflecting the impact of the changing cultural kuna Adtraba or organized international security. It could be argued that the global entrance and entrance regional basis in those two entrances and can not be rigid separation between them, but that one is complementary to the other are provided one over the other depending on the international situation prevailing in this era or that. We are studying the impact of the elements of civilization at the international security and how to have an impact on the nature of the composition of the communities where we find it is not possible that any civilization without it have the ingredients to be based upon the basis of its existence. We find that the social and historical denominated find that Almojtkaaat is the foundation upon which civilization and therefore even international security is mainly based on the groups of people and achieve their security So is this ingredient essential to the relationship between the parties 12. As for the material and technical chiropractor, we find that civilization can not be exist without that there will be the basis of material and technique based upon where that human evolution and its dependence on the machine and industrial development and Altjaramanm in the creation of civilization and the impact on international security. Also denominated as the environmental and natural climatic conditions Almaatihomaihdt of changes in the environment are Bmjmlhatather civilization and thus receive Bdilalha on the UN Security In addition to the intellectual and cultural rectifier which is one of the important ingredients in building and basic civilization and thus became the main influences on the UN Security Council. The UN Security depends on the relationship of interaction and Altoaagaf, meaning that the behavior of any of the units of the international system affects the nature Allamn and that these same civilizations countries are influential on the UN Security 16 - that the variable civilization possible to be Adtrabaa international security through the influence of the UN Security and possible to be a element Sraia Baltla and poses a security obsession States Emergence of extremist movements that have become a danger to international security Associated with these movements cultural backgrounds where we see the emergence of radical Islam or fundamentalist tide, which has become a threat to international security and thus there became obsessed with the fear of these Aharklt, which has become an influential heavily on the UN Security imbalance. Struggle for the interests and values which has also become a cultural worker hired to threaten international security.Civilization variable also takes the other hand, being an entrepreneur, a side entrance to international security, not only Adtraba.The ivilizational variable because it possesses the humanitarian missions and humanitarian tasks that could be a factor organized international security and Thakqiq kind of stability. Well that the variable civilization based on scientific and technological progress and the emergence of this progress would work in an orderly fashion to international security. On the other hand became orientations to the need for there to be an international approach to address these movements and work to maintain the stability of the UN Security There has become an international conviction dangers of sectarian and religious conflicts, the urgent need to style or the way to face them in order to maintain international security. Expected to see a significant international structural change and that there will be a new kind of pluralism, but this time be pluralistic participation of any US - led pluralism. And this would be reflected on the future of the UN Security. Confirm that the next and imminent danger to humanity is not the spread of nuclear capabilities as far as what is the proliferation of conflicts and their development, which would be very dangerous if based on a nuclear technology that could be used in a changing world.Where we find the emergence of two types of convergence or alliance of civilizations Altair on the UN Security played a role in Altat. They are : The first approach : Alliance Alammeraki_alurbi_alasiraiala and trying to draw international security that you see fit according to the National Aamnha and therefore varies with each of its vision is threatening international peace and security andThe second is the Chinese approach Islamist alliance - Russian - which constituents of the LES also draw peace and security in accordance with that you see fit.And here we find that this Athalv to take two aspects : - The first is entrenched civilizations in order to face what might urge her and thus affect the UN SecurityThe second is cooperation, or balance among civilizations in order to ensure that the UN Security settledAnd therefore, the future of the cultural variable and its relationship to the international security of : - Either variable decline of civilization and remains active but highlights the other elements of a political, economic and technological impact involved in the UN SecurityAwalamn International is the one who becomes a civilized intellectual Bdalalath variable factors becomes security measures, but not just semantics patterns and be the basis for international security and affect it.And it has to the changing cultural and International Security always in the dialectic of the relationship and that one Aathelr is affected by the other

السيادة بين ميثاق الامم المتحدة والتطبيق العملي : دراسة في التنظيم الدولي بعد الحرب الباردة

اسم المؤلف: رائد صالــح علي
اسم المشرف: فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2009
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:

اثر الديون الخارجية على حقوق الانسان الاقتصادية والاجتماعية بعد الحرب الباردة : دراسة مقارنة (ماليزيا واليمن) == The impact of External debt on economic and social human rights after the Cold War comparative study (Malaysia and Yemen)

اسم المؤلف: رائد سامي عباس العبيدي
اسم المشرف: احمد الحمداني | عبد الصمد الشمري
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: وتستعرض هذه الدراسة السياق التاريخي لمشاكل الديون الخارجية التي تواجهها بلدان عالم الجنوب وما يترتب على تخلف البلدان المتضررة عن تسديد ديونها من اثر سلبي على قدرتها على النهوض بحقوق الانسان ، وتحديدا انموذجي ماليزيا واليمن ، وخاصة بعد ان وضع المجتمع الدولي العديد من المبادرات وبذل الكثير من الجهود سعيا منه الى ايجاد حل لمحنة الديون التي تعانيها بلدان عالم الجنوب او الى التخفيف من وطاتها مؤقتا على الاقل ويتحمل كل من الدائنين والمدينين المسؤولية فيما يتعلق بسوء ادارة المعاملات الخارجية وكما هو الشان بالنسبة لاعمال حقوق الانسان وتعزيزها، فان المسؤولية الرئيسية في الادارة الجيدة للديون واستخدام الموارد الخارجية على نحو يتسم بالمسؤولية تقع على عاتق الحكومات الوطنية. ومن العوامل التي اسهمت في تراكم ديون هذه البلدان عوامل خارجية مثل صدمات اسعار النفط وانخفاض اسعار السلع الاساسية ،وارتفاع اسعار الفائدة في السبعينات والثمانينات، وحفاظا على ميزان المدفوعات،رفعت البلدان الاقتراض من الخارج لتعويض تدهور شروط التبادل التجاري حيث عرفت اسعار السلع الاساسية انخفاضا حادا في مطلع الثمانينات، وقد لجات بعض البلدان الفقيرة بشكل متزايد الى قروض جديدة لرد خدمة ديونها، وحددت الشروط من جانب المؤسسات المالية الدولية ، مؤدية الى الحد من النفقات العامة وفرض برامج التكييف الهيكلي للتقليل من الاعتماد على القروض الخارجية مما ادى الى انعكاسات سلبية على حقوق الانسان الاقتصادية والاجتماعية والثقافية .لقد تم تقسيم الدراسة على اربع فصول . اذ تناول الفصل الاول : اطار نظري عام عن الديون الخارجية لدول عالم الجنوب الذي تضمن مبحثين هما : 1 - المبحث الاول : مفهوم الدين الخارجي - النشاة والاسباب.2 - المبحث الثاني : مبررات وانواع ومؤشرات الدين الخارجي. اما الفصل الثاني : فركز على حقوق الانسان والمؤسسات المالية الدولية المانحة من خلال مبحثين هما : 1 - المبحث الاول : حقوق الانسان النشاة والتطور.2 - المبحث الثاني : المؤسسات المالية الدولية المانحة(البنك وصندوق النقد الدوليين).اما الفصل الثالث : فركز على ، الديون الخارجية وسياسة التكييف الهيكلي وانعكاساتها على الحقوق الاقتصادية والاجتماعية والثقافية، وذلك من خلال مبحثين هما : 1 - المبحث الاول : الحقوق الاقتصادية والاجتماعية والثقافية2 - المبحث الثاني : الديون الخارجية وسياسة التكييف الهيكلي وانعكاساتها على الحقوق الاقتصادية والاجتماعية والثقافية.اما الفصل الرابع : فقد تناول دول العينة المختارة مقارنة بين( ماليزيا اليمن) وقسم الفصل الى ثلاث مباحث وهي : 1 - المبحث الاول : النظام السياسي ولاقتصادي واثر الديون الخارجية في ماليزيا .2 - المبحث الثاني : النظام السياسي والاقتصادي واثر الديون الخارجية في اليمن .3 - المبحث الثالث : الاثر المتحقق للديون الخارجية في ماليزيا واليمن | This study reviews the historical context of the external debt problems faced by the countries of the Global South and the consequent failure of the affected countries to repay their debt from negative impact on their ability to promote human rights, specifically the prototypical Malaysia and Yemen, especially after the international community to put several initiatives and make a lot of efforts in an effort to find a solution to the plight of debt experienced by the world of the South or to reduce temporarily the brunt at least and each of the creditors and debtors responsibility for bad foreign transaction management and as is the case for the realization of human rights and promotion, the main responsibility in the good debt management and use of resources Foreign responsibly lies with national governments. Among the factors that contributed to the debt of these countries external factors accumulation such as oil price shocks and declining commodity prices, and rising interest rates in the seventies and eighties, and to preserve the balance of payments, borrowing countries increased from abroad to compensate for the deterioration of terms of trade as commodity prices known as a sharp decline in the early eighties, and some poor countries have resorted increasingly to new loans respond to service their debt, and set conditions on the part of international financial institutions, leading to the reduction of public expenditure and the imposition of structural adjustment programs to reduce the dependence on external loans, which led to negative repercussions on the rights and economic rights and social and cultural study. We have been divided into four chapters.If the first chapter dealt with : a theoretical framework for external debt in the Southern world, which included two sections, namely : 1. Section I : The concept of external debt - Origin and causes.2. The second topic : the rationale and the types and indicators of external debt. The second chapter : focused on human rights and the international financial institutions and donors through two sections, namely : 1. Section I : Growing human rights and development.2. The second topic : international financial institutions and donor (Bank and the International Monetary Fund).The third chapter : focused on, external debt and structural adjustment policy and its impact on economic, social and cultural rights, and through two sections, namely : 1. Section I : economic, social and cultural rights2. The second topic : foreign debt and structural adjustment policy and its impact on economic, social and cultural rights.The fourth chapter dealt with selected sample comparison between countries (Malaysia, Yemen) and the Department of separation into three sections, namely : 1. First topic : the political system and the economic impact of external debt in Malaysia.2. The second topic : the political and economic system and the impact of external debt in Yemen.3. The third topic : the realized impact of external debt in Malaysia and Yemen. At the end ،the study reached numerous of conclusions

البعــــد المســـتقـبلـي في التخطيــــط الاستراتيـــجـي الاسرائيـــلـي == The Prospective Vision In The Israeli Strategic Planning

اسم المؤلف: دينا محمـــد جبـــر الربيعـــي
اسم المشرف: سرمد زكي الجادر | فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2006
الموضوع الدقيق: الدراسات الاستراتيجية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The Israeli Strategic Planning Depend Upon Distant Duration Strategy, Able To Transport The Conflict From Its Dierct Dimenstoin Like War To Indierct One Such As Economical , Political , Sociological , Psychological , And Idealogical Field , To Achieved Its Goals In Fexibal Ways By Exploitation Weakness Points Inside Their Enemies,And Employment Power Points In Themselives . The Zionism Movement And Israel , Attempt To Concern In The Future And Its Elements . Hence, Submition These Elements To The Israeli Thinking ,And The Israeli Strategy Alwayes Drawing Margin Of Prospective Movement In Any Time. So , The Importance Of Study Including That Israel Depend On Strategy Which Is Prospective Goals,Flexibal Means,Variable Forms And Fixed Aims,try To Weak The Arab States , In Return For Protect Israeli Security By Creat A New Events In Its Environment Because Future Never Offering In Silver Dish. The Problem Of This Study Its Prospective Dimenstoin Of Israeli Planning, Attempt to Divided States In The First Level , Therfore The Relations Between Arabs And Israel Is Oppositev Relation Contain That , Every Weakness In The Arabian Body Corresponed Strength In The Israeli Actions , Through Exploitation Arabic Weakness Elements , And Depend Upon Forse , secret Planning , And The Role Of Super Powers Of States.Therefore The Aim Of This Study Is To Solve The Problem mentioned Above This Study Depend Upon Hypothesis Including that The Israeli Strategic Planning give a concern to the Prospective Vision , by clear , flexible strategic or tactical plans . To Prove Hypothesis Of The Study , The Following Questions Should Be Out Under Consideration : - what the meaning of strategic planning ,and how we can distinguish between him and other concepts such as future , or strategic thinking ? - how was the beginning of the Zionism planning before establish Israel , And How Its Become? - what is The Israeli Strategic Planning Institutions and how They Can effect on Israeli total strategy maker? - what is the total Israeli strategy Dimensions On The Internal Level? - what is the total Israeli strategy Dimensions On The External Level? Starting Out From Hypothesis And Problem Of The Study , Its Bodywork Study Will Be Divided Into Five Chapters In addition To The Introduction , Conclusion And The Aimes : - First Chapter studying the meaning of Strategic Planning and other concept like Future And Strategic Thinking . - Second Chapter Explaining The Basics of the Zionism Planning before establish Israel and after That - Third Chapter studying the Israeli Strategic Planning Process Which Is Effect On Israel strategy,and their Prospective plans . - Fourth Chapter explaining the Internal Dimensions of the total Israeli strategy,And Their Plans On This Level - Fifth Chapter studying the External Dimensions of the total Israeli strategy And Their Plans On The International And Rigonal Levels. Eventually , The Conclusion Summarized The Results Of The Study , Such As Using Distant Duration strategy By Israel To Achive Their Goals By Different Means, Forese , Diplomatic Pressures,And Secret Plans.

صراع الحضارات والسياسة الامريكية حيال الدول الاسلامية جامعة النهرين، 2008م == Civilizations Conflict and American policy Against Islamic States

اسم المؤلف: زينب هادي خلف فارس المكصوصي
اسم المشرف: صال نجيب العزاوي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: يرمي البحث الى تبيان ان فكرة صراع الحضارات ليست فكرة حديثة بل لها جذور تاريخية عميقة، واثيرت نهاية حقبة الثمانينيات وبداية عقد التسعينيات لسد فراغ القوة بعد انهيار الاتحاد السوفيتي، ورغبة الولايات المتحدة في البحث عن عدو جديد ، ووظفت فكرة صراع الحضارات للتاكيد بان الصراع القادم والذي سيشهده العالم لن يكون صراعا ايديولوجيا بل صراعا حضاريا وان الحضارة الاسلامية هي التي ستكون في مواجهة الحضارة الغربية ، وقد وظفوا احداث 11 ايلول لتاكيد فكرتهم حول الصراع، ولتبرير تدخلهم في شؤون الدول الاسلامية وتغير انظمة الحكم فيها تحت ذريعة مكافحة الارهاب ونشر الديمقراطية والحرية ومفاهيم حقوق الانسان وللحفاظ على السلم والامن الدوليين واعتبار مجموعة من الدول بانها مارقة وراعية للارهاب امثال العراق سوريا ايران ومنظمات التحرير الفلسطينية ويلاحظ ان اغلب الدول الراعية للارهاب دول اسلامية ويستثنى من ذلك الكيان الصهيوني، وتم تناول الموضوع في ثلاث فصول وكالتالي : الفصل الاول : يتناول في مبحثه الاول الاطار المفاهيمي للحضارة والثقافة والمدنية والصراع والحوار، والمبحث الثاني يطرح التاصيل النظري لفكرة الصراع منذ الحروب الصليبية وحتى فترة مابعد الحرب الباردة.الفصل الثاني : يتناول مبحثه الاول سمات الحضارة الاسلامية وخصائصها كونها حضارة انسانية الانسان غايتها وانها حضارة مستمرة العطاء تنادي بالحوار والتسامح والتعايش السلمي وابداعها الفكري استفادت منه البشرية جمعاء لم يقتصر نتاجها على المسلمين والعرب، وفي المبحث الثاني استعرض سمات وخصائص الحضارة الغربية التي انكرت فضل الحضارة الاسلامية عليها وامتازت بنظرتها الاستعلائية وتهميشها لدور الاخر وكان الانسان غايتها لتحقيق تطورها وتؤكد على تفرد حضارتها بصفة الانسانية ، وفي المبحث الثالث يتم المقرنة بين خصائص كلا الحضارتين.الفصل الثالث : تناول في مبحثه الاول الوسائل التي استخدمها الغرب في تصدير مفهوم صراع الحضارات وتشويه الاسلام وقد تباينت الوسائل بين ثقافية (غزو فكري ، اختراق ثقافي، تضليل اعلامي ... الخ) ووسائل اجتماعية واقتصادية (قروض ، ومساعدات) وسياسية (تدخل عسكري، حروب ، .. الخ) ، وفي مبحثه الثاني يتناول اطروحات الدول الاسلامية حيال فكرة صراع الحضارات على المستوى الرسمي داخل منظمة الامم المتحدة ومنظمة الدول الاسلامية وجامعة الدول العربية ، وعلي الصعيد غير الرسمي اطروحات مفكرين ومؤتمرات اسلامية تناقش مسائل حوار الاديان وفكرة صراع الحضارات وما يتعرض له الاسلام من تجاوزات تمس الرموز الدينية للمسلمين ، وفي المبحث الثالث رؤية مستقبلية لما ستشهده العلاقة بين الغرب والاسلام هل ستتجه نحو الصراع ام الحوار ام التفاعل والتعاون. وصولا الى الخاتمة والتوصيات. | Research aims to show that the idea of the clash of civilizations is not a modern idea, but has deep historical roots, and raised end of the era of the 1980s and early 1990s to fill the power vacuum after the collapse of the Soviet Union, and the desire of the United States in the search for a new enemy, and employed the idea of the clash of civilizations to confirm that the next conflict, which place the world would be a conflict ideology, but a conflict civilization and Islamic civilization is to be in the face of Western civilization, was hired September 11 events to confirm the perception about conflict, and to justify intervening in the affairs of Islamic countries and change regimes under the pretext of fighting terrorism and spreading democracy and freedom and human rights concepts To maintain international peace and security and as a group of rogue States as a sponsor of terrorism, such as Iraq, Syria, Iran and the Palestinian Liberation organizations and noted that most state sponsors of terrorism, Muslim countries with the exception of the Zionist entity, has been addressing the subject in three chapters, as follows : Chapter I : Mphath deals in the first conceptual framework for the civilization, culture and civil conflict, and dialogue, and the second topic raises theoretical 84 for the idea of conflict since the Crusades, even after the cold war.Chapter II : The first feature Mphath Islamic civilization and characteristics as human civilization and human purpose it civilization ongoing tender advocates dialogue and tolerance, peaceful coexistence and intellectual creativity benefited mankind not only output on Muslims and Arabs, and the second topic reviewed the features and characteristics of Western civilization, which denied preferred Islamic civilization by virtue outlook and attitudes and marginalization of the role of the other man was designed to achieve development and emphasizes the uniqueness of civilization as humanitarian, and the third topic is Coupler characteristics between both civilizations.Chapter III : Address in the first Mphath means used by the West to export the concept of a clash of civilizations and distort Islam means between the varied cultural (the invasion of intellectual cultural penetration, misinformation ... etc.) and their means of social and economic (loans and aid) and political (military intervention, wars, etc. ..), and the second deals Mphath thoughts about the idea of Islamic clash of civilizations at the official level within the United Nations and the Organization of Islamic Conference and the League of Arab States, and at the informal thoughts of intellectuals and Islamic conferences to discuss issues of dialogue of religions and the idea of the clash of civilization and subjected Islam abuses affecting religious symbols for Muslims, in the subsection III vision for the future would have to fill the relationship between the West and Islam Is run into conflict or dialogue or interaction and cooperation. Towards Conclusion and recommendations

دور الاستثمار الاجنبي المباشر في تنمية اقتصادات دول عالم الجنوب : الصين ومصر انموذجا

اسم المؤلف: حيدر اسماعيل صالح محمد
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2007
الموضوع الدقيق: العلوم السياسية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الكلمات الدلالية:
  • الاستثمار الاجنبي المباشر
  • دول عالم الجنوب
  • التنمية
  • دور الاستثمار الاجنبي المباشر في الاقتصاد المصري
  • دور الاستثمار الاجنبي المباشر في الاقتصاد الصيني
الصفحات الاولى:

الحركات الاسلامية في المدرك الاستراتيجي الامريكي

اسم المؤلف: احمد قاسم صالح علي التكريتي
اسم المشرف: سرمد زكي الجادر | فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2005
الموضوع الدقيق: الدراسات الاستراتيجية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:

مستقبل الدور الصيني في الاقتصاد العالمي == The Chinese Future - Role into the Global Economics

اسم المؤلف: حسن بدري الخالدي
اسم المشرف: عبد علي كاظم المعموري
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2007
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الكلمات الدلالية:
  • الصين
  • المستقبل
  • علاقات اقتصادية
  • الاصلاح الاقتصادي
  • الاصلاح المالي والنقدي
  • البناء الاشتراكي
  • العلوم والتكنولوجيا
  • التجارة
  • الاستثمار
  • الاندماج الاقتصادي الدولي
  • الانضمام الى منظمة التجارة العالمية
  • الفائض الاقتصادي
  • مسالة الطاقة
  • المناطق ا
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: By the end of 1978, China followed the economic reforming and opening up policies as a realizing of the importance of economic factor in the formation of comprehensive power frame.The economic growth achieved by china had its influence on activation the growing movement at both regional and international levels through elevation of commercial exchange rate between China and around countries; and activation of foreign investments in which it could contribute in raising the Chinese position through the global economics, where it ranked as a sixth global largest economic entity; and third in the commercial exchange (exporting & importing). Many predictions denote that china will probably occupy more advanced positions at global commerce and economics levels.The current study aimed to proving the following hypothesis; What China had made of economic reforming and opening up as a realizing of economic factor in formation of state power, by which China could achieve high growth rates had its influence on activation of regional and global economics , in which made China as one of the largest economics in global .This study distributed into introduction and three chapters; first chapter deals with progress stages of Chinese economics; the second chapter deals with figures of Chinese role in the global economics and the third chapter deals with effective varieties of Chinese role into global economics and the prospective sceneries of Chinese role into the global economics, finally the study came up with conclusions and recommendations.

