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ارتباط التغايرات الوراثية لجينات نظام الدوبامين مع السلوك الاجرامي العنيف للسجناء العراقيين Association of Dopaminergic System Genes Polymorphisms with Violent Criminal Behavior in Iraqi Prisoners

اسم المؤلف: سهاد رضا متعب الطائي
اسم المشرف: محمد عبد الله جبر جاسم
الموضوع العام: علوم الحياة
السنة: 2016
الموضوع الدقيق: علوم الحياة
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: الانكليزية
مكان الجامعة: بابل
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The violent criminal behavior is emerged from the interaction between several genetics and environmental factors. The present study reflect the role of polymorphisms in dopaminergic system genes (drd2 ,comt ,dat1 ,drd4, and maoa) on violent criminal behavior in Iraqi prisoners.This research was a case - control study , blood samples were collected from 200 prisoners (case group) who convicted with terrorism (150 sample), murder (30 sample) and drug trading (20 sample) Issues selected from Al - Hilla reformist central prison for men and women in Babylon city and from position and deporting division in Karbala .This sample included (160 male and 40 female). Additionally, 100 sample were collected as control group included (54 male and 46 female).DNA was extracted and the polymorphisms analysis achieved by Restriction Fragment Length Polymorphism (RFLP - PCR) for drd2 and comt genes ,while the dat1 ,drd4 and maoa polymorphisms was analyzed by Polymerase Chain Reaction (PCR).All polymorphisms (except drd4) were subjected to PCR - sequencing for confirming the presence of polymorphisms .The results showed that the percentage of the case group was 34.5 % with an age ranged between 20 - 39 years ,most of them were male 80% ,72.5% were married ,77.5% were from rural area ,84% were self - employed and 41.5% were illiterate .Genetic analysis of drd2 TaqIA polymorphism demonstrated that a significant increase in the genotype frequency of A1/A1 was observed in case group (p = 0.03; OR= 4.93 ; 95% CI=1.08 - 22.5) and the A1 allele frequency was significantly associated with criminal behavior (p=0.03 ;OR=1.51; 95% CI=1.04 - 2.21).The comt (Val 158 Met) polymorphism revealed that the homo - mutant genotype A/A had significant higher risk of criminal behavior (p= 0.001 ;OR= 3.98 ; 95% CI= 1.7 - 9.3) when compared with control group. and the A allele(met allele) frequency was significantly associated with case group (p=0.003; OR= 1.68; 95%CI= 1.19 - 2.37).On the other hand , the analysis of VNTR polymorphism in dat1 gene showed non - significant difference in 9/9 genotype and 9R allele frequency between the study groups (p>0.05).The VNTR polymorphism analysis for drd4 gene revealed that the criminal individual who carried 7/4 genotype was significant higher than in control group (p=0.03;OR= 2.6, 95%CI= 1.09 - 6.17), and the 7R allele frequency was significantly associated with case group (p=0.04;OR=2.06; 95%CI= 1.04 - 4.1).Finally, the maoa VNTR polymorphism was analyzed in male and female separately due to the gene location on X - chromosome .The results demonstrated that there was non - significant difference observed between all genotypes and alleles frequencies between case and control male (p> 0.05),whereas in female a significant association in 3.5/3.5 and 5.5/4.5 genotypes (p<0.01) ,additionally the 3.5 R alleles was associated with higher risk of violent criminal behavior in female (p= 0.004;OR=2.62; 95%CI=1.36 - 5.05).These results suggested that the drd2 ,comt ,drd4 and maoa in female polymorphism might increase the susceptibility of individual to engage in to crimes in the presence of certain environment risk factors.

توصيف المركبات الفعالة في نبات الشويل Cressa cretica L. وتاثيرها في الفطريات المعزولة من التهاب الاذن الخارجية Characterization of bioactive compounds in Cressa cretica L. and their effect on fungal otomycosis

اسم المؤلف: اسيل محمد عمران الطائي
اسم المشرف: نداء عدنان ابو سراج ابتهال معز الحسيني
الموضوع العام: علوم الحياة
السنة: 2017
الموضوع الدقيق: النبات
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: الانكليزية
مكان الجامعة: بابل
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: This study aimed to investigate the phytochemical components and antifungal activity of Cressa cretica L. using Gas chromatography - Mass spectrum (GC - MS) and Fourier transform infrared spectrophotometer (FTIR) techniques in addition to the characterization ( morphological and molecular) of fungal ear infection (otomycosis) and evaluate the antifungal activity (in vitro) of the C. cretica bioactive extracts. The secondary metabolites analysis of C.cretica extracts revealed the presence of phenols, alkaloids, terpenes, flavonoids, glycosides and tannins. The results of GC - MS reported 112 chemical compounds (30 in flowers, 34 in leaves, 23 in stems and 25 in roots). The results of the FTIR confirmed the presence of large numbers of functional groups in each part of the plant and these functional groups which varied according to the solvent type. More of these functional groups were alcohols, phenols, alkanes, alkyl halides, aldehydes, carboxylic acids, aromatics, nitro compounds and amines. The results were designed according to factorial experiments with complete randominal designed. Clinical diagnosis of otomycosis fungi revealed that there are 126 positive casesout of 185 cases included the filamentous fungi Aspergillus niger, A. flavus, A. terreuss, Penicilleum digitatium, either yeasts have included Candida parapsilosis, C. albicans, C. glabrata , C. Krusie. The percentage of Candida was 53.63% while the percentage of filamentous fungi was 46.36%, males was more infected than females, the age group 11 - 20 years old appear more affected than other age groups (19.8%), while the age group 31 - 40 years old and those who are older than 61 years were the least affected. Antifungal activity of C. cretica extracts revealed that each species of Candida had been affected by a part more than others, as well as a certain type of solvents, as follow : C. Parapsilosis largely affected by flowers extract when solvent hexane was used (the diameter of inhibition zone was 10.33 mm) at the concentration of 50%, while the C. albicans was most affected by whole plant when used ethyl acetate solvent (the diameter of inhibition zone was 10.92 mm). Stems extract by using hexane solvent was the most inhibitory growth effect on C. glabrata (the diameter of inhibition zone was 10.8 mm), while the roots extract by using methanol solvent showed largest inhibition on C. krusie growth (the diameter of inhibition zone was 8.56 mm). Minimum inhibitory concentration (MIC) reached to 25% on C. glabrata and C. krusie when using hexane stems extract and methanol roots extract respectively, while C. parapsilosis and C. albicans had reached the minimum inhibitory concentration to 30% when using hexane flowers extract and ethyl acetate whole plant extract.The results revealed that the alkaloids extract are the most effect against all species of Candida under study, the inhibition zone for C. parapsilosis was 4 mm diameters and 3.6 mm for C. albicans , 3.2 mm for C.glabrata and 5.2mm for C. krusie, followed by phenols extracts and terpens with the exception of C. albicans since terpenes extract had been more affected than phenols extracted, and this effect was increased with increasing the concentration of extract. When the C. cretica compared with the antifungal (Fluconazole) the results showed that the effect of extracts had greater inhibitory effect against otomycosis fungi, where the greatest impact of fluconazole was 8.23 mm at concentration 50% in the treatment of C. glabrata, and had the little inhibitory effect on the growth of C. krusie where the diameter of inhibition zone was 0.53 mm at the concentration 50%, and that the inhibitory effect increases with increasing concentration, while roots alkaloids gave inhibitory effect reached to 5.2 mm on C. krusie .