توجه الولايات المتحدة الامريكية تجاه اقليم شمال افريقيا بعد انتهاء الحرب الباردة : دراسة جيوستراتيجية == The United States of America's Attitude toward North Africa region after end of Cold War Geo Strategic Study

اسم المؤلف: عمار حميد ياسين
اسم المشرف: نزار اسماعيل عبد اللطيف الحيالي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2009
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: يعـد موضوع الدراسة من المواضيع الحديثة التي لم تنل القدر الكافي في الدراسات العلمية الاكاديمية,ولا سيما اذا علمنا : ان منطقة شمال افريقيا عدت مركز جذب استراتيجي على المستوى الدولي والاقليمي, لانها حظيت باهتمام بالغ من لدن دوائر صنع القرار في الولايات المتحدة الامريكية, وذلك بسبب تجاذب وتنافر المصالح الدولية والاقليمية ازاءها.ولذلك شكل (اقليم شمال افريقيا) مركز استقطاب مهم, اذ نلاحظ استمرارية تصعيد الاهتمام والتاثير في هذه المنطقة من قبل القوى الدولية,مما ينعكس بشكل او باخر على طبيعة التنافس الدولي بين استراتيجيات القوى الكبرى.وعلى هذا الاساس اقتضت الضرورة دراسة هذا الموضوع بشكل علمي ممنهج, ليتسنى لنا معرفة طبيعة الدور الامريكي حيال (اقليم شمال افريقيا) لما لها من تاثير في مصالح الدول الكبرى, ولا سيما الدول الاوربية.واتساقا مع ذلك,فقد شهدت مرحلة ما بعد الحرب الباردة تطورات سياسية,واقتصادية,وعسكرية,وامنية مهمة جدا شكلت بالمحصلة انعطافة جديدة,بسبب انفراد الولايات المتحدة الامريكية ضمن اطار قطبية احاديةعلى المستوى الدولي.ولذلك تمحورت منطلقات التوجه الامريكي نحو المضي قدما باتجاه تطبيق الوسائل المناسبة التي تتواءم مع طبيعة التوجهات الامريكية باتجاه اقليم شمال افريقيا.ومن هنا فقد اقتضت الضرورة دراسة ابعاد التوجه الامريكي تجاه (اقليم شمال افريقيا), بسبب تغير واقع الصراع الدولي الذي يشهد تناقض في المصالح، فضلا عن ان هذا الاهتمام قد اخذ بالتزايد بشكل مضطرد، وبابعاد جديدة بعد احداث 11 ايلول العام 2001, ودخول العالم مرحلة جديدة في ما يسمى بـ( الحرب على الارهاب).اذ تقوم هذه الدراسة على فرضية مفادها : البرهنة على ان الاهمية الجيوستراتيجية التي يتمتع بها اقليم شمال افريقيا ادت الى ان يحتل اولوية مهمة في الادراك الاستراتيجي الامريكي، فضلا عن تزايد هذه الاهمية لمرحلة ما بعد الحرب الباردة.لذلك انتظمت الدراسة التي بين ايدينا في اربعة فصول.الفصل الاول : جاء ليبحث في الاهمية الجيوستراتيجية لاقليم شمال افريقيا في الادراك الامريكي، اما الفصل الثاني تناول دوافع التوجه الامريكي ازاء اقليم شمال افريقيا، في حين ان الفصل الثالث بحث وسائل التوجه الامريكي ازاء اقليم شمال افريقيا، وفي الفصل الرابع تعرضنا الى دراسة القوى المنافسة للتوجه الامريكي ازاء اقليم شمال افريقيا. ومن هنا استوجبت الدراسة الاعتماد على اكثر من منهج لتوظيفه كلما استدعت الضرورة الى ذلك اذ تم الاعتماد على المنهج التاريخي وذلك لغرض الوقوف على مراحل التسلسل التاريخي لتطور مفاهيم الجيوستراتيجية وعلاقاتها مع المفاهيم الاخرى، والمنهج الوصفي من اجل وصف ماهية الجيوستراتيجية ومدى ارتباطها بالمصطلحات الاخرى المقاربة لها، والمنهج التحليلي الذي ساعد على رصد اهم دوافع التوجه الامـريكي حيال اقليم شمال افريقيا، فضلا عن المنهج الاحصائي لمعرفة حجم الاستثمارات الامريكية والمساعدات، ومبيعات الاسلحة ومستويات امدادات الطاقة ومعدلات النمو السكاني لاقليم شمال افريقيا.وعلى صعيد الاستنتاجات نستطيع القول : ان اقليم شمال افريقيا ليس فضاء مطلقا للتوجه الامريكي بل يعاني هذا التوجه من منافسة حقيقية مع قوى دولية تتطلع الى القطبية مثل : روسيا والصين وربما لا يستبعد التحليل الاستراتيجي ان تتحول المنافسة الى حرب باردة او صراع دولي جديد لان الحقيقة العلمية تقول : ان المنافسة بين قوى دوليه لا يمكن ان تبقى على حالها لمدة طويلة، فهي اما ان تسقط اذا حصل توافق بين مصالح تلك القوى، واما ان تتصاعد وتتحول الى صراع اذا ما تناقضت اجندة المصالح الاستراتيجية. | The subject of thesis regarded as one of the most interested subject, which did not focused by many scientific studies, especially if we know the importance of North Africa region as center of interests conflict between many Great super powers, especially United States of America. Which decision makers in it's concerning with that is region in 1950s and after that is because crossing of interests among many powers like Union of Soviet, France, and Britain.The continuity of interesting and influence of North Africa reflects upon the nature of International competion among Great powers, that's make study about that’s subject is more crucial, especially if we study the American role in region, which stamped the more important events which happened in region.So the period that followed the Cold era witness many political, economic, military and, security developments which pointed out the new era in International policy, which United States rise as the unitarily super power in International scene .The United States try to making the suitable policy which harmony with American attitudes towards the North of Africa.Needless to say that the conflict among International powers has been changed after September_ 11_ 2001, when the world enter a new epoch known as the war against terrorism. That’s thesis based upon hypothesis concerning with the strategic importance of North Africa region lead the American decision makers to put the North of Africa as great priority as important region for American interests, And also that’s importance has been increased after end of cold war.So that’s thesis classified into four chapter : first chapter dealing with Geo_Strategic importance of North Africa region in American attitude, while the second chapter dealing with motivations of American attitudes toward North of Africa, the third chapter dealing with tools which American used its toward North of Africa, in the fourth section concerning with role of competitive powers which can rivalry the movement of United States in that’s region. Thesis depend upon more method to analysis the events and movements of United States and other powers, so the historical approach was useful to know about historical succession of Geo_Strategic concept and defining other concepts which connected with its, while the description method was necessary to describe the Geo_Strategy. The analytical approach was necessary to study the most important motivation of United States toward North of Africa. Needless to say that statistic approach was useful to know the size of American investments, assistances, arms exchange, energy supplies, and demographical development rate in North of Africa.The most important conclusions of that’s thesis dealing with fact that North Africa will not to be as closed region for American interests, indeed that’s many other powers like, China, and Russia, can play as competitive powers, and may be turn to axis rivalry United States in region. Thesis concludes that is rivalry may be turn into new Cold War or new International Conflict. In political analysis the competitive among International powers will not stay for long time, May be fall if the accord will be happen among interests of powers, or the conflict will rise and go up if the interests of Great powers will be contradict

الاستراتيجية الامنية للولايات المتحدة الامريكية بعد 11ايلول 2001

اسم المؤلف: تـميم حسين محمد كاظم التميمي
اسم المشرف: نبيل محمد سليم
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2009
الموضوع الدقيق: الدراسات الاستراتيجية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:

السياسة الروسية تجاه المشرق العربي بعد عام 2000 == Russian Policy Towards Arab Levant After Year 2000 A.D

اسم المؤلف: بلال طلال حمد ال جوادي
اسم المشرف: خضر عباس عطوان
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The international system has seen the end of the Cold War, the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the emergence of Russia as a state and heiress to him late in 1991, a turning point and the transition from the bipolar system to a unilateral system Polar, which became the United States dominated in which the course of events in the international arena without competition from any Other countries, including Russia, that have passed through the nineties of the last century political and economic crisis made it focuses most of its concerns on internal affairs, and prevented them from restoring the greatness of the Soviet Union and appearing as an influential on the international scene ends with the US hegemony over the course of international events, and change the order forminternational unilateral system of polar to multi - polar system. But with the beginning of this century and the arrival of (Vladimir Putin) to the presidency of the Russian Federation, the president sought driven by his personality and leadership inception military to restore the glories of the Soviet Union and the emergence of Prussia powerful and influential state is not on the scene regional, but also on the international arena, and work to weaken US hegemony around the world and the formation of the international system again be to Russia as a great role to end the unipolar system and announce multi - polar system appearance, in order to achieve this goal has issued the Russian president in late 2000 and document the basic principles of Russian foreign policy, which determines orientations of this policy, and also determine theways and means available to move Russia into a major force in the international arena, and among the listing matches this document reorientation of Russian foreign policy towards all regions of the world, without exception - and not restrict the countries of the Russian neighboring republics of the Soviet Union quoted above, particularly those that were linked with the Soviet Union and a close and solid relations, was the area Levant regions which Russia has worked to re - activate its relations with it, that poses this region of the importance of strategy in international politics, and because of their geographical location privileged, resources and potential economic, as it is an extension of the region of Central Asia and the former Soviet republics and therefore this region affect national security and Russian interests, either directly or indirectly, and that the US considered this region a zone of influence them, and so the Russian trend towards strengthening relations with the countries of this region will reflect thestrength of Russia's return to the international arena and the stability of its position in making Russia a pole of the lords of the international system, which plays a large and influential role in the course of events in it.Importance of the study : - It lies the importance of the study to identify the phases of Russian foreign policy toward the Levant region, which is of the most important strategic areas in determining the forces on the international arena and the motives of this policy, as well as to identify the nature of the events and issues experienced by this region in this important period that is recast the nature of the international system and the Levant, and how to interact with the Russian, and stand on the nature of the qualifications, tools and factors affecting this interaction.roblematic of the study : After the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the emergence of Russia as a successor state to him, Russian politics has seen a decline in the trends at the global level throughout the nineties as a result of internal crises, the state is moving made it globally, but the inauguration of President Vladimir Putin for the presidency and his attempt to restore the greatness of Russia and its strength globally It led him to re - Russian policy directed toward many parts of the world, including the Arab East, so the pursuit of Russia to restore its power and prestige in the international arena will be at one of its gates across the Levant, and from, the problematic study revolves around 'what is the nature of Russian attitudes toward the Levant region ? And branching out of this dilemma a number of sub - questions, namely : - Is that the Russian policy is one to every country in Levant countries? Or that her priorities from one country to another? - What is the Russian policy tools and methods toward the Levant? - What Alasthoudarat taken by Russia internally in order to achieve its objectives on the external front that? - Is the regional and international variables play a significant role in Russian policy towards the region? - Is that the Russian return to the area linked to the interests of Russia and otherregions of the world, or is it confined only to this area? Hypothesis Study : The study is trying to prove President premise that Russian policy toward Levant is a policy linked to save the Russian interests and deliver them to the rank of the great powers in the international system, a means and an end at theme time, they are a way to prove its return to the international arena global pole, and too in order to consolidate influence and pursue interests in Levant, which is the heart of the Middle East, and differed in the way that policies from one country to another in Levant countries, and used a variety of tools and means, according to the importance of these countries, according to influential variables in this policy. Through the study reached the following conclusions : -  Russia launched in its policy toward toward the countries of the world, including the Levant from the premises pragmatic based on the achievement of economic and security interests, and to preserve the higher interests of the countries of the world Alchtlvh. After successfully out of the economic crisis and achieving economic stability and move it within the major developed economies globally , began employing its economic potential in the field of foreign policy by seeking to increase foreign investment Russian companies, especially in the field of energy, as well as revive military industries and exported to overseas, such investments to form and export operations one way of the spread and strengthening of Russian foreign policy with the countries of the world. promised Levant for decision - makers Russians one of the gates in which they can return to the international arena, they are a key part of the Middle East, high impact in the global balance of power, and because of its strategic location indirectly affect the Russian National Security and because of their great economic and investment opportunities. proceeded Russia to follow a policy of dealing with the Levant region,not on the basis of unity and a political one geographical, but rather on the basis of its constituent states, according to the economic and military potential of each of these countries, according to international variables in its policy towards the size. played international variables influential role in Russian policy toward Levant, disagreed influence of these variables in a while, and from state another, or in general shows that this effect contributed to reducingignificantly the Russian policy towards Palestine first class, and then toward Lebanon and Jordan, Iraq, and finally Syria.  that the Russian politics has dealt with Levant countries on the basis that there is a central states / Head of the two Iraq, Syria, and other centrist They Jordan, and a third can be called upon States Parties which Lebanon and Palestine.

اثر استراتيجيات التحول نحو مجتمع المعرفة في الثقافة السياسية والسلوك السياسي == Influence of transformation strategies towards knowledge society In political culture and political Behavior

اسم المؤلف: ايناس ضياء مهدي
اسم المشرف: مها عبد اللطيف حسن الحديثي | منعم صاحي العمار
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2006
الموضوع الدقيق: الدراسات الاستراتيجية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The states and institutions face increased and varied changes through transformation toward knowledge society. Therefore They must plan to formulate future strategies in order to transform towards knowledge society.Because of the importance of transformation strategies towards knowledge society, the researcher study them as independent variables influence in political culture and political behavior as dependent variable. The research depended on the open systems method and quantitive method in studying the variables.Accordingly, the objectives of the research are : 1 - Sure the successful using for the empirical methods in the political and strategic sciences.2 - Increasing the strategic and political knowledge of the research variables.3 - Building methodological base of the strategic and political researchers in the future.4 - Motivating the researchers in Iraq to study the Iraqi institutions.Also, the research aimed to solve its problem that represented in many questions are : 1 - What are the levels of transformation strategies towards knowledge society, political culture and political behavior in the Iraqi institutions?2 - What are the relationships among transformation strategies towards knowledge society, political culture and political behavior?3 - What are the influences of transformation strategies towards knowledge society in political culture and political behavior?4 - What is the influence of political culture in political behavior?5 - What are the differences among the Iraqi institutions in transformation strategies towards knowledge society, political culture and political behavior?In order to achieve the objectives above, the research has been carried out theoratically and practically. The theoratical part is devoted to explanation the research variables and the basic concepts and that related. The practical part included carrying out the research in the Ministry of Health, Ministry of Culture and Ministry of Financial in Iraq. The public managers in the ministries are considered as a sample of research. The questionnaire is used to collect the data from the research sample. In analyzing the data, the non - parametrical statistics are used. After analyzing and discussing the data, the model of the research generally is not proved true.

السياسة الخارجية الامريكية تجاه غرب افريقيا بعد الحرب الباردة : نيجيريا انموذجا == American foreign policy towards West Africa after the cold war Nigeria" case Study

اسم المؤلف: اياد عبد الكريم مجيد
اسم المشرف: صالح عباس الطائي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2008
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The region of West Africa has occupied a great strategic importance in America's foreign policy, especially after the cold war, as this policy witnessed an observed American movement towards this region with the beginning of the 1990s of the last century under the changes that the world had witnessed through that period which represented in the disassembly of the Eastern system (Soviet Union) and the uniqueness of The United States of America in the world which is regarded as the only prevailing pole in the international domain. Therefore it followed a foreign policy which is built on that grounds, and fits the nature of the new phase. So, the world has become in front of a unique situation that embodied in the domination of one pole and its attempt to oppose its politics and will on others. Thus, its policy is considered universal and global that comes from the truth that its interests are distributed all over the world. As a result, it is necessary to subject the world to that policy and especially those regions that have a great strategic importance for The United States of America. Among these important regions West Africa's region that is considered one of the most remarkable region in the African Continent which takes a notable place in America's foreign policy according to its great significance on different levels whether political, economic, strategic, or security level. On the economic level, West Africa's region is considered a huge store for raw and unprocessed materials, as well as for sources of necessary energy like oil and gas, which American industry needs greatly. As to the security level, this region becomes very important in America's foreign policy according to its economic importance from one side, and its position among other regions that are included in the American war on terrorism from the other side, a matter that makes this region has a direct relation with American national security. Politically, The United States of America sought to win the attitude and approval of other countries of the region especially in the issues that have a relation with America's goals and interests. However, West Africa's region strategic importance comes from its strategic position which lies near the eastern coasts of The United States of America. So, as a result this makes America's reach to it is easy and getting all what it needs securely and easily. On the basis of all these facts, The United States of America has realized that this region becomes associated with its national security because a great part of its interests is associated with this region. Yet, this leads The United States of America to use variable means and ways that allow it to control the resources and treasures of the countries of the region. Hence, we notice that The United States of America has employed all the means of a foreign political action toward achieving its goals. Therefore, it moved politically through its managers and bosses, as well as holding sessions and conferences that gather both sides, in addition to reinforce the American diplomatic presence through opening new embassies and consulates in most countries of the Continent. As for the economic side, the American policy towards West Africa takes various shapes and directions. Sometimes it uses economic assistance and support as a means of perfusion to that region. Most of America's assistance and support are accompanied with economic and political conditions that touch the sovereignty and independency of the country that receives the assistance. Other times it uses investments and the spread of the gigantic American companies in West Africa as a means of economic domination on the countries of the region, especially after the increase of American dependence on the African oil greatly, in addition to all that, its dependence on the raw materials that are found in large amounts there and used in American industry. On the military level, West Africa witnessed an observed American activity which took different shapes. Sometimes it takes the form of a direct military intervention in the affairs of these countries, as what happened in Liberia in 2003. Other times it takes the form of military support through supplying the institutions of these countries with all what they need from military experiences and consultations, as well as opening sessions for African soldiers in The United States of America from one side, and from the other side, they send American experts to West Africa to supply them with what they need from military experience and consultation. By this action, The United States of America was able to turn the region into what is look like a military base for it to launch anywhere that may threaten its security and interests all over the world. This is revealed by its announcement of formation American military leadership (AFRICOM), since this action shapes one of American political dimensions to achieve its security goal. Nevertheless, this policy was not far from the international competition which glows between the international rising countries that attempt to control and dominate the treasures and sources of this region, and one of these forces is France and China which activate greatly in West Africa. As for France, it was a previous colonizer of the west of the Continent, while China is considered the dragon that searches for energy sources and necessary raw material for its rising and improving industry. These actions raise Washington's fears from losing its control on the region. Therefore, The United States of America moves towards all levels, whether politically, military, or economically in order to prevent the rise of any international competitive forces to it in the region.Consequently, The United States of America moves towards reinforcing its relations with all countries of the West African region especially those countries that have a political, economic, and military importance, whether on Continental level, or on international level. Perhaps one of these countries is Nigeria which becomes the most powerful strategic alliance to The United States of America in the African Continent. Hence all America's foreign policy and movements aim to control and dominate this strategic region and to protect its goals and interests there, in addition to its attempt to oppose its western liberal pattern on the countries of the region. From all above, we can conclude that : 1. West Africa's region is considered one of the most important strategic regions for The United States of America, and its importance is increasing according to its political, economic, and security importance. 2. The variation and multiplicity of the means and mechanisms of the American action towards West Africa in a way that allows and justifies America's free action there, and be insure of opposing its domination on the sources and fortunes of the region. 3. Due to its richness with sources of energy and raw materials, The United States of America sought to put a hand on these sources and raw materials that are found in this region, in addition to protect the American companies' interests there.4. Taking advantage from African market in general, and from the market of the west in particular, because from one side it will be a promising consumptive market for American goods and merchandise for more than 300 million human beings. From the other side, The United States of America will create work chances for America's new generations in the future.5. The increase of American dependence on importing oil abroad especially from African Continent which probably will reach to 25% in 2020 which leads America to consider West Africa one of the most important regions that it will depend on in the future, especially Guinea gulf which is rich with petroleum, a matter that leads many to say that Guinea gulf will be the substitute for the Arab gulf, for The United States of America, according to its huge petrol supply and the increase of the discovered quantities in it from one side, and because of the decrease of the Middle East oil (Arab gulf), as some records indicate, through the coming years, from the other side, in addition to the state of instability that the region witnessed which threaten the access of petroleum supplies to The United States of America.6. Facing the domination of the rising international forces in West Africa especially the French and Chinese dominations, and the attempt to weakening their role, in addition to depriving them of getting any privileges that they may have to get resources and treasures of this region and investing them, as well as depriving them from dominating on its huge markets in order not to be at the expense of America's goals and interests.7. The seeking of The United States of America to create strategic alliances in the region which have a military, economic, political, regional, and international importance, which can depend on in carrying out its foreign policy. Therefore America finds Nigeria (the African giant) the most important and active country in the west of the African Continent

سياسات التكتلات الاقتصادية الدولية والاداء الاقتصادي العربي : دراسة مستقبلية == The policies of international economic blocs and Arab Economic performance (future study

اسم المؤلف: سعد عبيد علوان السعيدي
اسم المشرف: عماد عبد اللطيف سالم | مازن الرمضاني
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2006
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The economic blocs phenomenon is a relatively modern phenomenon, as wells its recognized for continuous change from its shape. contain mechanism and means from time to another in accoreling to economic objective requirement from one hand and, strategic and political objectives from other hand. the half part of the twentieth century was wide field to grow different economic coalitions stand on the bias of the minimum level of requirement to establish union economic market between group of states in established free economic area, them followed by consolidate and coalition steps, in number of regions in the world. so we become facing number of different economic coalition for coalition and feature degree also the contrast shape. in according to units different that consist of it, and as a result of that, there is contrast in efficiency and influence degree internal and external. there are economic blocs basing on special region.(south east Asia) the other basing on connect between more then one continent .there are blocs established between states companies and economic blocs are Deeping and due to affection or super fkial.so its not effected and effect by negative secretion of the other economic blocs during to diffent behaviors group. that followed by economic blocs including especially field. so as political military, social and cultural fields. these political are practice two main roles. the first one is protection role to protect the bloc from negative effection that muse up inside and outside the bloc. and the other one is aggressive enable the bloc to effected on other and to improve its global place. in according as this stady.the Arab home will be effect by global economic political by protection and aggressive role. the Arab states are not success in setup of special economic bloc till now. the present events and future indicators (in middle range).are not indicate to probable setup to that bloc in true shape although the work it was spent in achievement to that aim.so.the middle future in according to the results of this study it will increase in global economic blocs procedure whether in its growth or especially in unity or efficiency degree. therefore the Arab home will be more facing to negative effective in polices results of global economic blocs. these are more unity and efficiency in international level. the result of the present economic and future indicators are refer to the Arabic economic performance will be negative effective by great global polices of economic blocs inside of the most expected future scripts to the global and Arabic. economic environment except than the Arabic economic blocs of formation scene but that scene is not certain. well see great threat to Arabic economic security and great dedine for Arabic competiting abilities in facing of global competition abilities and great disequilibrium in the most of assented sectors of the Arabic economic All of these will by find in assumptions that the study reaches to it in according to the growth of the global economic blocs from one hand and the future of the growth of Arabic economic blocs. In according to the probable events of future scene in related to global economic that mean the polores,institution and blocs which contain of Arabic economic from other hand.