التغييرات الفسيولوجية والبايوكيميائية لنبات عين البزون باستخدام حامض الساليسليك خارج الجسم In Vitro Physiological and Biochemical Changes of Catharanthus roseus Using Salicylic Acid Under Salinity Stresse.

اسم المؤلف: هديل عامر كاظم
اسم المشرف: بشير عبد الحمزة محمد العلواني
الموضوع العام: علوم الحياة
الموضوع الدقيق: النبات
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بابل
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: اجريت التجارب في مختبرات كلية العلوم في جامعة بابل ,خلال الفترة 2015 - 2016 ,لتقدير كمية منتجات الايض الثانوي(المركبات القلويدية : الفنكرستين والفنبلاستين)من اوراق وكالس نبات عين البزون Catharanthus roseus. تضمنت الدراسة تعقيم الاوراق وزراعتها في وسط الـ MSمضافا اليه منظمات النمو النباتية : (1 mg.l - 1) من كل من 2,4 - dichlorophenoxi acetic acid (2,4 - D) وBenzyl adenine (BA) من اجل تحفيز الكالس. بعدها اخذت كمية مماثلة من الكالس وزرعت في وسط الـ MS مع منظمات النمو ومضافا اليه تراكيز مختلفة من ملح الـ, 6, 9, 12 and 15 dS.m - 1 NaClوتراكيز مختلفة من حامض الساليسلك50,100,150 and 200 mg.l - 1,وعمل تداخلات بين الملح والحامض. وقد ارتفعت مضادات الاكسدة الانزيمية SOD,CAT,POX ومضادات الاكسدة الغير انزيمية AsA ,proline ,GSH وكذلك الـ MDAفي الكالس تحت تاثير التراكيز 9,12 and 15 dS.m - 1 من NaCl وكذلك التراكيز 150 and 200 mg.l - 1من الـSA بالمقارنة مع عينة السيطرة وكذلك مع الكالس من التداخلات 6 dS.m - 1 NaCl +50 and 100 mg.l - 1SA ازداد محتوى الفنكرستين في تراكيز الملح 9,12 and 15 dS.m - 1وكذلك في تراكيز حامض الساليسيلك150 and 200 mg.l - 1,وقد كان اعلى تركيز للفنكرستين عند التوليفة 150 mg.l - 1SA+ 12 dS.m - 1NaCl حيث وصل الى129.092 µg/g واعلى تركيز للفنبلاستين عند التركيز 50 mg.l - 1 SA حيث وصل الى16.231µg/g.. | This experiment was conducted in faculty of Science labs, Babylon University, during 2015 - 2016 for extraction, to evaluate the quantity of secondary metabolites which are Alkaloids : (Vincristine &Vinblastine) from the leaves and callus tissue of Catharanthus roseus. This study included sterilized leaves of Catharanthus plant to culture them on MS medium supplemented with plant growth regulators : 1 mg.l - 1 of 2,4 - dichlorophenoxi acetic acid (2,4 - D) and 1 mg.l - 1 of Benzyl adenine (BA) to induced callus. Then, identically callus fresh weight sub - cultured on the same MS medium supplemented with different level of salinity using 6, 9, 12 and 15 dS.m - 1,and different concentration of salicylic acid 50,100,150 and 200 mg.l - 1 and their interactions. The results revealed that antioxidant enzymes activity like Superoxide dismutase (SOD), catalase (CAT),and peroxidase(POX),and non - enzymatic antioxidants like Glutathione(GSH), proline, Ascorbic acid(AsA),and Malandialdehyde (MDA) were high in callus under 9,12 and 15 dS.m - 1 of NaCl ,and 150 and 200 mg.l - 1 of SA, than in callus control and callus grown in MS media supplemented with 6 dS.m - 1 NaCl and 50 and 100 mg.l - 1SA and their combinations. Vincristine was increased in 9,12 and 15 dS.m - 1 of NaCl ,and 150 and 200 mg.l - 1 of SA, and the higher content was in the combination 150 mg.l - 1SA+ 12 dS.m - 1 NaCl where it was 129.092 µg/g. The higher content of Vinblastine was in the concentration 50 mg.l - 1 SA where it was 16.231µg/g

تنقية جزئية وتوصيف Biosurfactant من بكتريا Bacillus subtilis وتاثيرها على نمو بعض عزلات البكتريا والفطريات

اسم المؤلف: غـفـران فـلـيـح عـبد الـحـسـن عـزيـز الجـبـوري
اسم المشرف: فاطمة عبد الحسين مجبل التميمي
الموضوع العام: علوم الحياة
السنة: 2016
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: الانكليزية
مكان الجامعة: النجف
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: تم الحصول على 102عزلة من العزلات البكتيرية من 40 عينة من عينات الترب الملوثة بالنفط من مختلف المناطق ورشة عمل السيارات، محطات وقود السيارات، مصافي النفط ولخمسة مناطق مختلفة في العراق . خضعت كل هذه العزلات الى الفحص المجهري والخصائص الزرعية ووجد ان 80 عزلة منها تنتمي الى جنس Bacillus ، هذه العزلات خضعت ايضا لاختبارات بايوكيميائية وشخصت بناءا على دراسة rDNA 16S من قبل مجموعتين من البرايمرات (andB16SF B16SR) و(1492R and 27 F) اذ وجد ان 51 عزلة منها تعود الى Bacillus subtilis . تم فحص جميع هذه العزلات من حيث قدرتها على انتاج biosurfactant عن طريق فحص النشاط انحلال الدم على وسط دم الاغنام حيث وجد ان جميع العزلات كانت من النوع تحلل الدم بيتا حيث تم فحصها اعتمادا على قياس الشد السطحي بعد زراعتها في Jacques medium اظهرت النتائج ان 46 عزلة من 51 عزلة كانت منتجة biosurfactant , وقد تم اختيار ثمانية منها تميزت بانتاجها لهذا المركب وهي (S1,S2,S3 S4,S5,S6,S7,S8) حيث كانت العزلة B. subtilis S4 هي الاكفا في الانتاج لذلك اختيرت في الدراسات اللاحقة . تم استخلاص Biosurfactant الخام من العزلات المختارة بواسطة وتنقيته جزئيا باستخدام طريقة Ion exchange chromatography باستخدام DEAE - Cellulose تلاها طريقة Gel filtration chromatography باستخدام Sepharose - 6B . تمت دراسة خصائص المركبات المنقاة واظهرت النتائج ان الوزن الجزيئي biosurfactant التي تنتجهاB.subtilis S4 تراوح بين (1036 - 1058دالتون) من خلال جهاز HPLC - TOF - MS . اظهرت النتائج ان الحد الاقصى لانتاج biosurfactant من العزلة تم بطريقة استخدام زيت الزيتون (3٪) وكبريتات الامونيوم (0.3٪) وKH2PO4 (1.5) غم / لتر، وبدرجة حرارة 30 مº والاس الهايدروجيني (7) وفترة الحضانة لمدة 72 ساعة. وقد تحققت اعلى نسبة للـ biosurfactant بعد مكملات الظروف المثلى الى 0.3 غرام / لتر من الوسط الزرعي . تم اختبارالنشاط البكتيري والفطري للعزلات الثمانية ضد بعض الجراثيم المسببة للامراض، وهي Staphylococcus aureus,Streptococcus pneumonia, Pseudomonas aeruginosa ,Escherichia coli ,Proteus mirabilis, Candida albicans , Candida tropicalis , Candida krusei , Rhizopus oryzae , Aspergillus niger وكانت العزلة الاكثر فعالية هي B.subtilis S4 التي اظهرت وجود نشاط ضد كل مسببات الامراض ماعدا S.pneumonia ,P.aeruginosa ,C.krusei . كما بينت النتائج ان مستخلص العزلة B.subtilis S4 اظهر اعلى تثبيط نموعند التركيز 1500 مايكروغرام / مل وصل الى 24 ملم ضد E.coli، 23 ملم ضد K.aerogenes، 21 ملم ضد S.aureus، 15 ملم ضدC.albicans، 14 ملم ضد P.mirabilis، 11 ملم ضد C.tropicalis، وتثبيط نمو الفطريات، حيث وصل معدل النمو الشعاعي الى 31.9 ملم ضد A.niger و9.7 ملم ضد R.oryzae عند التركيز 2 ملغم / مل. كذلك اظهرت النتائج ان سمية المستخلص B.subtilis خارج الجسم الحي على ذكور الجرذان البيض بلغت حوالي 922 ملغم / كغم وتشير اذ ان الاعطاء اليومي biosurfactant لم تظهراي حالة وفاة في اي جرعة ، ولم تلاحظ اي تغييرات غير عادية في السلوك اوتاثيرات سمية خلال فترة 28 يوما من العلاج. واثبت التحاليل انه ليس هناك اي تاثير سلبي على معايير الدم الفسلجية وهذا يؤكد صحة هذه المستحضرات الحيوية للاستخدام . | About 102 bacterial isolates were obtained from 40 oil contaminated soil samples from various automobile work shop ,cars fuel stations ,oil refineries of five different areas in Iraq. Microscopic examination and cultural characteristics for all isolated were investigated , 80 isolates were found to be related to the genus Bacillus , Bacillus isolates were subjected to the biochemical tests and molecular identification based on the 16S rDNA by two sets of primers (B16SF and B16SR) , (27F and 1492R) of these 80 isolates revealed that 51 of the identified isolates belonged to Bacillus subtilis.All these isolates were screened for their ability for biosurfactant production through blood haemolysis activity on sheep blood agar indicated that all isolates were β - hemolysis while screening depended on measuring the lowering surface tension of cell free supernatant after cultivation in jacques medium which referred that 46 of 51 isolates were biosurfactant producers. Eight isolates were selected for the best biosurfactant producer isolatesCrude biosurfactants produced by the selected isolates were extracted by acid precipitation followed by partially purified with dichloromethane followed by purification and characteristics, the results showed that the molecular weight of biosurfactant produced by B.subtilis S4 ranging between 1036 - 1058 Da . Optimum conditions for biosurfactants production from B. subtilis S4 were determined. Results showed that maximum biosurfactant production from this isolate was achieved by using 3% olive oil , 0.3 % ammonium sulfate and 1.5 g / l Potassium dihydrogen phosphate ,at pH7,30 ºC and incubation period for 72 hrs. Maximum biosurfactant production was achieved after the supplementation of the optimum conditions was 0.3 g/l of culture medium .All of the eight isolates were tested for antimicrobial activity against twelve pathogenic microorganisms : Staphylococcus aureus ,Streptococcus pneumonia,Pseudomonas aeruginosa ,Escherichia coli ,Proteus mirabilis Klebsiella aerogenes,Candida albicans,C.tropicalis,C. krusei , Rhizopus oryzae , Aspergillus niger and Penicillium notatum.The most effective isolates were B.subtilis S4 which showed antimicrobial activity against some tested pathogens except S.pneumonia ,P. aeruginosa ,C.krusei and P.notatum.The results indicated that S4 culture extract showed high growth inhibition zone in concentration 1500 µg /ml reached to 24 , 23, 21, 15, 14 and 11 mm against E.coli , K.aerogenes , S.aureus , C.albicans, P.mirabilis,C.tropicalis respectively and high reduction in of radial growth of the fungi reached to 31.9 and 9.7 mm in A.niger and R.oryzae respectively at 2 mg /ml concentration .Study in vivo potential toxicity of B.subtilis lipopeptide biosurfactant towards male rat was evaluated. An LD50 value was determined to be about 922 mg / kg. Results show that daily administration of biosurfactant did not show any death cases at any dose. Also, no unusual changes in behavior and no intoxication were observed during the 28 days period of treatment. Analysis proved that there were no significant adverse effect on hematological parameters and this confirms the validity of those biopharmaceuticals on body of mammals.

دراسة جزيئية ومناعية لفايروس النورو والفايروس الغدي نمط 40 و41 في الاطفال المصابين بالاسهال Molecular and Immunological Study of Norovirus and Adenovirus types 40 and 41 in Diarrheic Children