ثقافة الديمقراطية واثرها في بناء المجتمع المدني في العراق == Democracy Culture and Its Effect on Building the Civil Society in Iraq

اسم المؤلف: ياسر علي ابراهيم السلامة
اسم المشرف: وصال نجيب عارف العزاوي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2008
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: Talking about democracy and democracy culture is diverse and complicated. A group may agree on defining their conditions, importance and concept, another group may differ depending on their view and way of reading both. The study has come to emphasize the importance of the role played by democracy in building the societies through an important and close related side which is "democracy culture" and the effect of the later in constructing a real civil society contributing effectively in making the society and the political system aware. The study concentrates on Iraq for its societal specialty (religiously, ideologically, racially….etc) and the occupation it passes through with all its dimensions. Our research entitled (Democracy Culture and Its Effect on Building the Civil Society in Iraq) is organized in three chapters as well as an introduction, a conclusion and a number of appendices. The first chapter deals with "the essence of democracy" in five sections. Whereas the second chapter is dedicated to study "the essence of civil society" and is divided into five sections also. As to chapter three, it addresses "the reality of democratic transformation and civil society in Iraq" within seven sections.

مكانة ايران الاقليمية في الاستراتيجية الامريكية بعد عام 2003 == Iran's Regional Status in the U.S Strategy After 2003

اسم المؤلف: احمد عبد الكاظم موسى
اسم المشرف: محمد كريم كاظم
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2015
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:

ازمة الاقتصاد الامريكي وانعكاساتها على الاقتصاد العالمي : حالة بلدان الجنوب == The Crisis of the American Economy and Its Reflections Upon the International Economy (The Condition of Southern Countries)

اسم المؤلف: وسن احسان عبد المنعم العزاوي
اسم المشرف: سرمد زكي الجادر | عبد علي كاظم المعمور
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2005
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The course of development and progress, which the United States historically enjoyed, has made it emerge as a representative of power and authority in a way that it has not been matched by the greatest empires since the late 19th century. This is basically because of its profound economy that is based upon consistently scientific and technological developments, which has lead it stand for a luxurious economy, and consequently has pushed it to grow its military power and industry.Eventually, US now enjoys the privilege of being the only super power in the world. This last state by itself means the necessity of maintaining a war economy. This first decade of our millennium is witnessing the US as the sole supreme power in the world both military and technologically, especially after the collapse of the Soviet Union, so that it has become a surpassing example.Yet historically speaking, the US as an example has not been void of symptoms of weakness or crises that the American Economy has undergone. These have been the same economic problems that are manifested in any capitalist system and are peculiar to it the extent that this system has typically been identified with them. This is because the capitalist system is subject to the law of periodical development that transforms economy from the state of boom to a state of bust through crisis, then recycles the same course all over again, together with its bond with a group of renewals that have changed the organic structure of the capital as well as the production relationships with all the economic courses whether they were short, middle, or long - term. Economists proved that these courses were disorganized or interrupted and fragmentary by their nature, the thing which they called " inconstant monotony ". These are five economic courses starting with the wave of textile, machinery and ships; second, the wave of railways; next the development of cast iron production; then, the course of electricity, automobiles, and chemistry; finally the course of speedy armament, the importance of oil up to now, a long with the third scientific revolution based upon the course of knowledge and information technology.All these phases with their developments have led to transforming the nature of economic crises from crises sprung from excess in production to structural crises since 1970s up to day. The structural crises in the capitalist system is an international one including the whole capitalist world marked by reduction in the rates of industrial production growth, and weakness and break down in the conventional branches of heavy industry with a states of unbalance in the world trade and payments, with an inclination to excessive speculations.In order to exhaust the developing countries with such crises as unemployment, indebtedness, fund; in addition to severe financial crises. The American Economy's problem started post World War II. The questions, then, was how to maintain its high - standard growth, and how to lead the capitalist system and its expansions after it came out of the war with a potential economic power. In fact, this was particularly true when it observed in the horizon such problems like weakness in the rates of capital accumulation, merchandizing (demand), with deterioration in profit rates. By 1970s, the relative weight of US retreated by reason of the increase in merger among capitalist economies, and by the growth of world trade, international credits, direct external investments, together with the emergence of Europe and Japan as forces that had the aspects of economic ascent and competition against US.Therefore the American Economy witnessed economic unstableness started with the crises between the world fund and the US dollar, a long with the increase in the American benefit rates, the international financial crises, the crises of the American industry and the subsequent deficit in the balance sheet of US, which Regan's administration failed to solve. Rather, its utmost aspiration was to delay the deficit's growth, or at least to keep it at an annual rate of $ 140 billion.Despite the economic boom of 1990s, it was by no means due to the competitive factors of the Americans goods, nor were they due to the entirely successful economic policies or their convenience, but the essential reason was that the capitals' flow to US on a large scale ( from $ 88 billion in 1990 to $ 865 billion in 2001), and the increase of direct foreign investments, which by 1999 reached about $ 1087 billion with a raise in the American Stock purchases that attained its utmost peak in 2000 by foreign investors $192.7 billion, while the value of stock shares was $292.9 billion for the same year. Still, this does not mean that there were no instabilities or economic crises. These were because the decline of the revenue on investment as a result of unexpected decline in the profitability may lead to a keen negative correction in the American Stock market. In addition, the decline in the value of assets is in the turn bound to continues falling in the economy. Moreover, indebtedness increased for a decade till it reached $5.5 trillion.The debtors, in effect, found it hard to pay their debts, the thing which eventually caused deterioration of bank holdings and disappearance of every tendency for financing new companies. The deficit in the balance of trade also increased from $131 billion in 1993 to $257 billion in 1997 and further to $275 billion in 1999. as for the deficit in the current account, it increased from $ 70 billion in 1993 to $105 in 1999. all these led the competitive capacity of the American Goods to deteriorate in many fields. The issue pushed US to force many countries to open their markets for American Goods, whether through World Trade Organization (WTO) or by the inclusive trade law of US particularly as per article 301, which considers a country indebted if it does not open its markets for the foreign goods, services, and investments.Social crises, such as a wide spread of drugs, development of armed conflicts between the federal authorities and the armed groups, too, caused negative impacts upon the American Society, these became incurable social dilemmas in the lights of the economic - social situation's chastity in the American Society. Both American companies' crises and events of September 11 1 had their influence not only on the American Economy, but it extended to include all the economies of the world; on a larger scale, it covered almost all the manifestations of the economic life (international trade, US dollar's value against other major currencies, stock markets and bond business, investments, international economic organizations, oil, etc.). These two events also had political, military and social trails and dimensions - they influenced them in all the countries of the world, whether advanced capitalist countries or even the newly born ones, and including of course, the advanced developing countries, and finally the developing ones such as the states of our Arab Region.In the view of all this, future remains bound to meeting a certain provision, which it could be possible to count on. The possible scenes of the American Economy's crises is highly related to the present events; having into consideration the foreign changes that can with hold or enhance the referred phenomena. Accordingly, the present study specifies three possible, provisional scenes : continuity, singularity, by the access to the 21st century there were two serious developments in the American Economy horizontally so that they caused an economic reluctance in a rather unexpectedly fast manner.1.The first one was represented by a decline in the investment expenditure on information technology coincided by its increase in some other sectors with instabilities in the companies budgets.2.The second one was manifested by an acute retreat in the consumer's confidence that led to the reluctance in consumption expenditure.In the lights of these economic conditions which the American Economy has been undergoing, the huge explosions that hit World Trade Center and Pentagon in September 11th, 2001, had a very bad impact on this economy including such sectors as aviation, tourism, and insurance. They also affected the American Financial system and its major sectors such as : liquidity, insurance, stock markets and bond business. They also influenced the American Foreign policy and the national security that subsequently led to full targeting of terror in the world, and hence allocating the required human and material resources for it and breakdown. Each has its role in the possibility of that scene to take place according to its variations, its enhancing aspects, or the improbability of its occurrence by its with holding reasons. Also its advisable to observe that the US is still representing the only super power in the World and this states quo is conditioned by its economic, military, and political superiority. That can keep, develop and maintain it at least for the first half of the 21st century.

الاستراتيجية الالمانية حيال منطقة وسط وشرق اوربا (مرحلة مابعد الحرب الباردة) == The Germany Strategy Towards Mid and East European States in The Post Cold War

اسم المؤلف: مهند علي عمران محمد
اسم المشرف: سرمد زكي الجادر
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2007
الموضوع الدقيق: الدراسات الاستراتيجية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: ركزت هذه الاطروحة على دور الاستراتيجية الالمانية في ادارة التغيير الذي شهدته منطقة وسط وشرق اوربا بعد انهيار الاتحاد السوفيتي وتفكك المعسكر الاشتراكي ، وانطلاقا من الاشكاليات التي بدات بها والفروض التي انتهت الى اثباتها في اطار المنهج والضوابط العملية الى تشخيص دقيق لعلاقة الارتباط بين متغيري البحث وهما كفاءة الاداء الاستراتيجي الالماني وكفاءة الادارة الاستراتيجية للتغيير في وسط وشرق اوربا اذ اثبتت الدراسة علاقة التاثير المتبادل بين المتغيرين اعلاه انطلاقا من حقيقة جوهرية قوامها ثمة علاقة تبادلية ذات طابع طردي موجب بين كل منهما اذ لا يمكن الحديث عن ادارة استراتيجية للتغيير على ارض الواقع بمعزل عن وجود اداء استراتيجي واضح وفاعل يحاول ان يؤثر في مجرى الاحداث بشكل معين بالوقت نفسه لا يمكن لهذا الاداء الاستراتيجي ان يكون عقلانيا بمعزل عن الرؤى والمدركات التي تتوافر عليها الجهة التي تاخذ على عاتقها مهمة القيام بواجب الادارة الاستراتيجية للتغيير وعليه فالاداء الاستراتيجي يجسد الادارة الاستراتيجية للتغيير في حين ان الاخيرة ترشد الاداء لتصل به لاعلى درجات العقلانية والوضوح للوصول الى الغايات المنشودة . اما فيما يتعلق بالاستراتيجية الالمانية لادارة التغيير فقد جعلت من منطقة وسط وشرق اوربا محور التفكير والتخطيط الاستراتيجي الذي سبق عملية ادارة التغيير في اوربا ولعدة اسباب اهمها انها مثلت في ذلك الوقت المسرح الاساسي لحركة التغيير السياسي والاجتماعي في القارة الاوربية كما انها مثلت مجالا جيوستراتيجيا يعاني من ظاهرة فراغ القوة بسبب انحسار النفوذ السوفيتي وعدم استبداله بنفوذ قوة دولية او اقليمية اخرى والاهم كونها تمثل الجوار الجغرافي لالمانيا الموحدة التي اصبحت تمثل الحافة المتقدمة للاتحاد الاوربي وحلف الناتو لا في مواجهة المعسكر الشرقي بل في مواجهة حالة التغيير المتعددة الابعاد والاتجاهات التي تعيشها منطقة وسط وشرق اوربا والتي تتساوى فيها الفرص مع التهديدات الامر الذي يجعل من واقع الجوار الالماني لهذه المنطقة حقيقة بوجهين ينطوي الوجه الاول فيها على فرصة تاريخية فريدة لالمانيا الموحدة حديثا للتعاطي المرن والفعال مع حالة التغيير التي تشهدها المنطقة كمقدمة لا لبروز المانيا الموحدة فحسب بل لبروز المانيا ذات الثقل والدور الاقليميين - في وسط وشرق اوربا - اللذين لا يمكن الاستهانة بهما وينطوي الوجه الثاني على فرضية مواجه المانيا لواقع استراتيجي معقد يعكس طيفا من الصراعات الداخلية والاقلمية مع سيادة حالة من عدم الاستقرار بسبب حالة فراغ القوة قد تجعل من المانيا في حالة دفاع مستديمة بوجه مجال جيوستراتيجي يمثل بمعطيات عدم استقراره ظاهرة ممتدة تسعى لزيادة مجالها الجغرافي عبر توليد مناطق عدم استقرار اضافية ، وعلى هذا الاساس ادرك الساسة الالمان ان تطور الوضع الراهن لمنطقة وسط شرق اوربا مستقبلا باتجاه اي من الفرضيتين اعلاه يعتمد بدرجة كبيرة على طريقة التعاطي مع تطورات المنطقة الحالية وكيفية ادارتها والسيطرة على ابعادها السلبية المحتملة وتحفيز الابعاد الايجابية ، وعلى هذا الاساس قررت القيادة الالمانية الشروع في عملية ادارة التغيير في وسط وشرق اوربا بالاعتماد على استراتيجية واضحة واداء متقدم ليتسنى لها السيطرة على الجوانب السلبية الملازمة لحالة الحراك الاستراتيجي التي تشهدها المنطقة وتحفيز الابعاد الايجابية وصولا الى تحقيق الغايات المنشودة . وكان السعي الى تبني خيار الحدود المتحركة لكل من حلف الناتو والاتحاد الاوربي الملمح الابرز في الاستراتيجية الالمانية لادارة التغيير في وسط وشرق اوربا للاستفادة من التضامن الاوربي - الاطلسي في دعم الجهود الالمانية الهادفة الى السيطرة على حالة الحراك الاستراتيجي التي تشهدها المنطقة لتامين الموقع الجيوبولتيكي الهش لالمانيا بوصفها الحافة النهائية لكل منهما وهو الامر الذي سعت المانيا الى تجاوزه عبر تعديل حدود كل من الاتحاد الاوربي وحلف الناتو لتضم اليها الديمقراطيات الناشئة في وسط وشرق اوربا هذا فضلا عن اعتماد مبدا الشراكات الاستراتيجية على المستويين الاوربي والاطلسي اساسا لاستراتيجية فرعية داعمة تهدف الى ازالة كافة العراقيل التي قد تواجه المساعي الالمانية الهادفة الى توسيع كل من حلف الناتو والاتحاد الاوربي مترافقا مع مساعي اقتصادية المانية مهمة للمساهمة في اعادة تاهيل اقتصاديات هذه الدول الداخلة حديثا الى منظومة العالم الراسمالي ولتاسيس نفوذ اقتصادي يشكل قاعدة لنفوذ اوسع يجعل من منطقة وسط وشرق اوربا مجالا واضحا للتعبير عن السيادة الالمانية . وخلصت الدراسة الى ان هناك ثلاثة احتمالات مستقبلية بالنسبة لمستقبل منطقة وسط وشرق اوربا تتراوح بين احتمال السلام الالماني (Pax Germanic ) الذي يقوم على افتراض خضوع معظم اجزاء منطقة وسط وشرق اوربا باستثناء بيلاروسيا وشرق اوكرانيا ( انظر خارطة رقم 2 ) الى دائرة النفوذ الالماني التي ستتمدد بتمدد الحدود المتحركة لكل من حلف الناتو والاتحاد الاوربي وتتسع باتساعهما وستحافظ الاستراتيجية الالمانية لادارة التغيير في هذا المشهد على مضامينها المشار اليها اعلاه وستسعى الى تطويرها وتكييفها وبما ينسجم مع الغاية المحورية لها وهي بسط النفوذ الالماني على اكبر حيز ممكن في منطقة وسط وشرق اوربا مرورا احتمال السلام الروسي (Pax Russian ) الذي يفترض حصول انتكاسة في الجهود الالمانية الرامية الى توسيع حلف الناتو والاتحاد الاوربي تترجم الى حالة من التمدد العكسي للنفوذ الروسي الذي سيشمل معظم منطقة وسط وشرق اوربا باستثناء منطقة النواة وتضم جمهورية الجيك وهنغاريا وسلوفينيا والنمسا وكرواتيا فضلا عن جمهوريات البلطيق الثلاثة ( انظر خريطة رقم 3 ) والذي ستشهد في ظله الاستراتيجية الالمانية لادارة التغيير احداث تعديل جوهري في بنائها الوظيفي من كونها استراتيجية موجهه الى التحكم في اتجاهات التغيير باتجاه بلورة منطقة نفوذ المانية الى استراتيجية تركز على محاصرة وتطويق احتمالات عودة النفوذ الروسي لوسط وشرق اوربا للحيلولة دون عودة حالة التقسيم الثنائي للقارة وعودة المانيا للعب دور منصة المواجهة المكرسة لصد النفوذ الروسي في وسط وشرق اوربا وصولا الى احتمال التعايش السلمي ( Coexistence ) الذي يفترض توصل المساعي الالمانية - الروسية المتضادة لبسط نفوذهما في وسط وشرق اوربا الى نقطة التوازن التي يتفق فيها الطرفان على اقتسام النفوذ طبقا للخطوط الواقعية الفاصلة بين مناطق نفوذيهما والتي تبدا من الحدود الروسية - الاستونية شمالا الى الحدود الصربية - الكرواتية جنوبا ( انظر خارطة رقم 4 ) وفيه ستنحو الاستراتيجية الالمانية لادارة التغيير الى اعادة رسم دورها من خلال تاكيد فرضيات ادامة مجال النفوذ المتحقق والحفاظ عليه بدلا من التركيز على توسيعه ومده نحو الشرق لتكون بذلك استراتيجية عنوانها الابرز الحفاظ على الوضع الراهن وادارته بطريقة تساهم في الحفاظ عليه وقد رجح الباحث تحقق احتمال السلام الالماني في المستقبل والذي قد تكتمل ملامحه النهائية في الفترة الزمنية الممتدة من عام 2020 - 2025 .و اخيرا يبقى مستقبل منطقة وسط وشرق اوربا بشكل او باخر مرتهنا في العديد من جوانبه بمستقبل الاستراتيجية الالمانية لادارة التغيير في المنطقة لما لها من دور مهم حاليا في التاثير في مجرى التطورات الراهنة وانعكاساتها المستقبلية على هذا الاساس تشكل هذه الاستراتيجية انموذجا متطورا ومتقدما لادارة التغيير في احدى مناطق العالم المليئة بالتعقيدات السياسية والعرقية والجغرافية فضلا عن التاريخية بما يجعل منه انموذجا جديرا بان يحتذى به لما حققه من نتائج ملموسة ستنعكس ايجابيا على دور ومكانة المانيا في المستقبل. | In this study “German Strategy in the Middle and East Europe Region - After the Cold War Period” witch focused on the German strategic role in administrating the change that was made to the Middle and East Europe after fall of the Soviet Union and the dissembling of the socialist camp. Starting from the problems that it initiated from, and pressures that ended in proves in the program frame and functional regulations in precise specifying of the bondage relation between the changing in the research “Quality in the German Strategy ability and administrational Strategic capability to the change in Middle and East Europe; were the study has proven the exchanged relation between the two above mentioned starting from a core fact valued through exchanging relation that carries a positive feeling between them. For, we can not speak on administrational strategy of change in real facts without the existence of a clear and active strategic accuracy that tries to affect in the path of events in a specific way but at the same time the pragmatic accuracy can not work alone without visions and the valuable effects that are consisted on the side that takes on its own agenda the duty of administrational strategy to change. Therefore, the strategic accuracy to emphasis the administrational strategy to change was the last mentioned that advises accuracy to reach the highest pragmatic and clearness to reach the demanded goals. Concerning the German Strategy in administrational changes it has made the Middle and East Europe a focal point of thinking and planning strategy that has preserved the administration change in Europe for many reasons; The most important is that it represented in that political arena in that period of time in the changing political and social movement in the European continent. But it is also represented a geopolitical space that faced a power vacuum because of the narrowing Soviet influence and not exchanging its influence with another International power or a regional one. More importantly, it represents the geographical neighbor to united Germany that became the front edge to the many situational changes and the directions that the Middle and East Europe were living witch is equivalent to the chances with the threats. The matter that puts the reality of German neighbors for this region a truth with two faces; the first face, goes on a unique newly united German historic event to be flexible and active with the changing events that the region observes in front. Not to only show a united Germany, but also to show Germany that has a weight and role in the region of Middle and East Europe that can not be underestimated. As for the second face, it shows the theory of Germany facing a realistic strategy. A position that reflects a ray of internal struggles and regional instability that is caused from a power vacuum that might put Germany in a continuous defensive situation in facing the geopolitical side that is represented by contributions of its own spread instability witch aims to increase its geographical space in generating more instability. On this basis the German politicians noted that the developing situation to the Middle and East Europe region in the future to the direction of any of the two theories above, depends largely on the methods of excepting the ideas with the developing of the region at the moment and how to manage it and control its assumptions of negative probability and inject the objective methods. On this bias the German leaders decided to initiate in this process of administrative change in the Middle and East Europe relying on a clear strategy and heading performance to achieve a control on the negative sides that come with strategic movement that the region faces and injects the objective angle reaching the intended goals. Adopting the Moving Borders’ for each the NATO Pax and European Union. The original motivator to the German Strategy to administrate the change in the Middle and East of Europe, through the benefit of the European Transatlantic solidarity in supporting the German efforts in reaching the control on the strategic movement situation that the region sees to insure a geopolitical position for Germany in describing it as the final edge for each of them, itch is the matter that Germany aimed for the overtake through arranging its borders each of the E.U and the NATO Pac to embrace the newly democratic states in Middle and East Europe that push for dependence on the strategic cooperation principle on the European and Atlantic level as a strategic basis as a supporting branch aiming to clear out all the complex that might complicate facing the German efforts that aims to expand each of the NATO and the European union combined with the efforts of economical German importance to contribute in rehabilitating the economies of these newly entered states to the capitalists world and establishing an effective economy that makes a base to a wider power spread that will enable the Middle and East of Europe a clear expression of German influence. In this study, I have pointed out that there are three futuristic possibilities concerning the future of the Middle and East Europe region. The possibility varies from the Germanic Pac’ witch is based on the assumptions that most of Middle and East European parts except Belarus and east Ukraine (please see map 2) will be under the German influence witch will expand with the expansion of the moving borders, for both the NATO and the E.U and in large with it. Not forgetting that the German strategy to administrate the change in this scenario in the details that I have mentioned above and will aim to improve and adapt with what is in it’s intentions witch is expanding the German power on the largest size possible in the Middle and East of Europe that is possible. The Second possibility, is the Russian Pax’ witch assumes a deterioration happening in the German efforts that aim to the expanding of the NATO Pac and the E.U that translates to a reverse expansion to the Russian power that will include most of the Middle and East Europe with exception to the nucleus position that includes the Czech Republic, Hungry, Slovenia, Austria, Croatia in addition to the three Baltic Republics (please see map 3) that will see under the German strategy to administrate the changes making a core change in its building work originating from a strategy that is directed to take charge of originating from a strategy that is direct to the power expansion of Germany to a strategy that will focus on barricading and the seizing the possibility of a Russian power come back in the Middle and East of Europe in efforts to prevent a returning action of a duel split to the continent and the return of Germany in playing abase role to face the Russian power expansion in Middle and East Europe. Reaching the last probable theory the (Coexistence) that implies reaching a German - Russian that is in conflict To expand there power over the Middle and East of Europe to appoint of balance that enables the two in reaching a division of power, based on realistic lines that separate between there expansion of power that starts with the Russian borders - Estonia from the North to the Serbian borders - Croatia to the south (please see map 4) in it the German strategy of administrative change will take part in redrawing its role through assuring assumptions on habilitating the expanded power that is achieved and securing it instead of focusing on the expansion and expanding to the East so that the Strategy’s title will be to secure the current situation and administrative in any way that joins in securing it. In my study, I have reached an assumption that an achievable German peace in the future witch will have a full hindsight in the period time 2020 - 2025.Last the future of the Middle and East of Europe region in one way or another is risked by many sides of the German Strategy that administrates the change in the region for its important role today and its effect in the up coming future and the future reflection on this bias. This strategy forms a sophisticated significance administrative change in one of the worlds most politically complicated regions (ethnically and geographically) not forgetting to mention historically. Witch makes from it an original example for what it has achieved and accomplished from actual results that positively reflect the German role and its place in the future.And Last I close my Study case in the Wisdom of God the great and powerful that every student must condition him self too

العلاقة بين التمويل الدولي ومستقبل التنمية في العراق : دراسة تحليلية

اسم المؤلف: مهند حميد مجيد الربيعي
اسم المشرف: احمد الحمداني | عماد عبد اللطيف
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2007
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The International financial becomes one of the important variables in the international field, which achieved especially when revealed its positive role with the economic improvement process in developing countries, according to that booming of international economic institution. Despite of dearness varies in the distribution of International financial flows between the developing countries, these countries applied the condition of international economic institutions (IMF, International Bank, WTO) which it imposed on the states and it applied the capitalistic system as it ideology, philosophy, and as a manner to attract the international flows inter to it’s markets and increase the volume which flow in it. In Iraq, there are urgent needs, during the new conditions, for economical rearrangements. In present, there is no longer, says about independent development, self dependency, be logic any more.Even there is abundance of natural resources (which is one of the vital reasons in the international finance flow); it doesn’t mean that there is no requirement for the international society support (through releasing of finance flow), especially in the new world, which has very complex economical relationships. Therefore, any economical rehabilitation, that curried out in Iraq’s economical structure, towards the market system transformation, are reasonable and quit logic, according to this country needs and also for international economical changes.Since Iraq’s economy has special characteristics and heritage, that adopt taking care of living conditions of their citizens, it is very difficult to approve direct transformation, which leads to take off these responsibilities. It’s obvious that any economical changes will be rejected and refused. So, gradual and sequential transformations will be necessary, in order to create general and social acceptance to these crucial changes and finally to obtaining good and positive results.