اسم المؤلف: رمله احمد محمد حسن العميدي
اسم المشرف: مهدي حسين محيل العمار
الموضوع العام: علوم الحياة
السنة: 2015
الموضوع الدقيق: علوم الحياة
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: الانكليزية
مكان الجامعة: النجف
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: هدفت هذه الدراسة الى التحري عن فايروسي النورو والفايروس الغدي نمط 40 / 41 في الاطفال المصابين بالاسهال واجراء تحليل لمعدل الاصابة وطبيعتها ودراسة الطبيعة الجزيئية للفايروسين وكذلك التحري عن قدرة الفايروسين على حث الجهاز المناعي وتحديد بعض الحركيات الخلويه عند الاطفال المصابين بالفايروسين.بالاضافة الى دراسة بعض ملامح الاصابه مثل تغاير الفصول والعمر وتحديد افضل الطرق لتشخيص الفايروسين. اجريت الدراسة الحالية في محافظة النجف الاشرف /مستشفى الزهراء التعليمي للولادة والاطفال خلال الفترة من كانون الثاني2014 الى كانون الاول 2014 والتي تضمنت 314 عينه من البراز والدم من الاطفال المصابين بالاسهال والذين تتراوح اعمارهم بين شهر الى خمسة سنوات.حيث اعتمد التحري في عينات البراز استخدام اختبار الكروماتوغرافيا المناعي السريع للكشف عن المستضدات الفايروسية للفايروسين النورو والغدي نمط 40 / 41.كما تم تاكيد العينات الموجبة بواسطة تقنية PCR Real Time لفايروس النورو تقنية PCR للفايروسالغدي نمط40 / 41،والتي اظهرت فيها النتائج بان معدل الاصابة كان 11.7% لفايروس النوروو8.9% للفايروس الغدينمط 40 / 41.كذلك تم فحص العينات الموجبة بواسطة المجهر الالكتروني والتي بينت مظهر للفايروسين في عينات البراز . وتشير الدراسة الى ان التقنيات الجزيئية المستخدمة في فحص العينات هي الاكثر كفاءة للتشخيص الروتيني للفايروسين مقارنة مع المجهر الالكتروني لتشخيص عينات الاسهال.وطبقا للفئات العمرية ،اظهرت النتائج ان الفئة العمرية 13 - 24 شهر سجلت ارتفاع عالي للاصابة بالفايروسين النورو والغدينمط 40 / 41.الحالات الايجابية كانت بين الاطفال الذين يتغذون على الحليب الجاف الاصطناعي (31 حاله) مقارنة مع الرضاعة الطبيعية من الام (14 حاله).اما نتائج الاعراض السريرية في الاطفال المصابين بالفايروسين فاظهرت ان كل الحالات تبين وجود اسهال من النوع المائي المخاطي وبنسبة 100% يليها الالم البطن بنسبة 94.5% و82.1 %،التقيؤ بنسبة 81 % و78.5 % واخيرا الحمى بنسبة 78.3% و71.1 % لكلا من النورو والغدي نمط 40 / 41 على التوالي. كما كشفت الدراسة الحالية بان معدل الاصابة المرتفع لفايروس النوروكان من شهر كانون الثاني الى اذار والتي كانت بنسبة 81%من الحالات الموجبة ، اما بالنسبة لفايروسالغدينمط 40 / 41كان معدل الاصابة المرتفع من شهر كانون الثاني الى نيسان والتي كانت بنسبة 89.2% من الحالات الموجبة. كما اظهرت النتائج وجود ارتفاع كبيرفيالحركيات الخلويه (السايتوكينات) لمصل الاطفال المصابين مقارنة مع السيطرة. وفقا للفئات العمرية ،اظهرت الفئة( 49 - 60) شهر ارتفاع عالي في مستويات الانترفيرون كاما ، الانترلوكين - 6((IL - 6 والانترلوكين - 12 (12 IL - (حيث كانت للفايروس النورو(90.8, 56.7, 84.3) جزء من الغرام /مل على التوالي،بينما كانت لفايروسالغدي(106.5, 59, 87.5)جزء من الغرام /ملعلى التوالي مقارنة مع مجموعة السيطرة. | Norovirus and adenovirus types (40 and 41) are the important causes of gastroenteritis infections in children worldwide. The present study was designed to determine the incidence and nature of infection of norovirus and adenovirus types (40 and 41) at molecular and immunological levels, as well as some features such as seasonal variation , age distributions and detected the most effective and suitable method for diagnosis of the two viruses . The study was carried out in Al - Najaf province, in AL - Zahra teaching hospital for maternity and children, during the period from January, 2014 to December, 2014. Stool and blood samples were collected from 314 children with diarrhea, their age range (from 1months to 5 years). Immunochromatographic assay for norovirus and adenovirus used to detect their antigens in stool samples, the positive results were confirmed by reverse transcriptase real time PCR technique for norovirus and polymerase chain reaction technique for adenovirus types (40 and 41), which showed incidence of 11.7% and 8.9% for norovirus and adenovirus, respectively. Transmission electron microscopy examination gave clear positive norovirus and adenovirus types (40 and 41) appearance in diarrheal stool samples .The study indicates that molecular methods are most suitable and sufficient tests for routine diagnosis of norovirus and adenovirus types (40 and 41) as compared to transmission electron microscopy analysis for diarrheal samples. According to age groups, the results showed that the majority of infections with norovirus and adenovirus were recorded among age group (13 - 24) months. The positive cases were highly among infants fed with bottle fed (31 cases) compared with infants fed with breast fed (14 cases). Regarding the clinical features of children with viral diarrheal infections , the results showed that all of the cases of both viruses complained of watery or mucosal consistence stool (100%) followed by abdominal pain (94.5%) and (82.1%), vomiting (81%) and (78.5%) , and fever (78.3%) and (71.4%) for norovirus and adenovirus positive children respectively. The present study also revealed that a higher incidence of norovirus was detected from January - March 2014, when it was found in 81% (30/37) of the positive cases, whereas the incidence of adenovirus was higher from January - April 2014, during which it was found in 89.2% (25/28) of the positive cases. The current study for cytokines profile detection showed that significant elevation in patients with norovirus and adenovirus than control. The age groups 49 - 60 months have shown a high level in cytokines Interferon gamma, Interleukin - 6 and Interleukin - 12 with concentration were (84.3, 56.7, 90.8) pg./ml , respectively for norovirus while adenovirus were (87.5, 59, 106.5) pg./ml , respectively as compared with control group . Conclusion of the study shows incidence norovirus genotypeII (GII) and adenovirus types (40 and 41) by rapid chromatographic test from infected children in Al - Najaf province. The study indicates that molecular techniques are most suitable and sufficient tests alternatively for transmission electron microscopy when there is good facility and both can replaced by rapid chromatographic test . Interferon gamma, Interleukin - 6 and Interleukin - 12 were increased in all patients with norovirus and adenovirus infections and showed high level in age group (49 - 60) months

قياس وتحليل الخسائر لموجات الموجع ذوات الفتحة المصنعة من سليكون على عازل Measurements and Analysis of The Losses for Fabricated SOI Slot Waveguides