قوى التغيير العالمية واثرها في ضبط الانتشار النووي التغير في الهيكلية الدولية انموذجا == The Change Drivers And Its Impact In Control Of The Nuclear Proliferation - The Sample Of Changeability In International Paramedical -

اسم المؤلف: منعم خميس مخلف الهيتاوي
اسم المشرف: منعم صاحي حسين العمار
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2010
الموضوع الدقيق: الدراسات الاستراتيجية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The change regards basic character of age or our life, the changeability has been happened as a result of interaction of many drivers, the response was differs to this change from state to anther.The important of nuclear proliferation issue had been raised, especially in the world after the cold war era.The research in history of the development of nuclear proliferation issue. So important, to know what its development? And what's reach of it ?.And also we must to study the international system, international structure and the pattern of power distribution and as a result that phenomenon (nuclear proliferation )regards from most complex of international strategic and politic. In the other hand the important of study rise in present an image to world changing and discover the connection between the nuclear proliferation control and the pattern of power distribution in one hand, and with the international system ,the international structure.The study aimed to achieve many purpose such as : 1 - Try to give an image a bout the global change.2 - Try to know ,what the density of nuclear weapons.3 - What the nuclear proliferation control means ?what its machineries ? and its approach? .4 - What the international system ,the international structure mean? and what's machineries of the changing of it?.5 - How was the international relations in the cold war era ? and how effect by the nuclear proliferation control?.6 - How was the international relations after the cold war era ? and how effect by the nuclear proliferation control?. how the unipolar system effected by the machineries which using to control of the phenomenon ?. 7 - What is the future of the phenomenon?.To achieve these purpose the study depend on many approaches, historical, systematic, analytic, descriptive and futurism approaches. The study distributed on introduction, four sections and abstract. The first section deal with the theoretical and conceptual. While the second section deal with study of the nuclear proliferation and international powers relations in the cold war era. The third section concert by the nuclear proliferation and international powers relations after the cold war era.The fourth section study the scenario of the future of the international structure and the nuclear proliferation control. The thesis had been reached many conclusion we can summarized in the following : 1 - The change is a comprehensive operation on systems function and social relations, and its multilevel and multidimensional. The changeability as outcome don’t happened in the system forma alone but also in functions which system perform it. . 2 - The political changeability describe as general, permanent ,comprehensive ,complex ,infinity and time phenomenon (depend on time as mainly factor in changeability.3 - There are many theories had been explained the change operation, according to that the researchers looked to this operation as circler or linear development.4 - The international system had been passed in physical changes . 5 - The international system will not stable in one forma ,but will take many forms according to objective and selfish of the system ,its development and at systems structure according to structural theory.6 - There are many changes drivers ,the changeability of the international structure, and regard as a outcome of the change drivers push towards acting certain forma for concerning phenomenon. 7 - The changeability in international structure and its form will effect in all aspect of the nuclear proliferation operation, because the strategic and tactics which followed by the active powers in international system will changing according to its position in international structure or international system.8 - The nuclear proliferation basically will take two forms ,horizontal and vertical ,the international law and international agreement prevent the horizontal and regardless about the vertical .9 - There are many approaches to the nuclear proliferation, but the basic types are global and regional approaches ,and there are integrated relation between them.10 - The nuclear proliferation control concept differs from disarmament concept but that will not prevent studying the first concept as a part of the second.11 - There are strong relation between the nuclear abilities and nuclear weapons , but not necessity every state have nuclear abilities will industry and have nuclear weapons .12 - The international system regarded on of the most unstable type among anther of the political systems.13 - In spite of the state stay the main actor in international relations but it not unique actor, many actors become play important role by the nature of international political system.14 - The international political system depend on the interaction relation, any behavior of any actor will effect by the others, so that we will must to study these groups especially the radical groups which have political purpose.15 - There are may form take it by the international premedical such as unipolar, bipolar and multipolar .16 - The distribution of international nuclear power there are declared nuclear powers according to NPT, nuclear state by de facto,and the threshold state.17 - The nuclear proliferation in the cold war era according to international power relation, the ideological conflict and the distribution of power, the military forces played political objective more than military. 18 - The nuclear proliferation machineries passed in many stages , in some time two - party agreement or multiparty agreement 19 - The détente between the US and soviet union push the nuclear nonproliferation before the end of the cold war.20 - After the end of the cold war , the US dominated on the world, theories and vision explain the capitalism victory it began to reread the history to make a new history ,the neorelastic,the end of history and the clash of civilizations, the last warning from the American over - confidence, and to ready to the future.21 - The machineries of the nuclear proliferation control after the cold war according to American domination by the American system such as missile shield project, extend the NPT, and motivation and sanctions system.22 - In spite of the regional approach was not prefer by the USA, it plays important role in American nuclear policy, the connection so closed between the international and regional approaches.23 - After the events of 11 - september 2001 escalate which international terrorism phenomenon which had been changed the world vision to nuclear issue also the concept of the war changed, the preemptive war have been followed.24 - The double standers policy had been followed by USA with its treatment with the nuclear programs.25 - The international satisfaction was born by necessity of the change to control to the spread of nuclear weapons.26 - The international structure may be witness an significant changing, the type of the multi appear, the partnership type it must with American leadership, which reflects to the future of nuclear proliferation phenomenon may take two types : a - The nuclear proliferation out of the control.b - The nuclear proliferation under of the control.27 - We must to ensure the next danger to the humanities life is not in the nuclear proliferation, but in the international, regional nuclear technology, may using in changing world. And local conflict and its developing especially if based on it.

السياسة الخارجية الامريكية والمشرق العربي مابعد الحرب الباردة == The American Foreign Policy and The Eastern Arabian Countries : The period After The Cold War

اسم المؤلف: مصطفى جاسم حسين
اسم المشرف: فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2008
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: This dissertation is concerned with studying the foreign policy of the United States towards the Eastern Arab countries after the cold war. It consists five chapters with an introduction and a conclusion.The first chapter tackles the development of the American policy towards the Eastern Arab countries and its aims. It is obvious that it did not take a special feature only at the end of the second world war. From the end of 18th.century on , the American policy was concerned with some economic interests especially with oil and some other cultural and religious concerns like those made by some protestant missionaries in different Eastern Arab countries. After the second world war when there was a great need for oil, the region has captured the interest of the American decision maker gradually. In addition, the increasing of tension caused by the cold war was another reason that the region becomes of increasing value for the Americans. It is possible to say that the most important American aims in the region are economic and cultural in order to generalize the American type besides other strategic and security aims.The second chapter studies the important features effective in the American foreign policy towards the Eastern Arab countries. The deconstruction of the Soviet union appears to be the most distinguishable international feature that enables the United States to impose its policies on the region. With out having an opponent , the region suffers some kind of political submission in order to be re - formed. The Iraqi occupation of Kuwait in 2nd of August 1990 was among the most important regional features that helped in prevailing the American policy in the region more than ever. More over, this chapter concentrates on studying other regional factors " variables" that work to suppress the American policy in the region, like the Islamic extremism and spreading of the weapons of mass destruction and terrorism. It also studies the features that helped in the success of the American policy in the region like the strategic role played by Israel and the existing of non - democratic regimesThe third chapter discusses the units and the institutions responsible for the foreign political decision - making. It is divided into two sections. The first section studies the formal units represented by the president, the role played by both the ministry of defense and the state secretary, in addition to the CIA and the national security council and the congress in determining the American foreign policy. The second section is concerned with the non - formal institutions effective in foreign policy decision - making, like the political parties, the Zionist lobby, the economic - military factor, besides the important role played by the institutions of research and thought development" Think - Tanks".The fourth chapter tackles the American foreign political behavior towards the region. It is divided into five sections. The first studies the American foreign political behaviour towards Iraq. The second one specializes with studying the Arab - Israel conflict and the attitude of the United States towards the Palestinian Issue. The third section focuses on the American attitude towards Syria. The fourth one deals with the American behaviour towards the security of the Arab gulf states. The fifth section studies the American behaviour towards Egypt.The fifth chapter envisions the future of the American policy towards the Eastern Arab countries. It is divided into four sections. The first one studies the political scene. The second deals with the scene (scenario) of the continuing of the present American policy. The third section suggests the change of this policy in away that enables the Arab countries to move in a space larger than that found in the scene of the continuing of the same policy discussed in the previous section. The fourth one work to intermingle the two previous scenes.

المتغير الامريكي في سياسة تركيا حيال الاتحاد الاوروبي من 1993 - 2008 == American Variable in Turkey Policy Toward European Union From 1993 - 2008

اسم المؤلف: محمـد ياس خضــير
اسم المشرف: فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2009
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The Foreign Policy for any State had divided from an internal situation in order to formulating specific strategy to be dealing with another strategy on the international scene . Especially that unstable state internally made it unable to make and achieving foreign policy. In concerning with Turkey , we could consider it as prevailing state toward growth and development , because of it s capacity in exerting too much work to integrating with western world. So that since establishing a new state (Turkish Republic) in 1923 , it had been begun another an era by establisher of this state the president (Kamal Ataturk) for linking Turkey Completely with the western world , and cutting all thing which were being connecting with the secularism and Islamic past. After that , Turkey could Difficulty had been achieving kind of integration within region , especially after affimiliation in NATO Organization, in addition to that reaching all efforts to the hold an agreement which so - called (Ankara agreement) in 1963 , until inaugurating European Union in 1993 after signed Maastricht agreement. The aim of Turkey is to be member in an European union by inter within regional agglomeration. So that it became a part of several objectives in Turkish Foreign Policy. This Thesis has tried to tackle several questions methodologically, to reach into certain approach about what nature of Turkish Foreign Policy Toward European Union? and what is the impact of formal and informal institutions to make Turkey Policy toward European Union? what are motives of Turkish Policy against European Union? and what are obstacles of this Foreign Policy? In addition to that it answered about the an effect of American Variety in Turkish Foreign Policy toward European Union. This Study has divided into four parts. The First part is dealing the relations between turkey and European state during 1945 - 1993 , and knowing impulsive of these relations. In Second Part has tackled the Turkish role in America Strategy , then studying the perspective of Foreign Policy of Turkey to their relations with U.S.A. by partnership principle in the international Policy. Ether third chapter or part from this thesis has researching about the role of formal structures in making foreign policy of Turkey , and How to be application by all of that . Then exploring the effect of informal institutions within Turkey political system to formulate Foreign Policy toward European Union. The Fourth chapter has been dealing an impact of U.S.A. in Turkey Policy toward European Union by Knowing , The manner of Turkish Foreign Policy to be member inside European Union , In the Shadow of American Variety toward this Policy to limit the nature of motivations and obstructers for all of that within framework of American effect and handling the future of Turkish foreign Policy toward European Union by specific Three scenarios. At all end , We are making several conclusions which are being formed specific views about subject.

الاستراتيجية الشاملة للولايات المتحدة الامريكية ومستقبل التوازنات الجيواستراتيجية العالمية

الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2015
الموضوع الدقيق: الدراسات الاستراتيجية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الكلمات الدلالية:
  • العلاقات التركية الاوربية
  • العلاقات التركية
  • الامريكية
  • تركيا والاستراتيجية الامريكية
  • الدور التركي في الاستراتيجية الامريكية
  • المنظور التركي للعلاقات مع الولايات المتحدة الامريكية
  • صنع القرار الخارجي التركي
  • دور المؤسسات الرسمية وغير الرسمية في عملية
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: Through the study of "the comprehensive strategy of the United States and the future of the global geostrategic balances" it becomes clear that the rapid developments and changes in the global environment are redefining the global geostrategic balances, with the dawn of the twenty - first century many indicators and variables that indicate the movement of global balances on the verge of moving into a new phase have accumulated to confirm the decline of the United States ability to control the direction the movement of balances individually, Although it is still the strongest but no longer the only party in the balance, Since the emergence of the world's major powers having the capacity, the will and active performance as well as and prowess to face or reduce the American capacity to control the movement of the soft power by means of balance and peaceful ascent or the so - called "fine balance" and to abide by the rules of international law and not to resort to military force in international crisis management and processing the objectives and interests depending on the basis of partnership, the United States looks forward with growing concern to the shrinking margin over military and economic capabilities compared to those of China and Russia and a range of powers Described as emerging, including India and Brazil, which will accelerate the end of the era of the so - called American Empire is progressing chronologically and with amazing speed, with global powers being able to join forces with geopolitical and geo - economic partnership frameworks as well as the military to stop the expanion of U S hegemony on the world.The international system has seen structural shifts made him go away slowly on the imbalances that were dominant in the international hierarchy since the end of the cold war, coincided with the relative decline of the economic strengths for most Western capitalist countries and especially the United States, as a result of the economic and financial crisis that began in 2008, global powers rising in Asia and Latin America continued to achieve high rates of economic growth despite the nature of the interdependence of the world economy, promoting the growing economic power inevitably strengthens the strategic power of the forces balancing with the United States, both with regard to the implementation of development plans drawn or military budgets or strategic capacities make it an active actor having formulating will in the future of the World geostrategic balances. Thus the polarization of international forces is moving towards the formation of groupings and international strategic partnerships between influential world powers active in regional and international policies, and in the geopolitical, economic, military, and technological areas, depending on their material and moral potential, as well as elements of the external environment and providing an incentive for future influential roles in the future of the global balances movements.The United States recognizes that the transition strategy is great, and it should adapt to the developments of the global system, witnessing the rise of new forces which have the power and ability to build partnerships and organizations with strong influence over some nation States, despite the fact that the United States is the largest military force in the world, we found it stumble in its wars of expansion, and the economy weakens more and more because of the stiff competition faced by the economies of other emerging powers And, if the U.S adapts to those changes, with better cooperation with world powers, we will see a smooth and peaceful transition to a pluralistic system and geo - strategic balances evenly without disasters and wars, the United States will become an important actor beside the other world powers.And by analyzing the extensive strategy of the United States and that of the world powers towards issues, crises and areas of influence dealt with by these forces, and knowing the main variables that affect the international environment, several conclusions were reached as follows : -  There is a relationship of mutual influence between the nature of the international system, its structure and its mechanisms and the existing global geostrategic balances, in the unipolar system in the case of imbalance the balances are under the control of a single pole and its allied forces, that Pole dominates on the interactions and strategies of its rival powers and deter them. Under the bipolar system the established geostrategic balances are closer to relative parity between the poles or the two blocs and often their relationship are with conflicting strategies rather than cooperative ones, which pushes the movement for change in balances more quickly. In the multi - polar system world balances are based on three or more poles, which makes them more stable. Geo - balances in That its more cooperative and partnership strategies that to compete and conflict and move towards a complementary relationship finding mechanisms to ensure the interests and objectives of all States and prohibit overtaking them. all strategic variables affect the change of states power positively or negatively, and accordingly, the global geostrategic balance change occurs, the State which possesses mechanisms to control and manipulate those variables, enable it to achieve the greatest impact in the movement of balances for achieving its objectives, this was evident in the achievements and performance of the extensive American strategy after World War II, and then after the collapse of the Soviet Union enabled by mechanisms of the capitalist system as well as its capabilities and potentials, employing events and strategic variables, To achieve strategic balance with the Soviet Union and continued superiority or maintaining control over balances after its collapse through the use of the soft power and hard or smart power that enabled it to achieve many of the benefits of preventing the emergence of rivals and winning the support of the largest possible number of States to its side, to control the movement of geostrategic balances for achieving its goals and its national security.  with the dawn of the twenty - first century the U.S strategic performance is witnessing change and decline in its influence and interests, at the level of the Middle East after the destruction and occupation of Iraq and supporting Arabic movements change, and perpetuating crises as the Syrian crisis, the United States withdrew from direct interaction settings depending on the strategy of driving from the back and giving active roles for regional and international powers it had put them in a list of enemies and rivals such as Iran, Russia and China, Which is reflected on their active roles to approach new areas of influence. After a series of U.S political and military failures, in Afghanistan and Iraq, and the global economic crisis and deflation and recession in the United States and Europe it, began looking for new alternatives to lead the world in a more stable and secure, less unique and unilateral domination, So some great powers found that it can influence worldwide reactions, and the participation of the United States to let the world stand on solid substrates, to become more balanced and stable. the emergence of global forces with strategies backed by strategic performance aimed at ending U.S. geostrategic balances Singularity in the world, especially in the areas of influence of the strong competition for the United States. In this chaos and the American decline globally, Russia and China have found their chance in pushing balances movement through the Syrian crisis especially as the Arab countries witness the Arab spring setbacks and uncertain future, Russia and China have also found that the EU suffers from economic crises hitting its members, and the United States is not better than the EU it is preoccupied with finding new opportunities to revive its collapsed economy, while Russia and China lead a role that rejects any American trends both toward Syria or Iran and Ukraine, As well as the rest of the spheres of influence which threaten national and energy security. the geostrategic balance theory derive from the basic assumption that, if States are not associated with each other in lasting relationships, but in the case of constant change driven by considerations of power, and seeking to increase investment of their capacity. components and reorganizing their relationships and the quality of their interactions to achieve balance with the United States. On that basis, China turned to a new strategy, which seeks to restore its former influence, through the initiative of the new Silk Road project, which integrates with waking up Russia and the presentations of dissertations Uras union integrated. with India's wishes, looking for new maps, here, the new formations and clusters, such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the community and the Group of 20 Bricks, become an objective and necessary response, to reproduce a new world, with multiplier balances, which provides a safe departure for human society, towards the prospects of cooperation and integration, and to get out of the crises, And thus came the international orientation of the strategic triangle (Russia, China and India) to lay the foundations of this world, through enhanced cooperation among the three countries and increased economic ties, forming a image of an Asian pole having its own system. No doubt, the bilateral and multilateral strategic partnerships formed between the forces of competition would have widespread impact in steering reactions and global geostrategic balances, since the movement of their own balances will be controlled by global trends in corporate strategy formation held with States converged in interests and goals, as well as its capabilities contributing to the success of strategic performance.  the future of the geostrategic equilibrium which started after the U.S downturn posed by features and confirmed by facts and events in international interactions and strategic partnerships formed by world powers competing with the United States indicate the direction of future balances movement towards equivalence in potential and capacities and resulting performance of strategic and global influence shared by world powers with a view to defending their interests and objectives of the powers allied with it

مكانة النفط في الاستراتيجية الامريكية للقرن الحادي والعشرين == Position of Oil in The American Strategy in Twenty - One Century

اسم المؤلف: مالك دحام متعب الجميلي
اسم المشرف: رفاه شهاب احمد الحمداني | عبد علي المعموري
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2009
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The study deals with the Oil variable in The American Strategy of the Twenty - One Century . It deals with the American strategic thought during the World War I and II, and channels of this thought and how this thought is turned in the era of neo conservatists for keeping the Capitalist System leading against the communist thought which led the Soviet Union .For Keeping The American United States as world ruling , it draws the basic features of world post - Cold War . It draws the Gulf War II the general features of American strategy represented by global ruling and Controlling upon the areas filled with oil after considers the certain truth whose basis is depletion of oil wells and for keeping its economic strategy , it follows states , blockading it , then weaking the structural frame for oil trade represented in OPEC organization and controlling over it via depending on some of states this organization .Without doubt , this movement has led to the appearance of rivalries for the American United States over oil areas 6 it goes in to American - Chanian rivalry , The American - Russian rivalry and Possibilities of developing this rivalry in to conflict between the important poles for controlling over oil wells .In the maltitude of these events , an important phenomena is appeared and it must be deat and taken in to consideration in this study which is the global financial crisis which effect noticeably on the capital global economics in particular .The American economy example has never been accepted after discovering deep negatives in this hard stage , in the one hand and motivates to search for anew system which over comes such negatives which may lead the global economics in to depression .As an example assures the importance of oil variables in the war and peace time , the importance of Iraqi oil in the American Strategy is studied and this variable is affected on determining the relations channels with Iraq whether occupation or destroying the infrastructure beginning with imposing oppressive rules on oil materials as an attempt to return the foreign companies for Controlling on oil production in terms of marketing and pricing and then the future of oil relation between Iraq and American United Nations

الحركات الاسلامية وعلاقتها بالنظام السياسي في جزائر

اسم المؤلف: علي سلمان صايل السلامي
اسم المشرف: اكرم عبد الله الجميلي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2006
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: Up to this page we have turned over a long chapters that dealt with the links between the Islamic movements and the political regime in Algeria, we have been put before many events in which a tiny one was simply a main cause for next pace , and some large one gave rise to a wider and a more important one . A midst events we found that a geopolitically important country such as Algeria struggle for his objectives and interest facing European and American influence and hegemony . From page to page, we were, committed to draw the issues openly and objectively, by which scientific aims over ride any other obsessions . A cross these & chapters the researcher reached many contents that expressed the relation between the Islamic movement and the Algerian political regime. in many fields . formost among them was the nature of the political orientation of the regime as a loosing and tighting for Islamic movement and their attitudes in the process of change, especially after a wide sector came to a full consent in a peaceful approach to reach the power through the political process which lie in the centre of the process of democracy . Any way Where dose this analysis lead us ? What is the outcomes that may be incurred on the logic aspect of this study in five chapters : - We had set forth the development of domestic political relations between Algerian regime and the political parties ( seculia , and religious ), especially the Islamic powers , headed by Islamic front for rescue, and we focused on the nature of Algerian regime in connection with inner limits and type of reactions, As this regime along the period from 1991 - 2006 do not permit total multiplity, despite the existing parties law, where depriving the Islamic front for rescue and canceling legislation elections this is simply represents the weakness of the regime, and the unwillingness to achieve the democracy with its multiple shape , whether the winner parry in election is secular on Islamic the Islamic front for rescue sees that Algeria is connected with the Islamic world firmly . and thinks that the Islam is the most sign ficant pillar in Arab nationality Hence , it believes that the unopeness of the Algeria regime is relative and not indefinite over the surrounding Islamic and Arabic world . and its openness globally toward Eastern counties . This has turned the educational balance of the Algerian people Eventually these has been changed the Arab nationality to become slender specialty in Algeria Based on this, the Islamic front for rescue and all other Islamic movements see that the power generated from joining is nothing but a great will that can bestow and prohibit, it can also ( remonstrate) the resources of Arab ( wealth) . Which can be a strong credit (reserve) that can be seen globally by their friends, so the policy of the Algerian ragtime has been focused on what the front believes in cooperation with the great state policies especially france and USA , on a raving plans and taccs that ensure encountering the Islamic current in Algeria attempting to contain them one time and strike them by military force another time . there is no difference the vitality the Algerian regime favored has based on great degree of legitimacy as an election outcome that lead the President Bo tafliqa to the power rein for two turns . we can say that the present period in the development of the political regime in Algeria and the inner connection with the other political and Islamic powers especially after the referendum on constitution 29/9/2005 , would be the true streak of the regime capability to achieve the full political participation and continuing in applying democratic approaches in harmony with pietism plurality required . this phase the regime ensure the major consent or deprived of then if the major consent has not been acquired the regime would reach the fragmentation period in which it can witnesses its gradual collapse . It seems that the new Algerian regime has achieved some now a major consent and acceptance especially after a larg number of rescues leader announced in exile their approval for national accord and their support to the referendum , urging the armed groups in the mountains to abandon their weapons and came into a dialoge with the authority . therefore , it would beachange to say that the Algerian regime has truly succeeded to get over the sharp crisis that the country faced through several years , their regime political decisions that is being issued would give its results for next long years . Hence the Islamic front for resue should not gain its legitimacy and the justification for their existence that based on past consideration only , but basically on the necessity of the present situation and the future needs therefore it should see the future form viewing full cooperation and dialogues with regime plus several dialoges to get rid of and finalise the political isolation , moreover to get back their role in the required political participation .

مكانة اليابان في النظام السياسي الدولي الواقع والمستقبل == Japan's stAtus in the international political system : Present and Future

اسم المؤلف: علي رسول حسين المسعودي
اسم المشرف: فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2015
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:

مستقبل الامن الاقتصادي العربي في ضوء المتغيرات الاقليمية الراهنة == The Security Future of The Arab Economy in The Light of The Current Regional Variables

اسم المؤلف: احمد باهض تقي الحميداوي
اسم المشرف: سرمد زكي الجادر | عماد عبد اللطيف سالم
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2005
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: This study is among the studies which are concerned with the future .It discuss significant issue i.e. the Arab Economic Security, the methods of achieving it, and the problems that impede realizing it in our times. The difficulty of the study emanates from the difference in vision for the topic(National Security) in general and the economic security in particular among the Arab countries depending upon the political system prevailing there and its Arab,Regional,and international orientation.There are some Arab political systems that do not put among its priorities the process of building and achieving the Arab economic security while some non - Arab political systems do have orientations towards working within the national frame so as to achieve that goal. This study works from the premise that the deterioration of indicators expressing the influential variables of Arab economic security will pave the way towards the demolition of the Arab economic security under regional variables which do not work for the interest of consolidating that security,therefore the study aims at either proving or disproving that hypothesis. The study falls into six chapters. Chapter one is an introduction into the economic security through the theorization on some concepts. Chapter two discusses the political variables affecting the Arab economic security. Chapter three handles the economic variables affecting the Arab economic security.Chapter four is about is scientific variables influencing the Arab Economic Security Chapter five discusses the current regional variables(The Iraqi variable and the joint Arab economic cooperation) and their reflections on the Arab Economic Security Chapter six discusses the future visions which are likely to happen to the Arab Economic Security. The Dissertation concludes in an ending, conclusion and recommendations

الادراك الامريكي للعلاقات الاقتصادية مع دول مجلس التعاون الخليجي في ظل المتغيرات الاقليمية والدولية == THE AMERICAN PERCEPTION TO THE ECONOMIC RELATIONS WITH COUNCIL CO - OPERATION GULF COUNTRIES UNDER AND INTERNATIONAL THE REGIONAL VARIABLES

اسم المؤلف: عبد الصمد سعدون عبد الله الشمري
اسم المشرف: فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني | عماد عبد اللطيف السامرائي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2005
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The American Perception of the economic relations with the Arab Gulf Coopration Countries is at the essence of the American strategic thought, expressed as strategies and objectives towards the Arab Gulf area as a whole. Such relations, in turn, represent the American superior in such territory of the World. Further, various tools and justifications involved in these relations have been distinguished by security cover with in a wide American security strategy in the Arab Gulf from the mid - 1970 an beginning of the 1980. This issue was clearly stated in the political sequent speeches of the U.S Presidents at such period The present study aims to analyze, according to the systematic approach the structure of the aspects of the behavioral and dynamic variable of both the Gulf and American societies, as well. Some of such variables conduct as motivating and some are for the American realization towards these relations. Hence, to reach the implied concept for such realization. On the other hand , present study includes also aspects of the regional and international variables tackled in the Arab Gulf area which, these variables, are considered to be external impacts, pratising directly or in directly to fix the above realization inconformity with the American objectives or aims achieving the Imperial project in the middle east, taking the Arabian Gulf as a launching point. This is due to the fact that the Arabian Gulf is the wealthiest area in the world in the new millennium. For the above reasons, the U.S have under taken New inter national system formation from the beginning of the 1990s in line with the fall the Russian union in the end of the 1991.The New Inter national system is the neo - Liberal substitution to support the American trends in such anew project, enhanced by firstly the superior military technical of the U.S in the world, and secondly by guan teed all the political and economic efforts of both the U.S western and Gulf a llies for accomplishing the American aims and plans in this area of the world. From the events of September /2001 and beyond, the American imperial ambitions in the A rabian Gulf area have become more recognized, yet such period has correlated with has become to known as concept of terrorism which has been set according to the American view. Consequently, the U.S has guided the so called A nti - terrorism War,starting from A fghanston, along With the occupation of Iraq in 2oo3. In such war, the U.S has utilized the military power as the sole an ideal means to achieve the objectives set behand such a strategy for rest,ucturing the middle east in conformity with the American model . This new coure of the conducted by the U.S is an indication that it has become , the first super power which has become, in turn ,the leader of the world with in the New International system. But in contract ,violence and op - violence will be the main feature and the ongoing thretening of the furtural scane fasing the American project in the Arabian Gulf . Hence, the U.S has no more need for an international legislation for implementing its plans in such an area, since it relies highly on the American legislation to establish the economic realization on reality.

السياسة التركية تجاه سوريا بعد 2002 == Turkish policy toward Syria after 2002

اسم المؤلف: عباس سعـدون رفعــت
اسم المشرف: محمد كريم كاظم
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2015
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: he subject thesis deals with international politics issue and it is useful because it clarifies how to deal with foreign regional and international environment and how to arrange it to serve a state interest in general as far as in understudy interest to make use of its results in national issues. The subject of this thesis (Turkish policy toward Syria) is very important due to the several variables like Turkish and Syrian policies and their mutual effects on Iraq. Studying Turkish foreign policy toward Arabic region in general and Syria specifically clarifies its change from being stable then dropping Arabs and Syria as a choice before 2002 then act intensively with the issues of Arabs including Syria since 2002 while in 2011 Turkey left its neutrality and non - interference in internal Arabic issues as Arabic revolutions broke up and started interfering to express its existing power with points of view to what happening in its neighborhood. As the Syrian condition specially after 2011 regarded as a special case, studying the Turkish dealing with it is important because it gives us evidences about what Turkey plans for coming years depending on the development scale of its policies in the past years in general and toward Syria specially. The Turkish policy toward Syria as we clarify in this thesis, passed several stages of development as it started with a revolution and multi - contents struggles but it turned to stability after 1998 then started cooperation specially after 2004 till 2011 when it was turned hard down then the struggle indications begun between the two countries with strong clashes and high level interference. The conflict of this thesis is linked to the following question : Why the Turkish policy toward Syria figured in this way since 2002 and the answer of this question as it was shown in this thesis refers to the wide effect of Justice & Development Party on the Turkish policy that push Turkey to play its role in accomplishing changes in the Arabic and regional countries including Syria as a result of the international changes and pressure. In other meaning, Turkey designs its foreign policy in depending on two factors : The first one is related to its commitments with NATO and western relationships which is the main factor pressing on all circles of interests. As western countries represent the main circle of interest and all the roles of turkey are as a results of the NATO and west demands. The second factor is related to its power and historical reasons which were aroused toward Arab region in 1970s rationally when the western countries ignored Turkish interests in Cyprus and also because Turkey as an industrial country in need for energy, markets and capitals was influenced by Arabs oil ban and also because Arab region is encouraging to open chances to turkey. Within 1990s, several controversial issues appeared in Turkey - Arabs relationships generally and with Syria specifically like : - Water issue, Turkey has plenty of water resources with ambitious economic trends but also has problems with Kurds. So turkey used water to have several aims for instance to develop Kurdish areas to push them to leave politics to production and also used water in making peace in middle east to have central statue in the regional relations but that thing caused crises with Syria and Iraq because it lowered water level in the two countries. - Kurdish issue, Turkey does not admit about the Kurdish existence in turkey while it helps Iraqi Kurds by giving them facilities to world via Turkey that revealed the Turkish dual standards in dealing with Kurds problem for its cooperation with Kurds in other countries as a pressure method while all rights of Kurds in turkey are forbidden. Syria made use of that to gain benefits in its relationship with turkey from 1995 to 1998. - Border issue, Mosul and Iskenderun are the main problems. Turkey demands to take Mosul because it was not under the alien's occupation in the First World War in the time of signing peace agreement between fighting countries while Turkey kept its control over Iskenderun as a result of its agreement with France when turkey agreed to participate in the Second World War beside the aliens. From time to time, that subject is aroused and influences on the two countries relations. As a result of the two factors activity (west and Turkish trends) we found that turkey started to take part in Arab countries generally and toward Syria specifically after the demonstrations begun as it was related to internal factors interaction (related to the public desire to end political introversion) and also related to external factors ( the American desire to rearrange the political map in Arab countries in general through chaos and inner struggle in Arab societies). So, turkey involved in internal roles and its policy was implementing in accordance with west countries desires for example, Turkey threatens use military power to protect civilians but stop going further because the western countries do not like that. On the light of what presented before, the conclusions are : 1. Turkish policy is influenced by several internal, regional and international factors and the most important one is its links with west to do what they like turkey to do in its region as changes occurred after cold war.2. The Turkish policy toward Arabs is not stable for its link to the west because the economic reasons and (energy, water and Kurds) are pushing to make bilateral relations not confronting while we find out how turkey gives high importance to its relations with Israel (in spite of what happened in Lebanon in 2006, what happened in Gaza in 2008 and also the freedom fleet in 2010). In other meaning, the Turkish will is under the west control.3. The Turkish policy toward Syria moved from clash and difference before 2002 to cooperation after2004which refers to bilateral readiness of cooperation in spite of difference issues in Turkish - Arabs relations. Turkey is aware of the stress that Arabs can use against it just like Kurds issue. So if Arabs lack legitimate in govern, turkey did not decide yet the identity of state and the future of Kurds in turkey.4. The link between Justice & Development Party and Islam might produce some Turkish attitudes toward Arabs including Syria but the type of the Turkish interference in the Syrian event after 2011 showed that the Islamic factor is not active among Turkish government and its trends as strong as the link with the west. 5. Future suggests that turkey will have more interference in Arabs region issues because of its link to the west and also due to the continuous western efforts to push turkey to play roles in Arab countries that gave turkey significant statue after 2002, so turkey won’t sacrifices what gained as it inherits the Ottoman State and the regional change (the rise of Iran and also the rise of sectarianism in regional treatments for several reasons). None of that will make Turkey withdraw from interference in Arabs issues especially in the Syrian developments.Finally recommendations are : 1. Making importance to study all aspects of Turkish policy because it has developing trends, interests, issues to deal with and participating powers.2. Giving importance to studying all regional policies because studying Turkish policy toward Syria showed how regional implement its plans at the expense of other region states and people interests including Iraq. Therefore, it is important to make all that studies to help the Iraqi decision maker to take decisions and act in accordance with scientific and theoretic visions.3. Paying attention to the interconnectedness regional relations and interests. The Syrian crisis and its results presented that interconnectedness between regional countries in historical, geographical, political, ethnic and religion while ignoring that cause chaos in all countries.4. Making importance to study all the ways that lead to enhance Iraqi interest in regional relations as serving Iraq is the final aim of every thesis. Then making that studies deep to enable Iraq in accomplishing regional balance and achieve his interests in the region. What is related to this thesis we have to as a recommendation encourage building full regional security system to prevent some powers to possess alone the regional actions to fulfill its or another international interests.

سياسة الاتحاد الاوربي حيال المشرق العربي == Policy of the European Union Towards the Eastern Arabic Region

اسم المؤلف: صباح صاحب العريض
اسم المشرف: نادية عبد القادر المختار | فكرت نامق العاني
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2006
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: اشارت الكثير من الدراسات والاراء الى الفرص المتوافرة امام الاتحاد الاوربي للبروز ولاداء ادوار دولية مهمة كاحد ابرز القوى الدولية الصاعدة والتي لها حظوظ كبيرة في تبوء مركز دولي بارز يضعه في مجال الندية لقوى ودول كبرى اخرى، خاصة في ميدان التنافس الدولي على اقاليم العالم ودوله المهمة ذات الثقل الاستراتيجي الكبير والتي تتقدمها منطقة المشرق العربي، بما تمثله من كم هائل من الموارد المختلفة ومصادر الطاقة المتعددة، وعناصر الاستثمارات الدولية، بشكل خاص بعد بروز عدة متغيرات دولية منها نهاية الحرب الباردة وتفكك الاتحاد السوفيتي ومن ثم تشكل الاتحاد الاوربي بصيغته الحالية وتوسيعه المستمر اضافة الى المنافسة الامريكية المحمومة على النفوذ والهيمنة على هذه المنطقة والتي افرزت غزو العراق واطلاق مشروع (الشرق الاوسط الكبير)، مع ترافق كل ذلك وومتغيرات دولية اثرت في صيغ التفاعل الدولي واليات التفكير المرتبطة بها، وخاصة في المدة التي تلت الحادي عشر من ايلول (2001) وما سبقه من الترويج لفكرة العولمة والعمل على تعميم الفكر الراسمالي ليشمل كافة دول العالم على وفق اليات التوحيد الاقتصادي، وهذا منعكس تداعياته على اعادة بناء وتشكيل العلاقات الدولية بين دول العالم واقاليمه المتباينة، تلك التداعيات التي ساهمت في تعميق انقسام العالم بين شمال وجنوب، وصراع محتدم بين الحضارات التي تسعى الى رفض ومقاومة اطروحات ذلك الفكر الراسمالي المتسلط.وهذا كله ياتي في سياق جدل واسع يدور ـ خصوصا بعد تفكك النظام الدولي القديم ـ حول القوى التي تشكل النظام الدولي (الجديد)، والتي ترى كثير من الاراء الى ان الاوضاع الجديدة تتجه بالاتحاد الاوربي صعوده وزيادة دوره السياسي والاقتصادي وهذا بدوره سينعكس بشكل تلقائي على السياسة التي سيعتمدها الاتحاد الاوربي تجاه باقي دول العالم واقاليمه والتي تاتي منطقة المشرق العربي في المقدمة منها، وهذا ما سيؤدي ـ بالنتيجة ـ الى توافق مساحة لا باس بها امام بلدان هذه المنطقة لاستغلال التنافس الدولي الواقع في نطاقها، والافادة من التحالفات الدولية لخدمة قضاياها، خاصة مع تصاعد مستوى حرص الاتحاد الاوربي على ابقاء معظم مناطق (الشرق الاوسط) وشمال افريقيا ضمن دائرة النفوذ الاوربي المباشر.يشير البعد التاريخي لسياسية الاتحاد الاوربي حيال منطقة المشرق العربي الى عدد من النقاط الرئيسة تاتي في مقدمتها الرغبة الواضحة من قبل دول الاتحاد ـ وهو ما انعكس على مؤسساته ذاتها في السياق نفسه ـ في تفعيل الجوانب الاقتصادية المختلفة في تلك السياسة وتطويرها بالشكل الذي يحقق لها اكبر قدر من الفائدة، وبالمقابل تعمل على عدم الاغراق في البعد السياسي الا بالقدر الذي يتطلبه البعد الاقتصادي نفسه، او بقدر لا يزيد عليه، وقد استمرت تلك السياسة قائمة على هذه الرؤية لمدة من الزمن ولم تشهد تغيرا الا بعد تغيير الترتيبات الدولية على اثر تفكك الاتحاد السوفيتي، حيث حاول الاتحاد ـ كغيره من الفاعلين الدوليين ـ على زيادة حجم التواجد على الساحة المشرقية بسبب الاعتقاد الذي ساد في تلك المدة والذي مفاده توافر فرص اكبر بعد نهاية الحرب الباردة، وهامش اوسع من الحركة والذي كان محكوم سابقا بالمعادلة ذات الطرفين او القطبين، الا ان الواقع السياسي لمنطقة المشرق العربي لم يتحول على وفق هذا السيناريو بل تم وضعه في اطار سيناريو الفاعلية الامريكية واضحة التاثير والنفوذ فاصبح كغيره من اقاليم العالم الهامة يتحرك بشكل او باخر وفق سياقات معينة حاولت الادارة من تطبيقها على دوله، وهذا ما جعل الاتحاد الاوربي يدخل في زاوية حرجة واظهر في الوقت ذاته الدرجة غير المتكافئة ما بين الطرفين فيما يتعلق بمدى التاثير في مسارات المنطقة وسياساتها.لقد بدا واضحا من خلال فصول ومباحث الاطروحة ان السياسة الخارجية للاتحاد الاوربي الموجهة حيال منطقة المشرق العربي انما تعاني من عدة اشكالات تعوقها عن ابداء الفاعلية المطلوبة منها ازاء شؤون وقضايا المنطقة، ومن ابرز تلك الاشكالات سيادة السياسات الخارجية للدول الاعضاء في الاتحاد الاوربي وفي كثير من الاحيان على السياسات الموحدة له، وهو ما يعني اضافة الى بقاء فكرة تغليب المصلحة الذاتية لكل دولة عضو في الاتحاد، فانها تعني تعدد وجهات النظر بل واختلافها وتقاطعها في احيان اخرى تجاه المتغيرات الحاصلة في المنطقة المشرقية وهو ما يؤثر بالنتيجة في نجاح السياسة المشتركة، ومن هنا نستطيع ان نعلل عدم الحضور الفاعل والمؤثر للاتحاد الاوربي في الساحة الاقليمية وعدم التناسب في ما بين الحجم الاقتصادي الهائل والاخذ بالنمو له وما بين الدور السياسي ذي الاطر المحدودة والذي لا يرتقي الى ذلك الحجم الاقتصادي، خاصة وان الاتحاد يسعى من خلال اهتمامه بدول المنطقة الى حماية مصالحه الاستراتيجية وتعزيزها والمحافظة على الاستقرار والامن في الضفة الجنوبية للمتوسط التي تشكل امتدادا جغرافيا لحدود دوله المتوسطية، هذا فضلا عن ان البلدان في المشرق العربي تشكل سوقا واسعة واساسية لصادراته المختلفة، الامر الذي ادى بدوره الى جعل هذه المنطقة شديدة التعرض للضغط الاقتصادي الذي قد يستخدمه الاتحاد تجاهها وبالتالي فان اي مشروع يوضع من قبل الولايات المتحدة الامريكية لدول المنطقة، من دون ان يكون لاوربا دور فيه، هو بمنزلة خطر على مصالحها وامنها، وبخاصة في ظل التنافس الذي تشهده العلاقات الاقتصادية والسياسية بين دول الاتحاد الاوربي والولايات المتحدة الامريكية.ومن هنا، وفي ضوء جملة المعطيات السابقة، فانه يتوجب على الاتحاد الاوربي الذي يسعى الى تعزيز دوره السياسي في المنطقة، ادراك ان اي خطوة في اتجاه الامن المشترك في منطقة المشرق العربي وما يجاورها من الدول لا يمكن ان يتحقق الا بالتزامن مع حصول تقدم في العملية السلمية، وعليه، فان على الاتحاد ان يضطلع بمسؤولية اكبر في تسوية الصراع العربي ـ الصهيوني وحل القضية الفلسطينية، وان على سياسات الاتحاد عدم الاكتفاء بالدور الثاني الذي يكمل الدور الامريكي وان لا تقتصر المسؤولية الاوربية تجاه الصراع العربي ـ الصهيوني على المستوى المالي والاقتصادي فقط، بل ينبغي ان تمتد هذه المسؤولية لتشمل المستوى السياسي، كما يترتب على الاتحاد ان لا يكتفي بالطلب من الولايات المتحدة الامريكية ان تحدد له فصلا سياسيا معينا يضطلع بدوره من خلاله، بل يجب عليه ان يحدد هذا الدور بنفسه تماما، كما فعل سابقا ازاء بعض القضايا والمواضيع الهامة، كاعلان تاييد لقيام المؤسسات الفلسطينية مثلا، وعليه يمكن القول ان عدم تسوية الصراع العربي ـ الصهيوني، سوف يبقى يلقي بضلاله السلبية على السياسة الخارجية للاتحاد حيال دول المشرق العربي وعموم العلاقات العربية مع الاتحاد الاوربي.وان من المتوقع ان يشهد المستقبل القريب زيادة واضحة في قوة الاتحاد الاوربي على الصعيد الدولي، بحيث يؤدي ذلك الى خلق واقع جديد في النظام الدولي يرتكز على سياسة التوازنات وليس على نظام القطبية الثنائية او المنفردة، كما كان عليه الامر قبل تفكك الاتحاد السوفيتي وما تلاه، فالعصر القادم هو عصر التكتلات والتجمعات الاقليمية، اذ ان لكل تجمع او تكتل قوة تاثير تختلف عن قوة الاخر في معالجته للقضايا الاقليمية والدولية، وبالتالي فان الاتحاد الاوربي الذي قد يشكل ابرز القوى الدولية الجديدة المؤثرة على الصعيدين الاقليمي والدولي، يتحفز لمواجهة التحديات التي تعترض تقدمه، بخاصة العقبات التي تضعها الولايات المتحدة الامريكية للحد من اي دور سياسي له على الصعيد الاقليمي وخاصة في منطقة المشرق العربي، بكثير من المسؤولية والوعي، لكن ذلك لا يستطيع ان يمنع تلك التحولات الهامة التي ستغير معادلة القوى على المستويين الدولي والاقليمي غير ان تلك التحولات لمراكز القوى العالمية ستكون في اطار تدريجي، وبخاصة ان هناك عددا من العوامل التي قد تكون مساعدة او معطلة لاي تقدم او تراجع لاحدى القوى الدولية الموجودة او التي تسعى للظهور كقوة دولية مؤثرة، وهذا كله سيترك اثارا واضحة وهامة على مستقبل سياسة الاتحاد حيال منطقة المشرق العربي ودولها التي من الواجب ان تكون قادرة على استيعاب طبيعة تلك التغيرات والتعامل معها بدقة وسرعة مما يجعلها لا تفوت الفرصة التي قد تتاح لها واستثمار ذلك التغيير لصالح قضايا المنطقة المصيرية. | European Union is considered today as one of the most influential units on the International political arena. It is expected that its power and size will eventually increase among the other powerful unions in the world. Thereby, its effect is great on the Eastern Arab region and countries. Its policy towards this area is one of the most important policies.The European unity has its effect on the paths of work there since it has first initiated in (1957). It has effect on many urgent issues and problems in the Middle East; and this effect has increased clearly after the October War1973 because Europe had undergone the negative side of the stoppage of oil supplies from the Arab countries. Then the relations and interests between the eastern Arab countries and Europe began to increase excessively and to become more complicated until the European Union was founded in its final structure.When the European Union began to get enlarged horizontally and vertically, its relations with Arab eastern countries also began to enlarge. So this has been reflected on its external policy towards our region. Also there have been a kind of some intensive and huge pressures from the United States of America on Europe to make it change its attitudes in the area and to build new strategies which will not affect the American interests here. America, of course, will not change its policy; it has a lot of vital interests and it will never think of changing its attitude in any circumstances. This thesis will give answers to these inquiries us follows:1. What is the historical range of the European policy (in general) towards the Arabic eastern region?2. What are the most important issues that have unified state in the European policy towards the Arabic eastern region? 3. What are the European policy motives now towards the Arabic eastern region? 4. What are the structures and frames of taking political decisions (the external attitudes in particular) towards the Arabic eastern region? 5. What is the political behavior of the European Union towards the most important issues in the Arabic eastern region? To have clear answers to these critical inquiries in this thesis, and the additional scientific difficulties inquiries that might rise, and to accomplish most accurate answers to the nature of the European policy towards the eastern Arabic region, we have followed scientific investigations and scientific logical steps that allow the researcher fulfill his goal. We have followed the (historical origin) in studying the (joint) European policy since 1973 till the date of initiating the European Union in 1993. We focused on some important issues of that era, and we will depend on the (descriptive method) in the second chapter of this thesis in order to describe the strategic importance of the eastern Arabic region with regard to the potentials of natural raw materials of power in addition to the critical strategic position. We will also depend on (organizational method) in collecting facts and information about the subject of the thesis (the entries), then apply (operational method) to enrich tools and methods of the scientific research. Later - and as a result- reach scientific outcomes and facts (outlets) which supposed to be part of new entries for the information circle; and this is (reversal feeding). In order to deal with the circular inquiries about the thesis subject and its numerical points arisen, we have taken a scientific method of categorizing the thesis into main chapters and researches has been depended on. This thesis is composed of: • Introduction• The first chapter: (Europe policy towards some issues of the eastern Arabic region).• The second chapter (Motives of the European Union towards the eastern Arabic region).• The third chapter: (frames and ways of formulation the European Union policy towards the eastern Arabic region).• The fourth chapter: (the political behavior of the European Union towards the issues of the eastern Arabic region); • Finally, the abstract in which we stated the most important conclusions we have reached. This thesis has shown the nature of the policy regarding the eastern Arabic region which the European Union depends on during a very complicated and important period simultaneously; and during changeable and unstable circumstances which impose many difficult potentials and substitutions. This kind of circumstances resulted in many obvious failures, and have created a status of disability in dealing with them in the right way. We have tried to throw light on the largest scope of the political work of the European Union in the eastern Arabic region clear way, and we have focused on the most important complicated issues not only in this critical area but also in the whole world.