اسم المؤلف: ميثم نعيم صالح
اسم المشرف: مازن مانوئيل الياس
الموضوع العام: علوم الليزر
السنة: 2015
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: الانكليزية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: An interesting silicon photonics component is the slot waveguide. The discontinuity of the normal component of the displacement vector can be used to affect guiding of the majority of the electric field energy in a narrow low index gap when the field is polarized parallel to the silicon surface, that is, perpendicular to the silicon confining walls. By infiltrating nonlinear material into such a gap, one can simultaneously confine electric and optical fields achieving a high efficient optical modulation or switching that is becoming more desirable on optical communication. An array of 200 Silicon - on - Insulator (SOI) slot waveguide devices of varying slot widths, ribs widths, taper lengths and slot lengths are fabricated in each cell of a wafer fabricated at a commercial foundry. The cells are cleaved into individual chips after fabrication. Some chips are coated with thin films of polymers that fully infiltrated the slots. Measurements that consisted on spectral loss are made on the grating coupler waveguide devices of both coated and uncoated chips. Individual devices exhibited insertion losses varying from several dB up to values so great that the response is below the noise floor of the optical spectrum analyzer employed as a receiver. The chips that failed in the transmission test are primarily uncoated ones. Nominally identical devices on different chips exhibited nominally identical behavior. A commercial software program is used to simulate each of the structures that is included in the 200 devices test. The simulations are seen to show a degree of qualitative agreement with the experimental results. Comparison of the experimental measurements and the simulation results indicates that the loss inherent in a slot waveguide is quite low. Near loss free couplers from ridges to slots are achievable in case of coated devices, whereas the situation is different in case of uncoateddevices where a lot of energy is dissipated through the substrate. Use of a surface roughness model indicates that the excess loss that slots exhibit with respect to a ridge mode counterpart arise almost solely from surface scattering off the surface roughness. The increased loss in the case of the slot guide arises from the higher electromagnetic energy density at the surface of the guide due to the electric field discontinuity that is employed as a guidance mechanism in slot modes in contradistinction to ridge modes that are index - guided. Conclusions include some speculation as to the limits on the loss that can be achieved by variation the design of slot guides without any improvement in surface roughness over what is now available with fabrication in commercial foundries.

التحقق من تاثير عدم استقرارية بلاتو - رايلي في عملية سحب ليف شبه المواد انديوم - بوليمر Investigation of the influence of the Plateau - Rayleigh instability in fibre drawn indium - PMMA metamaterial

اسم المؤلف: احمد عبد الكريم علي
اسم المشرف: عبد الهادي مطشر الجنابي
الموضوع العام: علوم الليزر
السنة: 2015
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: الانكليزية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: Metamaterial is a synthetic composite material with a structure such that it exhibits properties not usually found in natural materials. Fibre drawing method has been used in producing Poly - methyl methacrylate (PMMA) - indium wires metamaterials. PMMA and indium are having relatively the same glass transition temperature making them suitable for co - drawing. The fiber filaments must be drawn to smaller diameters to shift the metamaterials response to higher frequency. At these dimensions the metal filaments inside the fiber become unstable and break - up at random intervals. This instability is due to a phenomenon known as the Plateau - Rayleigh InstabilityWell known Tomotika model for the growth in the varicosity in the surface of fluid extended inside another fluid was modified to describe the fluctuations (instability) of inner core diameter for metamaterials drawing inside radiative furnace. Modified Tomotika model was used to investigate the instability growth of the indium wire diameter produced by co - drawing of indium metal embedded in a PMMA polymer.The critical parameter for the wire breaks is the wavelength of perturbations. A MATLAB model was used to describe a small drawing ratio (neglecting the wavelength of fluctuations effect). The experimental and modeling results are almost match when a very small temperature variation occurred. So the observed fluctuations in diameter can be reconciled with the Plateau - Rayleigh instability.For larger fluctuations (large drawing ratio) the wavelength of fluctuations was analyzed and sequential breakup on different length scales was observed. We infer limits to wire dimensions that can beachieved using the chosen material system and identify a path for extending drawing methods to fabricate smaller wires.Finally, simulation for deep subwavelength wave propagation inside wire metamaterials depending on the unit cell manipulation was performed. CST microwave studio software had been used to simulate wave propagation inside linear and 90o corner waveguide as well as equal arms beam splitter (50/50). It’s applicable to waveguiding 40cm wavelength in about 2.4 cm waveguide.

دراسة تجريبية للحيود الحراري في صبغات مختلفة Experimental Study of Thermal Self - Defocusing in Different Dyes

اسم المؤلف: عمار محمد طعيمة
اسم المشرف: مازن مانوئيل الياس
الموضوع العام: علوم الليزر
السنة: 2013
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: الانكليزية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: This thesis discusses the effect of three factors on self defocusing technique used to measure the nonlinear optical properties of two solutions, the first one is safranin O dissolved in ethanol (SOE), and the second one is diphenylecarbazone dissolved in chloroform (DCC). These factors are the intensity of laser, the concentration of the solution and the effect of the temperature on the solutions.After providing the necessary solution and equipment to complete the designed experiment, an appropriate model of nonlinear system was chosen to extract the diffraction rings contains the following parts : (Diode Laser, Attenuator, Mirrors, Beam Splitter, Lens, CCD Camera, Laser Power Meter and PC) In this work the maximum change and the thermo - optical coefficient for the nonlinear refractive index as well as the nonlinear refractive index were measured, for the two different solutions (SOE & DCC) including three ratios and grains for each one. The measurements were performed using diode laser at and variable intensity (0.5 - 22) and the laser beam was focused on glass cuvette which has a thickness of through a lens with a focal length of .From this work it was found that increasing the laser intensity leads to increase the number of diffraction rings, the nonlinear refractive index and the maximum change of the nonlinear refractive index, also it was found that increasing the concentration of the solutions leads to increase the nonlinear refractive index as well as increasing the maximum change of the refractive index.Also it was found that increasing the temperature of the solution at certain intensity and concentration the obtained results for the thermooptical coefficient , and the nonlinear refractive index are found to be of the order of and at 298, 303 and 308K respectively for SOE solution, and and at 298, 303 and 308K respectively for DCC solution, in which all the thermooptical coefficient and the nonlinear refractive index are deceased.

لحام ليزر الاندي ياك لمعادن غير متشابهة تيتانيوم رتبة 2 مع سبيكة المنيوم - O3105 Dissimilar Nd : YAG Laser Welding of Grade 2 Titanium to 3105 - O Aluminum Alloy