تطور ظاهرة تدويل النشاط الاقتصادي وانعكاساته السياسية والاقتصادية على البلدان النامية : مصر انموذجا == The Evolution of Internationalization Economy Active Phenomenon and Reflex on Developing countries (Egypt Case Study)

اسم المؤلف: سلام جبار شهاب
اسم المشرف: عبد علي كاظم المعموري
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2008
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: …. The Internationalization is wide term, so the study began in definition the Phenomenon the mean of Internationalization, Economy Internationalization, Political Internationalization, and differences between the Internationalization and the Globalization. (ch.1). the beginning this Phenomenon in old civilization, and the vision of economic systems (Islamic, Capitalism, Socialist systems) (ch.1).The Internationalization theories wall taken for important, (International trade theories, Foreign Investment theories). (ch.1)…. There are many motives for this Phenomenon which differentiates between political and economical motives, (ch.2). What forms of this Phenomenon, (ch.2), and determine the machine that organized the Internationalization. (ch.2)…. In last chapter, this phenomenon lead to many of effects, in political and economical sides, that taken about Egypt state. (ch.3)For that, what is the future of this Phenomenon? The researcher put three visions for the future, first, the Americanization, second, the transnational corporation, third, the international integration. (ch.3) …. Finally, A number of important conclusions emerge from our analysis of the (Internationalization Phenomenon).

المحددات السياسية والاقتصادية لسلوك الدولة في العالم الثالث : الدولة النفطية انموذجا == POLITICAL & ECONOMICAL LIMITATIONS ON BEHAVIOR OF THE STATE IN THE THIRD WORLD : OIL COUNTRIES AS SAMPLES

اسم المؤلف: سعد صالح عيسى علي الجبوري
اسم المشرف: وصال نجيب عارف العزاوي | علي كاظم المعموري
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2006
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: تتكون الاطروحة من مقدمة وفصل تمهيدي وثلاثة فصول اخرى لتغطي عنوان الاطروحة الذي هو : المحددات السياسية والاقتصادية لسلوك الدولة في الجنوب : الدول النفطية انموذجا ( السعودية ، فنزولا ، نيجيريا ) . وهي متوزعة على الشكل التالي : الفصل الاول : وجاء في ثلاث مباحث ، الاول ويتضمن الاطار النظري والتاريخي لنشوء الدولة في العالم ، حيث يتضمن تعريف الدولة مفهوما وخلفية تاريخية مع النظريات المفسرة لنشوء الدولة ، ونشاة الدولة في ظل الاستعمار ومفهوم الدولة في المدارس الفكرية المختلفة ، ومنها الفكر الغربي ، ولدى مفكري العالم الثالث والفكر العربي الاسلامي ومفكري عصر النهضة ، والفكر العربي المعاصر 0 في حين يتناول المبحث الثاني نشوء وتكون الدولة في عالم الجنوب من حيث خصائص الدولة حديثة السيادة والتكوين الاقتصادي والاجتماعي لدولة الجنوب وكيفية تكون الدولة في ظل علاقات السيطرة ( التبعية ) 0 اما المبحث الثالث فقد ذهب لبيان خصوصية الدولة في عالم الجنوب من حيث وظائف الدولة وخصائصها0 وياخذ الفصل الثاني في تحليل المحددات الفوقية ( الخارجية ) والتحتية ( الداخلية ) لسلوك الدولة في الجنوب ، حيث يتطرق للمحددات السياسية والاقتصادية والمجتمعية خارجيا وداخليا ، وانعكاس هذه المحددات على نمط سلوك الدولة في الجنوب 0 اما الفصل الثالث فياخذ منحا فكريا متضمنا اتجاها تحليليا للعوامل المحددة لطبيعة الدولة النفطية الريعية / نموذج الدولة في الجنوب ، وواقع وطبيعة الاقتصاديات الريعية من حيث البنى الاقتصادية والاجتماعية والسياسية لدولة الجنوب الريعية ، وعلاقة النفط والريع النفطي بالتنمية والتحديث واتجاهاتها في الجنوب ، واهمية النفط والريع النفطي وطبيعة السياسات المرتبطة به في هذه الدول على الصعيد الاجتماعي والاقتصادي والسياسي والاثار السلبية للريع النفطي 0 في حين خصص الفصل الرابع لعرض انماط السلوك السياسي والاقتصادي والمجتمعي لانموذجات مختارة من دول الريع النفطي ، فمن الدول النفطية الاسيوية تم اختيار ( المملكة العربية السعودية ) ، ومن افريقيا ( نايجيريا ) ومن امريكا اللاتينية ( فنزويلا ) ، اذ يتناول المبحث الاول السلوك السياسي بمؤثراته الخارجية والداخلية ، وفي المبحث الثاني السلوك المجتمعي ( الاجتماعي ) ، اما المبحث الثالث فيتناول السياسات الاقتصادية في دول الجنوب ( المالية والنقدية والانفاقية والاستثمارية وتوزيع الدخل ) ، وفي المبحث الرابع تتناول الرسالة تحليل لانماط السلوك السياسي والاقتصادي والمجتمعي لكل من العربية السعودية ، نايجيريا وفنزويلا ) ، من حيث امكانياتها المادية والبشرية والمالية والسياسات الاقتصادية والاجتماعية ودور الريع في هذه السياسات لهذه الدول 0 فيما جاءت خواتيم هذه الاطروحة بجملة من الاستنتاجات والتوصيات ، متبوعة بالمصادر العربية والانكليزية والملخص باللغة الانكليزية . | The thesis is entiteld “ Political and Economical limitations on behavior of the state in the third word : oil countries as samples ” The thesis is composed of an intrduction ,the more three introductory chapters and other three chapters . The researcher has hypothesized that the more as much you explain the impact of political , econimical , and social determiners with globalization towrds increase of its activity and its reactive impact on the behaviour of a state in the Third World , these states or countries will be margined more and its activity will decrease to the benefit of the international capitalistic system and globalization mechanism represented through the international organizations and multi - national companies through the study of Venezuela , Saudi Arabia and Nigeria and those countries under control compulsorily or optionally to globalization and internationalization and continuous exposition to regional enviromental challenges . The study aims at : 1. Defining the country in general in terms of its theoretical and historical foundation and its privacy in the Third World . 2. Country stereotypes and its concepts in the south countries and how to form a national country . 3. Self - independece of a country in the south and the traditional charactersitics of the contemporary country . 4. Revealing the role of globalization and other external factors and changes in the international environment and global balances and its impacts on the degree of the country development in the countries of the south in specfic . 5. Comprehension of variance in the attitudes of the Third World countries in general and countries of petroleum rent especially concerning changes in the economic world and growth of multi - national companies’ role over the role of national governments . 6. The impact of political , economic , and social limitations in the country conduct in the south countries in general and countries of petroleum rent in specific . The thesis consists of an introduction and an intrductory chapter and other three chapters . The chapters were were dealt with as follows : Chapter 1 consists of three sections ; first section includes the theoretical and historical frame of the foundation of the country in the world . It also includes definition of the country conceptually and a historcal background with the interpretive theories of the foundation of the country under occupation and the concept of country in the various cognitive schools , of them the Western thinking , and by the world thinkers and the arabic islamic thinking and renaissance period thinkers and the arabic contemporary thinking Section 2 deals with the foundation and creation of the country in the south having the characterstics of the modern country , and the economical and social creation of the southern country and how the country is created under control relations Section three deals with the privacy of the country in the south world in terms of the country and its traits in the south world Chapter 2 analyses the upper determiners (external) and lower (internal) of the country conduct in the south . It exposes the social , political , and economic dterminers internally and externally , and reflection of these determiners on the conduct sterotype of the country in the south . Chapter 3 analyzes the thinking frame and the determining factors to the nature of the petroleum rent state /sample of the country in the south . Also it shows the situation and the nature of petroleum rent economies in terms of the economic , social , and political infrastructures of the southern countries and the relation of petrol and the petroleum rent with development and modernization and their decisions towards the south . Also the importance of petrol and petroleum rent nature of the policies related to these countries socially , economically , and politically and the side effects of petroleum rent . Chapter 4 deals with the political , economic , and social conduct of samples chosen from the countries of petroleum rent (Saudi Arabia , Nigeria and Venezuela) . Section 1 deals with the political behavior with its impact externally and internally . Section 2 deals with the social conduct . While section three deals with the economic policies in the southern countries (financial , monetry , expenditure , investmental , and distribution of rent ) . Section 4 deals with an analysis of the political , economic , and social conduct of each of Saudi Arabia , Nigeria , Venezuela) in terms of their financial , human , monetry , political , economic , and social abilities and the role of petroleum rent in the policies of these countries . The final chapter of thethesis exposes the conclusions drawn , and recommendations supported by a number of statistical tables related to the topic .

علاقة المجتمع المدني بالنظام السياسي التاثير والتاثر : دراسة حالة مصر والاردن == The Relationship of Civil Society With the Political System Influence and Effect - Jordan and Egypt as Case in Study

اسم المؤلف: ســداد مــولــود ســبــع
اسم المشرف: وصال نجيب عارف العزاوي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2008
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: This study tackles a very important subject not for being the subject of debate and argument by the politicians and researchers , but it comes in period that witnesses an increasing calls and pressures for applying the democratic approach in ruling and these pressures come in time that many of the Third World countries submit to the despotic and dictatorial systems that raising democratic slogans without applying this approach .Here , to study the mechanism of modernization and developing these systems , We should study the role of civil society in these systems which represented by alleviating the burden thrown on the state through social , economic and cultural functions of these systems in addition to the political one .The study of the relationship of society with the political system , requires the search in the theoretical fram for main reason and that is development happened on the human science especially , political science . These developments led to the emergence of new concepts , some are disappeared and the other are developed and expanded which requires the study of these developments to understand the public frams of each concept and then apply it on the Arab situation and the study patterns . And this what we tried to do through studying the developments that happened on the political system . more over the rapid development of civil society in the western states and does it reach to our Arab societies .But , the existence of civil society in some our societies evoked an intellectual political debate for being one of the concepts that there is no agree on it's historical background in the Islamic political thought , and some definetly refuse it's existence not only in the Islamic Political thought , but also in the institutions of Arab contemporary state and they do assert that what is existing is traditional institutions took the form of civil society institutions in the west , but the indication is a mere traditional society that devotes the tribal fanatic and this clear in Jordan .This extremist opinion is considered denial of many efforts and activities of civil society institutions , because some could break the barrier of central despotisim of political system in order to explain his opinion and demands freely , as Egypt that has the pioneer role in this respect .The civil society characterized by effectiveness and motion which supported by great powers on purpose or non , these great powers promoted Egypt to appear in a nominal democracy not the real one , because they realize that the real democracy means the choice of Egypt society and this is appropriate with the regional Function of Egypt by the great powers .There is a fact hatcould not be deny that Egypt is considered institutions state , in spite of the domination of decision maker on the political life and puplic life in Egypt , and this domination is one of the problems of Arab states , Thus some systems justified it by using many means one of these is the belonging to the messenger of God ( pray and peace be upon him ) and this indeed what happened in the Jordanian political system which has a little freedom according freedom measurements . This political system a doped multiplicity as the Egyption … , but dealt with it cautiously and this matter left it . clear hard influence especially and civil society and the society generally on here the ability of civil society influence on the political system is very hard that we find some of it's indications in Egypt through its participation beside the government and private sector in commen development programs among the three seetors .After the explanation of this short brief about the subject significant , we must explain the structure of this subject which consisted of four chapter , introduction and conclusion .The first chapter tackles the conceptual fram of each civil and political society with all developments took place in this respect , more over studying the relationship between the two variables after the assumption that the strength and effectivness of the first political system is taken from the effectiveness of civil society ( second ) and revers is true .The second chapter studies the lawful , political , economic and social features through studying the accompanianed problematic of political parties action and the administration of head of state and king for the political process which reflected directly process whether in elections or through political process .While , the third chapter tackles of great interest the accompanianed problematic of concept using by enhance or limit concept borders and also the problematic of civil society existence in Egypt and Jordan but according to the Arab peculiarity and then the main characteristic of Egypt and Jordan .Where as , the fourth chapter tackles the influence of the political system on the civil society through affected the later by the first , but this will not abolish the influence of civil society on the political system , because of the need of political system for civil society or part of it's components to perform development programs and this is clear in Egypt . Finally , the conclusion represents a summary of the main ideas in this study and the conclusions that resulted from this study

الدور الاقتصادي والسياسي للعملة الاحتياطية : الدولار انموذجا == The economic and political role of the reserve currency - American’s dollar

اسم المؤلف: زينب سعد شمس الدين الشيشاني
اسم المشرف: هجير عدنان زكي امين
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2012
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: ان الاساس المؤثر في النظام النقدي الدولي هي العملة الاحتياطية او العملة القائدة كماهو متعارف عليه، وهي التي تعمل عمل المحرك لهذا النظام وان اي دولة قائمة على نظام اقتصادي مستقر قادرة بذلك على تحقيق النمو والاستقرار وبذلك هي تضمن علاقات تجارية مزدهرة مع دول اخرى، ذلك النظام الاقتصادي الذي بدوره يضمن توفير السيولة من خلال نظام المدفوعات الدولية والاشراف على تنظيم المعاملات الدولية، ومن المتعارف عليه ايضا حسب اراء بعض الادبيات الاقتصادية والنقدية ان العملة الاحتياطية هي عبارة عن عملة وطنية تقوم بوظائف النقود الدولية، ويدعمها اقتصاد قوي متنوع، وتؤهلها العديد من الميزات لتؤدي دور الوساطة في تسوية المدفوعات وسداد الديون، ولتكون ايضا وسيلة فعالة في تحقيق التسويات مما يؤهلها تلقائيا لتقوم بمهام النقد الدولي. ومن اجل ان تبقى هذه العملة محل ثقة واستخدام المجتمع الدولي، فمن المفروض ان تحقق توازن لمصالحها الوطنية والدولية في ان معا دون ان تاثر احداهما على الاخرى، ومع ان النظام النقدي قد انفصل بعض الشيء عن علاقته الوطنية، فاصبح التاثير الاكبر عليه ناتج عما يحدث في مجموع العلاقات الدولية، وان تفاوتت نسب تاثير الدول في تلك العلاقات. وتخضع العملة الاحتياطية الى العديد من التاثيرات، رافقتها منذ قدم تاريخها حتى يومنا هذا، فهي خاضعة لمؤثرات ناتجة من العوامل الاقتصادية والسياسية والقانونية والاجتماعية ترافقها في كل حقبة تاريخية، وبذلك نذكر ان النظام الدولي يعود الى جذور اوربية وتحديدا القرون الوسطى التي شهدت احتدادا للتنافس بين الكنيسة، المسيطر الروحي ذلك الوقت، وبين اصحاب الشان الرفيع لتاتي النتيجة لصالحهم، وبذلك يكون منتصف القرن التاسع عشر هو بداية انشاء الدول القومية في اوروبا. وبتتابع التطور التاريخي للنظام النقدي الدولي، وتحديدا بعد نظام بريتون وودز انتهى شكله الاخير باعتماد العملات الاحتياطية الرئيسة ياتي الدولار الامريكي بالدرجة الاولى على راس هذا العملات. ويحتم علينا القول بان نظام بريتون وودز مهد الطريق امام الدولار ليحتل مكانته كعملة احتياطية اولى ذلك عن طريق منحه امتياز خلق السيولة الدولية من خلال عجز ميزان المدفوعات الدولية، وهذا مايعنى بالامتياز الفائق او المفرط، وهو مصطلح اطلقه الفرنسيين عندما انتقدوا نظام النقد الدولي باعتماد الدولار كعملة دولية, لانه بذلك يعفي الولايات المتحدة الامريكية من العديد من الالتزامات تجاه الدول، ناهيك عن المكاسب الجمة التي تحصل عليها الولايات المتحدة الامريكية باعتبار عملتها عملة احتياطية دولية اولى. ان تمتع الولايات المتحدة الامريكية باقتصاد قوي وقوة نفوذ الدولار الامريكي سياسيا وعسكريا، وذلك كون عملتها عملة احتياطية اولى في العالم، قد منح الولايات المتحدة الامريكية امتيازات فائقة، ومن هذا المنطلق انتهجت الولايات المتحدة الامريكية منهجا خاصا في صنع سياستها الخارجية واقعة بذلك تحت تاثير جهات ضاغطة مثل اللوبيات والشركات متعددة الجنسية او الشركات العملاقة ومن اهمها شركات السلاح وشركات النفط. ان هذه الامتيازات التي تتمتع بها الولايات المتحدة الامريكية، والناتجة من كون عملتها عملة احتياطية اولى في العالم، ساهمت كثيرا في دعم القوة العسكرية الامريكية في سبيل تحقيق اهداف الامن القومي الامريكي، وتمثل ذلك في عسكرة الاقتصاد الامريكي على مدى اكثر من نصف قرن وتمويل الحروب بطرق متعددة، وان كانت الولايات المتحدة الامريكية تعاني من مشاكل اقتصادية لعل ابرزها العجز التجاري القائم في ميزان مدفوعاتها، وذلك نتيجة العديد من الاسباب منها الحروب المكلفة التي خاضت غمارها الولايات المتحدة الامريكية، ولعل ابرزها الحرب الامريكية على فيتنام والحرب الامريكية على العراق، وقد انعكست هذه المتغيرات على طبيعة وسياسة الادارة الامريكية الحالية التي تتبوا مركز القيادة والزعامة في العالم مما اعطى ملامح واضحة للدور السياسي للدولار الامريكي. | The growth and economic stability to any state does not take place only when the availability of the monetary system is capable of providing the necessary liquidity to the economy, monitoring and controlling the various indicators which reflect the economic performance. As well as the international level does not represent a booming trade and economic relations between States unless there is a monetary system including rules and mechanisms to stabilize the international monetary and provide liquidity to the international payments and supervising the organization of international transaction. Probably one of the main components of international liquidity is what is known conventionally currency reserves and the task of leading the international monetary system. Throughout the nineteenth - century and until the beginning of the First World War transactions States were according to the gold standard system, and its banknotes issued by central banks, it's used in state of gold, a cover 100%, The pound sterling, as well as gold, were treated at the international level, and ranks first among reserved currencies. That the power enjoyed by the pound sterling before the First World War was a reflection of the political and economic power and military encamping in that period and was practiced in the field of international trade. The dollar did not play any role at the international level in this period. Since the First World War began, and expanded the requirements of war efforts and military expenditures, it's went out, states began to issue massive amounts of paper money to equal the size of military expenditures, collapse the international monetary system of gold standard, and continued system of international monetary system suffers from many crises since the end of the First World War until the Second World War. The dollar at the beginning of the year 1945, it work began (the Convention on the Breton Woods) and it is covered with gold by 100%, and become the first currency reserved in the world, was awarded the international monetary system concession to U. S. A, and it is a possibility to create the international liquidity through the U.S.A balance of payments deficit. This is what we mean by the word exorbitant privilege. We discussed the associated political and economic side of what is known to privilege, a term reportedly at the France when it blames the adoption of the international monetary system, the dollar as an international currency and providing state - exporting to it, the U.S.A, a privilege exempting them from the real commitment to other countries. The fact that the U.S.A. dollar, supported by a strong economy with high productivity, control over global trade, access to foreign markets, the ability to increase exports, military power and political influence is clear, making it the first reserved currency in the world. The American dollar is supported by strong economics that has high productivity and controls on the world trade and has an access to the foreign markets and it is able to increase the exports , clear military power and political influence making it the first reserved currency in the world that currency which has political dimensions.The international reserved currency through the dollar experience assures the political effects and dimensions of that leading currency through the American foreign policy and demands of the American the national security before and after the events of Sep.2001 and it explains that the most effected sides of making the American foreign policy is the lobbies or the pressure groups and also the multinational companies or the giant companies .The most important ones are the weapons companies and oil companies. The economic momentum supporting the military power in achieving the goals of the American national security represents encamping the American economics more than half century and supporting the wars in multi ways ,the most important ones are taxes , Treasury bills that the American government presents ; the citizens and the foreign people that finances wars that it is engaged in that it suffers from the economic problems ,the most important ones is the deficit in the trading balance.The most prominent American wars that they have high economic and financial costs ,the American - Vietnam wars and the American war on Iraq and it reflects the variables on the nature of the current American administration and the policy of the United states that predicts the leading centre that it gives clear features for the political role of the international reserved currency - the American dollar as sample - that it deals with through the chapters of the research.The Framework of ResearchThis research is divided after the introduction into four chapters ,it deals with the variables concerning with that chapter ,the subject of the first chapter is a conceptual access dealing with the reserved currency in the international currency system through two researches, the first sections deals with the concept of the concept of reserved currency and its contents ,section two deals with the functional role of the reserved currency in the international currency system.Chapter two deals with the international reserved currency during the historical development and its current reality through three sections. Section One deals with the development of the international reserved currency ,section two deals with the dollar as an international reserved currency in the international reserved system and section three deals with the role of the other currencies in the current international system. Chapter three that discuses the economic role of the reserved currency(dollar as a sample)through three sections, section one deals with the financial sides for the economic dominance on the international level, section two deals with advantages and the arranged costs on the American national currency (dollar)as a tool in settling the debts and section three deals with the political economics of the international currency. Chapter four of the research studies the political role of the international reserved currency (dollar experience)through three sections, section one discusses the American foreign policy and interests of the national security and the partners that have an effect on the operation of the American decision making, section two the role of the economic momentum supporting the American military power, that power which is used for achieving the American political goals, the American military factorial community that the United States of America, section three studies the American military power and the most prominent wars of the United states of America and what has happened in the current American policy.

التنمية السياسية العربية بين الاصلاح السياسي ودعوة التغيير الخارجي == Arabian Political Development Between Political Reform & External Change invitation

اسم المؤلف: زيد عدنان محسن العكيلي
اسم المشرف: لبنان هاتف الشامي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2006
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: مع نهاية القرن العشرين واطلالة القرن الحادي والعشرين شهد العالم ولادة نظام دولي جديد ، اطلق بداياته بحرب الخليج الثانية التي قادتها الولايات المتحدة الامريكية في منطقة من اهم المناطق الاستراتيجية في العالم الا وهي منطقة الوطن العربي حيث شهدت هذه المنطقة حربا اقليمية التمسية ، دولية التاثير ، عالمية الابعاد ، لتعلن ميلاد حقبة دولية جديدة . تمتاز بهيمنة القطب الامريكي الذي اخذ يفرض مفاهيمه على العالم في اطار ظاهرة تحركها قوى المال والاعلام الا وهي " العولمة " واحيانا تستخدم القوة العسكرية لـ(مكافحة الارهاب ، الحد من اسلحة الدمارالشامل) هذه الظاهرة هي التي حملت شعارات الديمقراطية وحقوق الانسان والحريات العامة لتجعل منها معيارا للثواب والعقاب فمن يرفع هذه الشعارات وينفتح على النظام العالمي الجديد يحظى بالثواب ، ومن يعرض عن الديمقراطية وحقوق الانسان والحريات العامة يتعرض لخطر العقاب ، وبذلك وجدت الانظمة السياسية العربية نفسها امام عملية اصلاح ديمقراطي عالمية تقودها الولايات المتحدة مفروضة عليها من الخارج ، وهذه العملية العالمية انتخبت وانتقت مواقع ذات اهمية استراتيجية لتطل من خلالها على العالم . لذا فان الدول العربية امام عملية تغريب سياسي عالمي (الغربنة) من خلال فرض ايديولوجية الغرب الراسمالي ضمن موجة الديمقراطية التي جاءت كرد فعل للمتغيرات الدولية وقد سميت هذه المرحلة بـ(التحرر السياسي) ، لكن نتائج هذا التحول كانت قد اخذت شكل تناقضات شهدها العالم العربي ضمن هذه الايديولوجية المفروضة او الوافدة . اذ ليس بمقدور كل دول العالم النامي بصورة عامة والدول العربية بصورة خاصة ان تطبق هذه التجربة بمناى عن اي تخبطات او تعثرات ، لان بعض هذه الدول غير مهيا اساسا للاصلاح السياسي وبالتالي تنمية سياسية حقيقية ديمقراطية . اذ ان الشعارات والدعوات التي تطلق في ميدان حقوق الانسان والتعددية من قبل دعاة " النظام الدولي الجديد " ، لاتزال تخاطب مجتمعات - هشة - وتستغل الاوضاع المتردية لحقوق الانسان هذه ، لتدغدغ امال الشعوب والمجموعات والجماعات التي تعاني من القمع ، وتظهر وكانها هي المنقذ لها . كما ان الدعوات لملاحقة المسؤولين عن انتهاكات حقوق الانسان بصفتهم الفردية امام القضاء تمهد الطريق نفسيا لتقبل هذه الدعوات والترحيب بها والترويج لها واللجوء الى القوى الخارجية ، فاذا اظهرت الديمقراطية الليبرالية نظما غير متوائمة مع مصالح الغرب فليس هناك اي مانع من اجهاض هذه التجربة على الرغم من الشعارات التي ترفعها . لقد اصبح الفراغ الذي تعانيه المنطقة العربية بسبب غياب مشروع اصلاحي تنموي سياسي ديمقراطي يشكل فرصة سانحة للقوى الدولية التي تمتلك مصالح استراتيجية في المنطقة لتقديم مشاريع (اصلاحية) للانظمة التسلطية في المنطقة هذه الانظمة التي كانت تحظى في السابق بدعم نفس القوى التي بادرت لتقديم هذه المشاريع (الاصلاحية) . حيث ساد الاعتقاد ان الاخذ بالانظمة الراسية وهيمنة الحزب الواحد (الوحيد) سيقود الدول العربية الى الاستقرار السياسي على اساس ان التعددية قد تخلق حالة من الفوضى بسبب الصراع على السلطة بين الاحزاب ، ذلك فضلا عن ان نظام الحزب الواحد سيقود الى انجاز مهم هو بناء الوحدة الوطنية ، والنهوض باعباء تحقيق التنمية الشاملة ، التي تحتاج الى سلطة قوية لاتتوفر في الانظمة البرلمانية التعددية ، لان التعددية تعني الفرقة والتنافر ، فضلا عن كل ذلك فان نظام الحزب الواحد قد حقق واحدا من اهم اهدافه وهو ضمان الاستمرار للنخب السياسية الحاكمة دون مضايقات القوى المعارضة لها ، بهذه القناعة حكمت الانظمة السلطوية العربية ، حيث حظيت هذه الانظمة بدعم احد المعسكرين ابان الحرب العالمية الثانية لابقاء نظام سلطوي يقمع المعارضة ويحول دون انتقال الدولة الى منطقة نفوذ المعسكر الاخر . ولهذا فان المطالبة بالتنمية والاصلاح تقع في صلب المعركة من اجل الوطن الحر السيد الموحد . وهذا الهدف لايتحقق الا في ظل انظمة شرعية تكفل حقوق المواطنين وتحظى بدعمهم وتكسب ثقتهم التي تشكك في المشاريع الاصلاحية المقدمة من قبل الحكومات بسبب خبرتها معها . اذن الاصلاح السياسي الديمقراطي ضرورة يفرضها واقع المجتمع العربي في الوطن العربي ، لخلق حالة من الاستقرار والعدالة داخل هذا المجتمع الكبير الذي اصبحت تنطوي بين جنباته على متغيرات الرفض للانظمة السياسية القائمة والرغبة بالتغيير والاصلاح ، وهذه المتغيرات اذ لم يتم استيعابها في اطار عملية سلمية فانها ستولد انفجار تعجز الانظمة السياسية القائمة على استيعابه ، اذن لايمكن الخروج من الازمة التي تتعرض لها الانظمة السياسية العربية من دون وجود عملية اصلاح شاملة وحقيقية ، تاخذ في اعتباراتها التطورات الدولية ومواثيق حقوق الانسان ، هذا لان نجاح العملية الاصلاحية العربية يتطلب العودة الى الاصول من اجل هضمها وغربلتها واستخراج شيء جديد منها اصيل كاصالتها ، لا ان يعتمد الاصلاح على هوامش الفكر الغربي او يكتفي بالتراث فالاصلاح لايمكن ان يؤسس على هوامش او جزئيات . بل هو كل متفاعل بين معطيات التراث التي تشكل خصوصية المشروع ، والاعتبارات الدولية التي تنطوي على الحداثة ، حتى ينجح المشروع التنموي الاصلاحي فانه يتطلب اذن ثقافة سياسية جديدة تعمل على احلال النزعة النسبية في الوعي السياسي محل النزعة الشمولية ، وتحل التوافق والتراضي والتعاقد محل قواعد التسلط والاحتكار والالغاء . لايمكن لاي مشروع اصلاح سياسي ديمقراطي في الوطن العربي النجاح دون وجود مجتمع مدني نشيط وحيوي يسهم بفاعلية لبلورة مشروع اصلاح سياسي ديمقراطي يناسب خصوصية كل دولة ويستوعب القوى المجتمعية ، وادت حالة التردي التي تعتصر الكيانات العربية وتحايل الحكومات على مشاريع الاصلاح الفرصة لتدخل الاجنبي لاجراء التغيير بعدما فشلت الانظمة السياسية العربية بتغيير نفسها ، اذن الاصلاح امر ضروري وعاجل ، ينبع من داخل مجتمعاتنا ذاتها ويستجيب الى تطلعات الجماهير في بلورة مشروع شامل للاصلاح ، يضم الجوانب السياسية والاقتصادية والاجتماعية والثقافية...الخ ، فالديمقراطية ليست مؤسسات فقط وانما هي ثقافة سياسية وسياسات اقتصادية واجتماعية وثقافية ...الخ ، متفاعلة مع بعضها البعض ، اذن اي مشروع للاصلاح الديمقراطي في الشرق الاوسط حتى يكتب له النجاح لابد ان يميز الوطن العربي عن سواه ، بسبب الخصوصية التي تمتع بها الدول العربية بحيث يسمح المشروع الاصلاحي بالتعامل مع كل دولة على حده ، وينتظم في نسق عام مع القواسم العربية المشتركة الاخرى ، بينما يتيح لكل مجتمع عربي كي يدفع خطوات الاصلاح الخاصة به الى الامام ، ويفعل من الوجود العربي على الساحة الدولية والاقليمية ، ويبعده عن التقوقع والتمحورعلى الذات . | With the end of the 20th century and the outset of the 21st century, the world witnessed the birth of a new world order. It began with the 2nd Gulf War led by the United States of America (USA) in one of the most important strategic regions the world - the Arab Homeland. This Region witnessed a regional and afflictive war marked with international dimensions and impacts announcing the birth of a new international era. This era is branded with the domination of the American pole that started imposing its concepts on the world in the framework of a phenomenon driven by money and media, i.e.," globalization". Sometimes the military force is used for (fighting terrorism or banning the proliferation of the weapons of mass destruction). This phenomenon raised the slogans of democracy, human rights and general freedoms to be used as the criterion for reward and punishment. Those who adopt these slogans and welcome the new world order will be rewarded, and those who reject democracy, human rights and general freedoms will be punished. Therefore, the Arab political systems found themselves facing a world democratic reformation process led by the USA. This process selected strategically important locations to dominate from these locations on the world. Consequently, the Arab states are facing a westernization process through the imposition of the ideology of the capitalistic western world within the wave of democracy that came as a reaction fro the international changes. This stage is called as (political liberation). However, the results of this alteration took the form of contradictions witnessed by the Arab world within the incoming or imposed ideology. Generally, all the developing and Arab countries cannot implement this experiment without stumbling and floundering. That is because some of these countries are not prepared for political reformation and hence a real democratic and political development. The claims and slogans raised in the arena of human rights and pluralism by the heralds of the "new world order", still addressing - fragile - communities and utilizing the bad situation of human rights there to titillate the hopes of the oppressed peoples and groups. They want to look as their saviors. The calls for hunting down those who are responsible for the violations of human rights, in persons, before courts, pave the way psychologically to accept, welcome and promulgate for these calls and resort to the outside powers. So, if the liberal democracy generates systems that are not inline with western interests, then there is no obstacle to abort this experiment despite the slogans it may raise. The vacuity from which the Arab region suffers due to the absence of democratic, political, developmental and reforming project gives a an easy chance to the international powers that have strategic interests in the region to provide (reformation) projects for the dictatorship regimes in the region. In the past, these regimes were backed by same powers that took the initiative of the provision of such reformation projects. There has been a tenet saying that the adoption of hierarchical regimes and the hegemony of one party (the only one) will lead the Arab states to political stability. That was based on the idea that pluralism or (a multi - party - state system) could result in disorder originated from the dispute on authority between the parties. This is in addition to the belief that a single - party - state system will leads to a significant accomplishment, i.e., building the national unity and upholding the extensive development that needs a powerful authority which the multi - party parliamentary systems lack. This is because the multi - party system means disunity and discord. Aside from that, the single - party system has achieved one of its biggest aims - insuring the persistence of the political elites in power without being annoyed by their opposing powers. According to this belief the totalitarian Arab regimes ruled their peoples. These regimes were supported by one of the two camps during the 2nd World War for preserving a totalitarian regime that oppresses the opposition and stands against the transition of the state to the influence of the other camp. Therefore, the call for reformation and development lies at the heart of the battle for a unified, sovereign and free country. This goal cannot be achieved unless there are legal systems that guarantee the rights of the citizens and enjoys their support and credit which suspiciously regards the reformation projects offered by the governments due to their experiences with them. It became clear that the democratic political reformation is a necessity dictated by the nature of the Arab community in the Arab Homeland. And that is to create a state of stability and justice inside the big community which is folding and encompassing the new conditions of rejecting the existing political regimes and the desire for change and reformation. These new conditions or variables, if they were not contained in the framework of a peaceful process, it will generate an explosion which cannot be contained by the existing political systems. Therefore, there is no way out of the crisis which the Arab political regimes face now unless there is real and extensive reformation process that take into its consideration the international developments and the human rights charts. This is because the success of the Arab reformation process requires from us to go to the origins in order to comprehend and sift them to extract something as a new and genuine as it is. Reformation should not depend on the margins of the western thinking or be limited to heritage. It cannot be based on margins and partialities. Yet, it represents the interaction between the given facts of the heritage that formulates the features of the project on the one hand, and the international consideration branded with modernity. In order that the reformation and developmental project succeeds, it requires a new political culture that works on replacing the relativism whim in the political perception with the comprehensive whim. Similarly, harmony and accord replaces the rules of hegemony, monopoly and revocation. No democratic reformation project in the Arab Homeland can succeed unless there is an active civil society that contributes vitally in the building of a democratic political reformation project that fits the specialties of each country and contains the powers of its community. The deterioration that is pressing out the Arab entities and the deception organized by the governments against the reformation projects, gave the opportunity for the foreign intervention to carry out the changing process after the Arab political systems failed to change itself. Reformation therefore is a necessity in our communities and it responds to the expectations of the peoples for the building of an extensive reformation project. This project includes all the political, economic, social and cultural aspects. These aspects react with each other. Therefore, if there is any project for democratic reformation to be successful in the Middle East, it should differentiate the Arab Homeland from the other regions due to features which the Arab countries enjoy. Such a project should give the chance of treating each state alone. It should have a general order with the things that the Arab countries have in - common. It also give the chance for each Arab society to push forward its own reformation steps and invigorates the Arab presence both on the regional and international levels and keep it off from confinement and introversion

القوى الكبرى واعادة تشكيل النظام الدولي : دراسة في فرضيات الصعود والافول == Great Powers And Reforming International System A Study In The Assumptions Of Ascendancy And Decline