اسم المؤلف: عبير احمد شهاب العبيدي
الموضوع العام: علوم الليزر
السنة: 2015
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: الانكليزية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: التيتانيوم والالمنيوم مواد تلقى اهتمام تقني في الصناعات الالية والفضائية والمتحسس الذكي.التحديات التي تواجه لحامهم هي نتيجة للاختلاف الكبير في المواصفات الثرموفيزيائية والميكانيكية, اضافة الى الذوبانية المحدودة لكل معدن في الاخر,لذلك لحامهم باستعمال الليزرسيقلل تكوين الا طوار المعدنية الضارة لما كانت منطقة اللحام نفسها ضيقة .في هذا العمل قدم شكل خاص من اللحام الليزري النقطي لربط تيتانيوم رتبة 2 تراكبيا مع سبيكة المنيوم 3105 - O باسماك 1,0.5 ملم على التوالي, من خلال لحام درز دائري, لبق التصميم يستعمل نبضات ليزر متعاقبة ادت الى لحام شبيه للحام الليزري النقطي .لهذه الدراسة كانت معاملات لحام الليزر كالاتي : طاقة النبضة 11جول, مدة النبضة 6 ملي ثانية, تردد النبض 20هرتز,تدفق غاز الاركون 20 لتر/دقيقة وسرعة اللحام (4 - 6.67) ملم/ثانية.لقد لوحظ ان تاثيرسرعة اللحام كان الاقوى على الحرارة الداخلة لمنطقة اللحام حيث سرعة لحام 4 ملم /ثا (76%عامل تداخل النبضات), قد ادت الى افضل امتصاص لطاقة الليزر واكثر تجانس وعرض للمساحة المنصهرة عند منطقة تداخل ,Ti - Alلذلك تم الحصول على 70MPa مقاومة وصلة اللحام. اظهر فحص منطقة وصلة اللحام باستخدام المجهر الماسح الالكتروني SEM, مقياس تشتت طاقة الاشعة السينية EDS ومقياس انحراف الاشعة السينية,XRD تكون الا طوار المعدنية الضارة. المنطقة المنصهرة للتيتانيوم قرب منطقة تداخل Ti - Alضمت طور.Ti3Al الشقوق لوحظت في منطقة الالمنيوم المنصهرة قرب منطقة التداخل ,Ti - Alنتيجة الانحدار العالي في الخواص الميكانيكية والثرموفيزيائية. من اجل التقليل من تكون الا طوار المعدنية الضارة وتخفيف الانحدار العالي في الخواص . الثرموفيزيائية والميكانيكية, اربعة انواع مختلفة من الحشوات المعدنية (Al - 5Si, Al - 12Si - 2.5Mg, pure Nb and Al - 0.2Sc - 0.36Zr) مع ثلاثة اسماك مختلفة لكل حشوة قد حضرت في هذا العمل. حشوة Al - 5Si كان لها تاثير ايجابي على مقاومة وصلة اللحام حيث ان Siقلل التاثير الضار للاطوار المعدنية الضارة من خلال تعويض ذرات Al في Ti3Al لذلك فان مقاومة الوصلةزادت الى MPa80بدل MPa70.حشوة Al - 12Si - 2.5Mg قد حسنت مقاومة الوصلة الىMPa87 متجاوزة بذلك مقاومة القصMPa82 لترابط المعدن الاساس Al. نتيجة درجة اانصهاره العالية, حشوة النيبيوم النقي Nb منعت لحام صفيحة Al السفلى, لذلك هذه الحشوة كانت غيرمناسبة للا ستعمال وفق شروط اللحام لهذا العمل. لقد كان للحشوة الجديدة Al - 0.2Sc - 0.36Zr التي استعملت لاول مرة من خلال هذا العمل تاثير ايجابي جدا على قوة ترابط وصلة اللحام MPa103 حيث ان الكسر حدث من المعدن الاساس Al وليس من الوصلةخلال عملية الاختبار. بالمقارنة مع مقاومة التاكل لمعدن التيتانيوم الاساس, اظهرت الوصلات بدون استعمال حشوة وباستعمال حشوة Al - 0.2Sc - 0.36Zr نقصان بمعدل التاكل ب %51 و%72 بالتعاقب بينما اظهرت الوصلات باستعمال حشوات Al - 5Si,Al - 12Si - 2.5Mg زيادة بمعدل التاكل ب % 80 و%68 بالتعاقب. | Materials titanium and aluminum are of technological interest in automotive, aerospace and smart sensor industries. The challenges for welding them result from the large difference in thermophysical and mechanical properties, besides limited solubility of each metal in other. Thus welding them using laser, will reduce intermetallic phases (IMP) formation to acceptable limits, since the weld itself is narrow.In the present work a special form of laser spot welding is introduced to joint overlapped titanium Ti Grade 2 to 3105 - O aluminum alloy, with 1 and 0.5 mm thicknesses respectively. A welding tactile seam tracking design using following pulses that result to a circular seam, leads to spot like shape laser welding. For this study, laser welding parameters were : pulse energy 11 J; pulse duration 6ms; pulse frequency 20Hz; argon gas flow rate 20 l/m and welding speed (4 - 6.7) mm/s. Welding speed was observed to have the strongest effect on heat input, where 4 mm/s (76% overlapping) speed has led to better energy absorption and wider more uniform melted area at Ti - Al interface, thus 70 MPa joint strength was obtained. Examination of the joint region using scanning electron microscopy (SEM), energy dispersive X - ray spectrometry (EDS) and X - ray diffraction (XRD) showed the formation of different IMP in the Ti - Al welding zone. Ti fusion zone (FZ) near the interface was mainly containing Ti3Al. Crakes were observed in Al (FZ) near the interface as a result of mechanical and thermo physical properties gradient. Inorder to reduce IMP formation and relaxes the high gradient in thermophysical and mechanical properties in the welding zone, four fillers metals (Al - 5Si, Al - 12Si - 2.5Mg, pure Nb and Al - 0.2Sc - 0.36Zr), with three different thicknesses for each filler, were prepared. Al - 5Si filler has positive effect on the joint strength where Si has reduced the IMP harmful effect via replacing Al atoms substitutionaly in TiAl3 at the interface, thus joint strength was increased to 80MPa instead of 70MPa. Al - 12Si - 2.5Mg filler has improved the joint strength to 87MPa where the shear strength of Al base metal of 82MPa was exceeded. Due to its high melting point pure Nb filler prevented penetration of bottom Al sheet, thus it was unsuitable to use for the present work conditions. A new Al - 0.2Sc - 0.36Zr filler was used for the first time in the present work and has very positive impact to the joint strength 103MPa, where the joint has fractured from Al base metal. In comparison to the corrosion rate of Ti base metal, joints without using filler and with the new Al - 0.2Sc - 0.36Zr filler metal, have decreased the corrosion rate by 51% and 72% respectively, while joints with Al - 5Si and Al - 12Si - 2.5Mg filler metals, have increased the corrosion rate by 68% and 80% respectively.

التحقق عدديا وعمليا من مبادل حراري ذو سائل نانوي في منظومة التبريد والتهوية والتدفئة مع الكشف بالليزر Numerical and Experimental Investigation of a Nanofluid Heat Pipe Heat Exchanger in HVAC System with Laser Detection

اسم المؤلف: ايسر عبد الرزاق الاميري
اسم المشرف: حسين علي جواد زينب فاضل مهدي
الموضوع العام: علوم الليزر
السنة: 2015
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: الانكليزية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The improvement of energy saving in heat pipe heat exchanger system was investigated .Theoretical work was done to study the effect of coating with nanomaterials on the thermal performance of HPHE to enhance the energy saving. Temperature distribution and thermal resistance for different nano materials (BN, WC, HFB2, MgO and MOSi2), metal and metal oxide (Ag, Cu, AL, BeO, Al2O3 and CuO) on fins were studied. The maximum enhancement of the thermal performance at the evaporator section in steady state operation condition was (5.072, 5.063, 5.075 and 5.069) for (WC, HFB2, MgO and MOSi2) respectively and (5.829) for (BN) at the same section in transient operation condition while at the same section in steady state operation condition (5.063, 5.064, 5.07, 5.068, 5.075 and 5.076) for (Ag, Cu, AL, BeO, Al2O3 and CuO) respectively was detected. The best nano material for enhancement the thermal performance of HPHE are BN for nanomaterial ,Al for nano metal and CuO for nano metal oxide .The thermal performance of seven thicknesses of CuO coating layers on HPHE fins was also studied. Results showed that the enhancement of the thermal performance is decreasing with the increment of coating thickness at the evaporator section of transient conditions (5.076, 5.075, 5.073, 5.072, 5.070, 5.068 and 5.067) for (10, 25, 50, 75, 100,125and150)μm thicknesses respectively. Experimental work was done to examine the general performance of thermosyphon heat pipe at four concentrations (0.05, 0.2, 0.6 and 1) wt. % of nanofluid. Two CW diode lasers (532,650) nm were used as a detection system to determine the variation of the concentration within the system operation. The results showed that fourteen percent reduction in thermal resistance is detected for 0.05wt.% relative to the DI - water . The shorter time of steady state condition of operation, the higher values of total thermal effectiveness, energy saving and energy balance ratio of HPHE were satisfied at 0.05wt.%. The maximum value of relative powers of 0.05wt% nanofluid concentration is detected compared with the other concentrationsdue to the low density of nanofluid concentration. The start sensing and ending detection powers are (0.1, 1) W respectively of this type of nanofluid.

التوليد والسيطرة على التشويش في اتصالات التردد الراديوي - البصري Chaos Generation and Control in RF - Optical Communications System

اسم المؤلف: اسراء علي ياسين
اسم المشرف: قيس عبد الستار النعيمي
الموضوع العام: علوم الليزر
السنة: 2015
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: تتناول هذه الاطروحة تنفيذ وتقصي موضوع الاتصالات الضوئية الفوضوية .ونظرا لمتطلبات السرية العالية، تستخدم الاتصالات الضوئية الفوضوية لتشفير الرسائل بين وحدات الارسال والاستقبال.ان الطريقة التي استخدمت للحث على السلوك الفوضوي هي طريقة التغذية المرتدة الضوئي - الالكتروني باستخدام جهاز من محاسن هذا المضمن هو عرض النطاق الترددي ودرجة التعقيد العالية. استند عمل النظام الى طريقة التغذية المرتدة. في هذا النظام، يكون جهاز مذبذب وحدة الارسال مسار مغلق بينما يكون جهاز الاستلام مسار مفتوح يستلم اشارة الفوضى من وحدة الارسال عبر وصلة الالياف الضوئية. تم البحث عمليا في طريقتين لتشفير الرسائل الى اشارة الفوضى. ان هاتين الطريقتين هما التعديل المشوش والتنكر المشوش. لقد بدانا من اختراع نظام الفوضى ودراسة خصائصه وتحديد عناصر السيطرة التي تؤدي الى حالات مختلفة من سلوك النظام. وهكذا تم تقصي الطريق الى الفوضى في مذبذب جهاز الارسال. ولملاحظة سلوك النظام، تم تحديد الرسم المتشعب من خلال تغيير العنصر المتحكم. ان عنصر التحكم هو القدرة البصرية الخارجة من الثنائي الليزري . وجرى بحث التسلسل الزمني وطاقة الطيف واعادة تكوين مساحة الطور. وقد تم بحث موضوع تزامن كلا الطريقتين. وتم الحصول على الرسالة المرسلة في وحدة الارسال من خلال تزامن المذبذب في وحداتي الارسال والاستقبال. وهكذا تم الحصول على الرسالة المستخرجة عند وحدة الاستلام. ان عرض النطاق الترددي لاشارة الفوضى الحاملة هو 200 ميكاهيرتز. وتكون قيمة القدرة الضوئية الخارجة من ثنائي اليزر والذي هو العامل المتحكم في نظامنا هذا في كسب الطوق المرتد في مذبذب الارسال بين (0.8 - 0.9) ملي واط. الرسالة كانت عبارة عن تردد راديوي 100 ميكا هيرتز وقدرة 0 ملي ديسبل. | In this thesis, the chaotic optical communication is implemented and investigated experimentally. Due to the high security requirements, chaotic optical communication is used to encrypt the message between the transmitter and the receiver units. The method which is used to induce chaotic behavior is electro - optical feedback loop by using a Mach - Zehnder modulator. The advantage for this modulator is a high bandwidth and high complexity. The system is a unidirectional feedback loop. In the scheme of unidirectional, the oscillator of the transmitter unit is a closed loop while the oscillator of the receiver unit is an open loop that receives the chaotic signal from the transmitter via an optical fiber link. Two setups were investigated experimentally to encrypt the message to the chaotic carrier signal. These methods are chaos modulation and chaos masking. We have started from creation the chaotic dynamics studied its properties and determined the control parameters that lead to various situations of the behavior of the system. The rout to the chaos for the transmitter oscillator has been investigated. To observe behavior of the system through changing of the control parameter, the bifurcation diagram is plotted. The control parameter is the output optical power of the laser diode. Time series and power spectrum of the time series is extracted by using Fast Fourier Transform FFT. The phase space reconstruction has been examined. The synchronization of two setups has been investigated. The sent message is extracted by the oscillators synchronization in the transmitter unit and the receiver unit. The extracted message has been obtained at the receiver unit. The bandwidth of the chaotic signal is about 200 MHz. The output optical power of the laser diode which is the variable control parameter of our setup in the feedback loop gain of the transmitter oscillator is between (0.8 - 0.9) mW.The message is a radio frequency at 100 MHz with power 0 dBm and is attenuated below this level with the noise level when modulated with the chaotic carrier.