اسم المؤلف: علي بشار بكر اغوان
اسم المشرف: محمد ياس خضير
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2017
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: Constitute the rotation exponential relationship dimensions positive and negative between the international system over the different stages of the major powers in various manifestations, argumentative and extensive research and one of the main gates of understanding of international relations at the contemporary stage, this relationship has opened ample room for endoscopy and research in but the international system and major powers dramatically, impact, vulnerability and nutrition, nutrition reverse dual between the international system and major powers relationship has alternated according to each stage and this relationship is the main problem of the balance of power in several stages, and when he was urgently needed because of the international system is to be the foundation standard for classification of power arrogance in the world, we became our international system stable and clearly defined in terms of the formation of systemic in different structural dimensions, that the international system is established the concept of structural and quality of states and impose the rhythm of movement for many reasons, notably that the nature of the regime often imposes itself a great obligation for these forces because adopted for fear of imbalance or break up of certain international situation or threat to the status of this or that country. While it is possible that just the opposite is happening as they become the major powers in the zenith of its power is granted international system and give it structure and posed or change the balance, that is, the major powers here are the ruler and the clutch on the decision to change within the system and not vice versa.Of course, and as far as what the major powers and the international system and the issues of restructuring strategy and the required strategic supplies, it became clear manner that does not accept the argument that the concept of power and public and private as has changed helped broadly to re - read the beliefs of the strategic countries in terms of the ups and build self - mechanisms .Importance of the study : Centric importance of the study of it represents an attempt research earnest to form a new theory to explain how they can through the major powers arise strategic detail the destruction, they also offer hypotheses second supplement to the theory of looking at the mechanics of the fading of states and their tracks and provide detailed explanations of the forms of collapse and form, in the sense that the subject of major powers and reshape the international system based on the assumptions of ascent and decline, it represents an attempt to re - read international relations in general and major powers and the international system, in particular in the pot research focuses on the scientific methodology of the measurement, audit and observation and select the tracks.The problem of the study : The study generally runs from the two problems main ways : the first, which is problematic conceptual theory relating to the characterization of and what the big powers and the international system and the nature of the dialectical relationship rotating between the two, the second is problematic current major powers characterization and put it in its proper place according to the hypothesis of ascent and decline and the compatibility of all the power with these hypotheses.The dilemma conceptual first, since the study is trying through, and over the detective and three chapters, the first - the first, second and third - explain what the clash incident between the international system and major powers, as it is trying to study here and across this part of the dilemma that the disintegration of the complex Association about the presence of overlapping relationship is a clear path between the evolution of the international system on the one hand and major powers on the other hand, due to the complexity of the actors and their diversity and change the concept of power and its vocabulary, this relationship appears frequently as a rotational (ie, when they vibrate and weaken the international system, is restored and fed through strategic reaction of major powers on the form of finding a new strategic balance or maintain the strategic balance as and when it weakens the major powers, the system modifying itself in line with the size of the weakness incident to correspond to the requirements and elements of modernization that has occurred in the international environment and gives the stream additional to those strengths that have benefited from the decline in single actors function or polar strategic act also shall be either by maintaining a balance or modify it identifies with the size and manage change).While Applied dilemma second focuses on practical models of major powers and try to determine its position in the international system based on key assumptions that have been developed and adopted a basic criteria for the rise of the big powers and the eclipse, as it dealt with the last three chapters (IV, V and VI) the issue of the status of all power in the international system - models selected - based on the extent of approaching and distancing itself from the hypotheses that have been put forward both in terms of climb or, moreover study focuses in this part of the dilemma defines the shape of the future of the international order based on the data and the reality of the big powers. It is through this dilemma offers a number of central research questions that the study will try to answer them through the next research context, the most important of these questions are : 1. What is the fundamental nature of the relationship between the international system and major powers?2. How can identify the key ingredients that require their presence in the power of any wish to become a major international scope of the system?3. What are the main forms of balance known to international relations throughout history, the nation - state?4. Who are the actors function capable of control in the international system and restructuring?5. How can identify the entrances of change within the international system and who knows this change?6. What is the most important hypotheses that can be through to become a major force on the international scope of the system?7. How can identify the most important hypotheses decline that lead them to collapse?8. Do not slip United States a world power?9. Is Russia today is on its way toward building the same to you mean by itself as one of the poles of the future world again?10. Is China really able to replace the United States? And how?11. What is Japan's new site in the international system?12. What is the future of the international system in the light of data the rise and fall of great powers?Hypothesis of the study : Consistent with the dilemma that have been submitted and research questions that have been submitted and as well as the main hypotheses that have been adopted by the study systematically through the third quarter in an attempt to form a comprehensive theory, the study starts from the assumption president of that on the basis of (that there is a direct correlation "positive + negative" between the regime the one hand and major powers on the other hand. The more major powers more coherent and stronger the more you process the formation of the international system more discipline, and vice versa, the more the international system more solid whenever the major powers to maintain more balance and less likely to change. And branching out from this hypothesis President, two assumptions in two basic subgroups : The first hypothesis : Whenever any major international force backed away from its position, as it was an opportunity to push a new force to fill the vacuum, and this is a dialectical ascent and decline.The second hypothesis : Whenever a major international force backed away from its position as it was an opportunity to reshape the international system according to the new balance of power. This is the dialectical relationship between the international system and major powers.Curricula : The study used the six - round main chapters range of approaches that are used in scientific research on the scope of political science were as follows : 1. The historical approach, which sought the study through used to display the most prominent of the relevant idea of historical experiences and the subject that the researcher wants to clarify, this has been the approach one of the main approaches that have been through it to identify the mechanisms of the fading of the major powers and the conclusion of which many hypotheses have been one of the most important pillars of the study at various stages.2. Analytical Approach : The study used the analytical approach to the study of various plants for several purposes, the most important cases of the dismantling and re - installed in accordance with the main theme of her service, and the support of the conclusions of this approach is based on the basis of scrutiny of reality and studied extensively studied through strategic insight.3. Approach the international system Analysis : It is one of the most major and modern approaches that study sought to focus on it through international structural analysis and situations experienced by the international system and the dismantling of his limbs and its impact, the study was able bumpy this approach to reach many conclusions based on what provided by this approach of the mechanics to understand the phenomenon and absorbed significantly.4. Approach to measure the strength of nations : one of the most important approaches and, most recently that for its research tools have enabled the study to identify the most prominent features of the strength and the weakness of the major powers and greatly helped to explain many of the phenomena and dismantled as it should.5. Future Approach : It is one of the most important methods you used for the purposes of study, the most important of several identifying features scenes of the future of the international system according to the scene forward - looking unconditional. Structural study : As well as the introduction to the study and details and the conclusion and findings, the study contained two doors presidents by six central chapters, the first section by three chapters titled (conceptual framework and theoretical), while Part II came with three other chapters supplement entitled (Applied and future frame).Ensure that the first chapter of the study, which came under the title (the major powers and the international system), the two main two sections (Section I : what the major powers and the international system) while the second part, titled (forms of power in the international system balance).On the other hand Chapter II of the study, which was titled contained (actors in international relations and the entrances to change) on two sections two main (Section I : actors function traditional and new actors function of non - State actors in international relations), while the second section under the title (the entrances to the change in the system international).Also a third chapter of the study, which was titled (hypotheses rise and fall of great powers) of the two main two sections (Section I : hypotheses rise of major powers) while the second part, titled (hypotheses fading major powers).Chapter IV of the study contains two sections and two presidents, who came under the title (the major powers "core" and measuring hypotheses ascent and decline), was the first topic title (the United States) while the second section title (Russian Federation).On the other hand, Chapter V of the study complements the above by two sections presidents under the title of president of the chapter came a (major powers "emerging" and measuring hypotheses ascent and decline), was the first section of the chapter entitled (China), while the second part, titled (Japan) .

النخبة السياسية في العراق 1958 - 2014 : دراسة في التوجيهات والاهداف == The political elites that ruled Iraq (1958 - 2014) studies in trends and goals

اسم المؤلف: سعدي ابراهيم حسين
اسم المشرف: ليث عبد الحسن جواد الزبيدي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2015
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The present dissertation consists of four chapters preceeded by an introduction and followed by a conclusion . It sets out from questioning and if the political elites henceforth (P.Es) successivly ruled Iraq for the period (1958 - 2014) are and the same trends and gools ?The dissertation replies This inquiry by hypothesising that the (P.Es) successively ruled Iraq vary in their trends and goals , as each has its own ones . The trends and goals mainle of (P.E) ruled for (1958 - 1963) concentrated on constructing Iraqi state . The (P.E) of (1963 - 2003) was of Arabic national trends and goals . As for the (P.E) came to power in Iraq after 2003 , they are of no clear trends and goals , considering their different national , religions and sectarian trends and goals .To verity of valility of this Aypothesis , Ch1 studies the (P.E) ruled Iraq (1958 - 1963) . Ch2 studies the (P.E) ruled for the period (1963 - 1968) . Ch3 studies the (P.E) ruled Iraq (1968 - 2003) . while Che4 concerns the study for the (P.E) ruled since 2003 till 2014 .The disser tation has come to the following conclusions : First : - the ruling(P.E) of (1958 - 2003) are of persons mostly come from military establishment , with an important exceptions when these elites by headed by civil leaders , as the case with the political (Abdulrhman Al - Bazaz) who became prime minster , and the former Iraqi president (Saddam Hussein) came to power in 1979 as a president. the later , in spite driving himself to the military establish meant by seizing the biggest military rank , he still being actually a civilian .Second : - The (P.E) ruled Iraq before 2003 depended on their own capacities to take the power by making revolutions coups . While the (P.E) came to power after 2003 till the time of concluding this dissertation , depended on external factor represented by USA support to expel the previous (P.E) and substitute it by recent (P.Es) .Third : - The (P.Es) ruled Iraq all over the period specified for the purpose of the present study didn't succeed to a achieve their trends and goals , moreover , they encountered by internal obstacles and the (P.Es) themselves , as well as home and external (regional and international) obstacles .So , we could say the trends and goals that helped (P.Es) to take power , were at the same time reasons behind losing the power , especially before 2003 .After 2003 , the (P.Es) national and sectarian trends and goals were negative factors led rulling system specially and the whole country in general to many economical , political and security problem and crises . the most prominent one is the national and communal political share in rulling Iraq .Finally , the dissertation comes to a list and suggestion , including : - 1 - concerning the future (P.Es) trends and goals it is suggested that the new (P.E) have to adopt popular national trends and goals of all Iraqi people suitable for Iraqi situation , which promots and at the same time supported by the a general unified national identity . the best possible suggested strategy to achieve this to follow the steps and rebuilt state resemble that and ancient Iraqi empires since it unified all Iraqi nation under their title , as no Iraqi Arabs , Kurds and other could deny his Hondo our to be belong to those civilizations .So , we could keep Iraq away from the risk of national and sectarian trends and goals .2 - concerning the mechanism to take the power : - The study suggests that the peaceful exchang of power is that best way must be adapted by the future(P.E) as it is founded by USA in Iraq after 2003, and they must leave the second alternative , i.e the violence to take the power which was the only way the past since 1958 .3 - concerning the political performance , the study concentrates the necessity of correspondence between trends and goals on one hand , and the (P.Es) , performance on the other hand . this could be achieved by adopting reviewing trends and goals periodically by the (P.Es) and reforming these trends and goals to be realistic of applicable within a reasonable and useful period for Iraqi people , not imaginary and Uri realistic like establishing national state , while the existed Arab countries are under the risk of partioning one after one . Neither trying to establish a communal (sinni or Shiite) state while Iraq realy consists of more than one religion or sect .

اثـر ادارة نـظام الابـداع الـوطنـي فـي استراتيجية التكيف والسيطرة : دراسة نموذج العراق

اسم المؤلف: محمد مصطفى جمعة السعدون
اسم المشرف: سرمد زكي الجادر | مازن اسماعيل الرمضاني
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2006
الموضوع الدقيق: الدراسات الاستراتيجية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:

القيادة واثرها في الاداء الاستراتيجي التركي الشرق الاوسط انموذجا == Leadership and its Impact on the Turkish Strategic Performance Middle East as a Model

اسم المؤلف: محمد عبد الله راضي
اسم المشرف: باقر جواد كاظم السوداني
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الموضوع الدقيق: الدراسات الاستراتيجية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The study addressed the issue of leadership, as one of the important topics in the field of political science, and in strategic studies. Political leaders are to give countries a regional or global status.The political leadership in the country, define the objectives, means of implementation, determine the power and weaknesses of the state, and monitoring the opportunities and difficulties, in the internal and external environment.Turkey, since 2002, witnessed the presence of a leadership with Islamic content, able to convey Turkey than doubled phase to phase power. And headed Turkey, under the control of the Islamists, to pay attention to the Middle East, as a strategic area.The Middle East, as a geographic area, includes : Egypt, Israel, and the Arab Gulf States, Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, Palestine, Iraq, Turkey, and Iran. And some of them add : Pakistan, Afghanistan, Arab Maghreb countries, and Sudan.Turkey lies in the Middle East, and during the period between 1923 - 2002, went secular, aiming to join Europe, and have been associated with NATO and the United States, ignoring its relations with the Middle East.The Islamists after taking power in Turkey, gave their attention to the Middle East, which was considered a pivotal area, to perform as a strategic actor.The study aims to : find a relationship between the role of Islamists leadership and the performance of Turkey in the Middle East. Within the period 2002 - 2020.And that raised the issue of the relationship between : the leadership of the Islamists, and Turkey's role in the Middle East, an important question : Is the effectiveness of the Turkish strategy, during the period 2002 - 2015, in the Middle East, linked to the presence of Islamists in power?The answer, verified the existence of a relationship between two variables. Turkey and the shift towards secular parties will push Turkey towards : a little get away from the Middle EastThe study was divided into three chapters, an introduction and a conclusion : 1. First chapter : (Turkish leadership and strategic perception of the Middle East), and it has to answer the question : How Islamists consider Turkey's role in the Middle East?And address this issue in two paragraphs, first : the theoretical framework for leadership, the relationship between leadership and strategic performance, and leadership connection with the strategic decision making in Turkey, and second : Turkish strategic perception of the Middle East from the aspects of political, security, economic and civilization importance.2. Second chapter (Turkish leadership and strategy in the Middle East). It has to answer the question : What is Turkey's strategic orientation towards the Middle East, and what is the content of the strategic performance?And it headed the study, in dealing with this subject, through three paragraphs : first, focused on variables effect Turkey's strategic performance in the Middle East. And second, it focused on the strategic orientation of the Turkish in the Middle East. And third, the history of Turkish strategic performance since World War II.3. Third chapter (Leadership and the future of strategic performance in the Middle East), and has to answer the question : Will the Islamists continue in the leadership of Turkey till 2023? And whether changes will happen in Turkey's strategy in the Middle East?And it headed the study, in dealing with this subject, through two paragraphs, first : the expected changes, in leadership, during the period between 2015 - 2020, inside Turkey, and second what changes is expected on the Turkish strategic performance, in the Middle East according to changes in leadership

السياسة الامنية الامريكية تجاه النظام الاقليمي في الشرق الاوسط بعد احداث 11 ايلول 2001 == United States Security Policy Toward The Regional Order In The Middle East After The Events Of September 11, 2001

اسم المؤلف: ظفر عبد مطر التميمي
اسم المشرف: سمير جسام راضي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2013
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: تعد السياسة الامريكية الخارجية بجانبها السياسي الامني من اهم المفردات التي تشكل احدى ادوات محور البناء والتغيير في منطقة الشرق الاوسط الموسع، وما يليها من مناطق مجاورة ، وذلك بعد انتهاء مرحلة الحرب الباردة، وتغير مراكز القوة العالمية، خاصة مع تصاعد مفاهيم مثل النظام الاقليمي، والاقليمية الجديدة، والامن الاقليمي والتي قد تبرز لتحل محل التعددية القطبية العالمية او على الاقل ستغير من مفهوم الهيمنة الامريكية على النظام العالمي الجديد. ولان القرن الحادي والعشرين بدا امريكيا بامتياز، فان الادارة الامريكية تحاول جاهدة فرض الصبغة الامريكية على هذا القرن حتى نهايته، او على الاقل حتى بداية ضعف الدولة الامريكية. ان منطقة الشرق الاوسط الموسع تمثل حالة من الوفرة في الموارد الطبيعية والديموغرافية فمن المؤكد انها ستمثل حالة من الوفرة ايضا في الخطط الامريكية التي ستؤدي الى تغيير المنطقة وفقا لتطلعات الادارة الامريكية وحلفائها، وبذلك تتناسب منطقة الشرق الاوسط الموسع مع التناغم الحاصل بين فوضى التغيير والنظام الاقليمي الجديد، والتي تمثل افضل السبل لجعل هذه المنطقة المشتعلة دوما باتون الحروب والصراعات اكثر ميلا نحو الاستقرار والسكينة وان تكلف ذلك مددا زمنية ليست بالقليلة او الهينة. وبالتالي فالادارة الامريكية امامها فرصة كبيرة في اعادة خلق المنطقة على وفق تخطيط استراتيجي اداري ناجح يتسم بصيغة المشاركة مع دول منطقة الشرق الاوسط الموسع والسماح بخلق محاور اقليمية جديدة تعتمد على تطوير نظامها الامني وربطه بالسياسة الامنية الامريكية والتي تفسح المجال امام القوة الذكية الامريكية لتؤسس مدارس فكرية جديدة غير بعيدة عن التوجه العسكري الامريكي ولا قريبة من التنازلات الخطيرة التي قد تغير من موازين القوى العالمية . | The American foreign policy is marked with political security one of the most important items that constitute one of the tools of axis construction and change in the broader Middle East, and its next neighboring regions, after the end of the Cold War era, and change centres of global power, especially with the escalation of concepts such as regional system, regional new, and regional security that may emerge to replace the multi - polar world, or at least will change the concept of American hegemony on the new world order , because the twenty - first century the start of U.S. par excellence, the U.S. administration is trying hard to impose American character to the end of this century, or at least until the beginning of the weakness of the American state.The broader Middle East region represents a state of abundance in natural resources, demographic. It certainly will be a case of abundance also in U.S. plans that will lead to change the region in accordance with the aspirations of the U.S. administration and its allies, and thus fit the broader of the Middle East with harmony happening between chaos of change and new regional order, which represents the best way to make this region a flaming always patron wars and conflicts are more inclined towards stability and tranquility and cost periods of time is not uncommon or soft. Thus American administration before a great opportunity to re - create the region according to a strategic planning successful management characterized format engagement with the countries of the Broader Middle East and allow the creation of regional hubs new depends on the development of its security system and link security policy of America, which gave way to smart power American establish schools of thought new non - far from the U.S. military approach does not close serious concessions that may change the global balance of power .

معوقات التنمية الشاملة فـي عـراق ما بعد التغيير السـياسي : دراسة في اثر عدم الاستقرار السياسي

اسم المؤلف: جواد كاظم كطان الشمري
اسم المشرف: صالح عباس الطائي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: Development in Iraq were problematic for the President of the successive regimes in spite of the differing motives and justifications have adopted a system in which to proceed, under the former regime was one of development solutions for the political legitimacy required to continue in power, and this is a natural fact that the Development Gateway always explains that contribute in giving some of the legitimate authority in the event it was not in accordance with the generally accepted elements of legitimacy and the most important of which voters choose voluntarily to the ruling authority, for this reason that the former regime began to implement major development during the Sbiniat of the last century is the first decade of the years of his reign, however, that poor Management Authority and the absence of democratic choice and the transformation of the ruling establishment to the individual institution has led to a decline in levels of development, after this process has gradually ceased during the years of the Iraq war - Iran and the subsequent drop in the continuation of the performance of the Iraqi economy by international sanctions imposed by the end of 1990 to show This decline in levels of development through a number of indicators including : deterioration of the Iraqi dinar, a decline in the average annual per capita income and therefore a sharp decline in the gross national product of the state, a gradual increase in the rates of unemployment and the high proportion of the total and starved of manpower, all of which had a bitter reflections indicators of human development, which is a component of overall development, as has the proportion who are literate (Literacy) and a decrease in the average life expectancy and this is what the Twcrh periodic reports of the United Nations and in particular its development program. With the political change that took place in 2003 an international resolution entered a critical juncture of development and perhaps even worse than previous years, if the former regime had been used based on the economic development of the oil wealth to solve the problems of input legitimacy, it is lost under the new system was of course the question of legitimacy with the adoption option the political process as a means of managing power in the country reduced to the question of development in the context of the provision of public services did not take place in this new political climate as a priority after Zahmtha other issues dominated the scene, despite the stated intentions of both the U.S. administration, which came to rule Iraq for about year or by the successive governments have been promising the reconstruction of Iraq and bring about comprehensive development in accordance with an international program along the lines of historical precedents of the heritage inspired by Japanese and German experiences, however, that the events that followed the political change and the reality of this project was postponed because of the continued deterioration of the situation of security and the rise of political conflicts potential between the parties to the political process and turned out to be a sectarian tensions so that the issue of development is not included in the government program, or it turned out to be just one small service delivery policies of local councils, in the sense that the latest development as planned according to a certain extent of time for a change in the social and economic realities as one of the central policies of the State Supreme ignored for the benefit of priority of security that drained a large part of the state budget in previous years remained in the funds allocated for development in the budget is weak and did not meet the real needs. It was the lack of political stability in Iraq is not in the greatest impact of causing FP stop the development process but also the decline of instability Fmkrjat, which were represented in the absence of consensus on government policy and the transformation of the sectarian tension to a civil war which lasted more than a year led to the spread of administrative corruption in state institutions because of poor oversight and accountability mechanisms result concerns the problem of security, which has become the obsession of both the state and the citizen, which in turn has led to disruption of the majority of reconstruction projects, as well as the flight of national capital to markets abroad in search of a more secure, without forgetting that Iraq's transition to a sustainable environment for the violence to make of foreign investment, both in its direct or indirect is not contained at all. On this basis, the security requirement is most urgent is the need for (for the citizen - the voter) and the legitimacy of the government is subject to its ability to provide a more secure environment which reveals a change in political behavior is the re - ordering of priorities in the collective mind on the basis of the prevailing circumstances so that it is to live in completion of a more secure environment proves the legitimacy of authority, and perhaps this new hierarchy of priorities in the collective mind has provided more space for corruption to become the administrative status of the membership of the inherent structure of the Iraqi state, have contributed significantly to the failure of development plans, on the basis of the fact that the conditions are intended to set priorities , development will become a political demand of voters where there is a safe environment so as to become synonymous with the legitimacy of their authority in the implementation of this requirement.

الحكم العالمي في دراسة العلاقات الدولية بعد الحرب الباردة == Global Governance In The Study Of International Relations Post Cold War Era

اسم المؤلف: اياد هلال حسين الكنانـي
اسم المشرف: قاسم محمد عبد علي الدليمي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: For a long time, governance was a syndrome of state sovereignty; the authority of governing all aspects of life in the frame of its regional existence. Its continuous pursue is that all remains under full control, in addition to its refusal to any foreign interference. Therefore the concept of a sovereign nation - state stood as an obstacle facing the process of dividing the authority of the state or even thinking of adopting any role opposite to that of its own. At the same time reality proves that no local or international tools have been developed in order to limit or hinder the power or authority of the nation - state. In that light there hasn't been a significant differentiation between the terms government and governance in the context of social sciences; governance never reached beyond the action of governmental institutions in a certain state. Both terms have been interchangeably used in their meaning and indication when dealing within the frame of nation state authority. This comprehension reflected on the subject of governance in international relations; studies appeared to attenuate centralized governance on international relations in order to reach peace, justice, no war, and organizing international affairs in the same manner of exercising them from inside the state; a vision that ultimately led to suggesting ideal theorists the concept of global governance in its different features.As globalization grows, it becomes more difficult for a state to exercise unlimited domination or produce an absolute social module that could be followed and scrutinized in an authoritarian way on its own and or territory. This kind of control has become totally unpractical. No matter how many institutions a state could build or laws it can legislate, it still remains short of imposing full control on its own lands. This crisis that hit the sovereign country accompanied the reality of governance sharing by other states. These out comers take part in setting standards and building basics and sometimes they might compete and triumph over the mother state itself. What was said represents the local level, and when speaking on the global level, globalization induced other forms of governance and authorities in the field of world policy, including the horizontal and vertical interactions ; sub state, supra state , and trans state, also including organizational initiatives presented by market institutions and the campaigns held by the international social movements. There is a focus on breaking the limits of a single state and heading towards a globalized governance system because of the narrow angle that conventional itself in when compared to a globalized system that enjoys trans - border reactions and exchange that seem to need more than a state's regulations to be controlled. At the same time many issues and problems came to surface that require international intervention. Awareness has also been raised concerning global threats that demand international action. Therefore the dominance of the nation state is gradually transforming towards to (post - national sovereignty) since it is losing its capacity to withhold its public affairs on both the local and international level. In addition to different sides emerging and taking a vital role in what was strictly in the hands of the nation - state alone. Representatives of nation - states today are obliged to be partners when exercising authority, with international organizations, multinational corps, and trans - national political and social organizations or movements in addition that those sides have a rising role in crystallizing interior affairs. This picture led to the demise of the main sign of conventional sovereignty in the past : borders and territory capture. In the light of what was mentioned above, researchers in the field of international relations, especially after the cold war, started the pursue to define modules other than that of a nation - state, as an alternative system. They developed their ideas and theories concerning global governance, and considering it the new analytical concept that describes world politics and power being spread and divided upon global level. Moreover, some researchers considered this a theoretical alternative for international relations perspectives.From this point, it becomes clear, why research in global governance is such an important issue. Since it is the theoretical alternative that could explain the breaking of states' power and how it spreads along different levels. Instead of the conviction that the nation - state reached its end socially and politically, and the retreat of its power, and the opinions that support the transformation of the state's powers and their direction towards a unified hierarchical structure (world government), theorists found a middle position between the chaotic demise of the nation - state and the central grip of the global government, by being more realistic and to the ground. They headed towards the global system that depends on different participating sides in managing state affairs. In addition to the importance of studying global governance by presenting explanations that apply to the global changes. Conventional analysis proved to be short from interpreting those changes in a realistic manner.
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