خاتمة القصيدة العربية في العصر الفاطمي

اسم المؤلف: انمار كامل خضير الغانمي
اسم المشرف: حربي نعيم محمد الشبلي
الموضوع العام: اللغة العربية وادابها
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: اللغة
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: كربلاء
الصفحات الاولى:

شعرية السرد في الرواية العراقية (2010 - 2015) Poetics of Narration in the Iraqi Novel 2010 - 2015

اسم المؤلف: احمد مجيد شاكر البصام
اسم المشرف: احمد صبيح محسن الكعبي
الموضوع العام: اللغة العربية وادابها
السنة: 2016
الموضوع الدقيق: اللغة
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: كربلاء
الصفحات الاولى:

فكرة الحكومة العالمية وتطورات النظام السياسي الدولي Concept Of The World Government And International political System Developments

اسم المؤلف: يسرى كريم محسن العلاق
اسم المشرف: يسرى كريم محسن العلاق
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2015
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: he idea or hope of achieving a World Government wasconsidered amongst Philosophers and Advocates of world peace. Beginnings of the concept were found back in global philosophies and religions, where origins for globalism and unity of human race and natural law, formed its first intellectual approach.The idea of a world government was associated with the International Political System, since the Treaty of Westphalia In 1648, Where the Global Government was considered as an alternative to the International Political System, where through it there will be an end to conflict and perpetual war in the international system, As means and procedures that were produced by the international system proved to fail in achieving peace.Although the need for a world government in achieving world peace, establishing justice, And confront oppression and injustice sounds totally logical as a concept, but practically it was found to contradict with the international system On ground; setting the idea in the frame of an unrealistic approach or a kind of Utopia. In other words, conditions were far from favorable for its establishment. On the contrary, centralized nation - states in the international system, its absolute sovereignty, national divisions, and ideological conflicts, As well as the will of major powers to Control and dominate the international system, and seeking self - Interests by looting the world's wealth, controlling vital resources, and absence of peoples' role in international politics. All of these fac tors were considered main reasons preventing the establishment of the world government.The end of the Cold War revealed a major transformation in International Political System, where a set of political, economic, technological and cultural variables have led to a change in the nature of the International Political System. The world has become integrated as a result of the immense technological developments, growing economic globalization, decline of ideological conflict, increasing costs of military forces, As well as the decline in the authorities and functions of the state to manage some sectors at thenational and international levels, for the benefit of the growing roles and functions of other actors in global politics. Alongside the emergence of new global challenges and threats that not only endanger states but humanity as whole.According to what was aforementioned, a necessity for a high global management to deal with global issues and respond to global threats was in urgent need. In other words, what the global system is witnessing of major evolutions and drastic changes, require the establishment of a higher Global Authority or Authorities

مستقبل الدولة القومية : دراسة تحليلية في اطار تطورات البيئة الدولية منذ بداية القرن الحادي والعشرين Future of the nation state Analysis study in the farm of international environment developments since the beginning of the twenty one century

اسم المؤلف: مهدي عل مهدي
اسم المشرف: نادية عبد القادر المختار
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: مفهوم الدولة القومية واركانها | السلطة السياسية الحاكمة | نظريات نشوء وتطور الدولة القومية | التحولات العالمية منذ نهاية الحرب الباردة | الليبرالية الجديدة |تحول الوظيفة الاقتصادية لحدود الدولة القومية | التنميط الثقافي العالمي | العلاقة بين التكنولوجيا والتنميط الثقافي | ااشكالية الفاعلون الجدد وتحولات وظائف الدولة القومية | اشكالية الجدل بين القومية والهيمنة الامريكية |الهيمنة الامريكية والدولة القومية | الرؤية الكونية لتحولات الدولة القومية | The nation - state is characterized by the outcome of the historical development which gave it a realistic shape and helped it to establish the basic features as legal judgment shape and institutional is based on a specific geographic area recognized its citizens and other countries ,and citizens who live on this geographical area don’t consider nationals of government ,but in dead they are members formed in a political association , which is the state , and there are jobs on the state must to do , cant other social organizations to do .It has the right to practice distinctive specialization such as the imposition of laws and their application even under duress, as long as it take into account the special laws in this matter , Despite the development that the nation state could teach which still eyists today refers to the historical and political development of the country to feel that the reality and the future of country go in the which finely, direction expresses by historical path in which the state confined itself and its institutions of power and resources which led to many problems term of depletion of the power or depletion of the resources , and the state was the victim of society such as this attrition.on the other hand , the transformation of international environment and the accompanying technological and economic transformations and the emergence of new actors in world politics led to penetrate the sovereignty of the state make them doubt site in performing its functions and even its survival as an institution of governance.These transformations have become a matter of death among political scientists and the fate of the nation - state does the state loses its authority or not in the benefit of other players , the perspective of globalization of the economy will cause a weakening of the nation state ,or events and this will inevitably lead to the control of the economy on the process of reforming a government in , in a globalized economy the state would be unable to control , because it will be forced to adapt to economic and social policy with what the markets , the new system will not be printed , according to the character of the nation - state but the nature of organizations and interest groups cooperate and grappling it serves as a new feudal .in contrast , critics of globalization is believed that the state will exercise its authority as usual and to be the only institution in position to take over the administration and organization successfully , state can make sure of the effectiveness of its sovereignty and independence through the use of force to impose laws and their application and attention to the comfort of its citizens , to talk about the future of the nation - state is not modern thing it has century a political thoughts in the nineteenth century , when it allocated the debate on the subject of the end of the state and put in the framework of the hypothesis that the elimination of the state is as a political program appeared this argument in the form of saying the end of the nation - state and that who said this end is (Hegel) in the paragraph of his writings entitled " The older system for German idealism " says " what I want to draw attention is that in the human thought is no space for the thought of the state ,because it is a mechanical things ,it is too low to be the idea of automating it isn’t a theme of freedom considers an idea so we have to overcome the state ".Heels' analysis of the state meets with the theory of Marx and Engels they both consider the nation - state historical outcome they expected fall with the collapse of capitalism and the society without the rule , so the state is apparent that it is fair ,doesn’t follow the interests of capitalism class , it must be transformed by revolution the proletariat likes the public forum and instead of controlling the people , the rule of stuff administration .To present the issue of the end of the nation - state cannot be defended by Marxists and anarchists only ,but also theoreticians politicians fundamentalists and consider an order refers to the diagnosis of the time, political crises seen by many of people are the result of the crisis that the nation state passing by and carl Schmitt speaks at the time indicates that the governorship state to the end , which is considered as adopted by many later ,wihem Henke says" that the state in event of a miserable" there are also some political scientists called since the seventies of the twentieth century , state sovereignty at home and abroad ,because it has become restricted little by little old groups with interests and cannot resist the globalization of the economy and society and their impact than the national state has made in crisis by the loss of control and as a result to these exchanges at the level of the globalization of economy and society calls postmodern theorists to reproduce policy outside the existing state institutions , Especially that we are seeing a delaine in standards of this political incorporation and confirmed to the merging of the rapid developments in the world since then and the rise of excessive forces markets prompting many observes to report that this political form entered eventually disappearing inevitable and replace it with other organizational forms.The national state has become flowerless in this new horizon for immigration control movement ,and exchanges of goods and services , financial flows and the work of transnational companies , and more the national government has become in a competitive struggle with new non - international doors it has also become exposed to different flows (economic , social , cultural )of each hand that lead to lose the control and observation .This phenomenon generates a form of openness a political border , and in this framework the international organizations , and corporate transformation and non - governmental organizations form a new base forpublic space cross homelands knows no limits and threatens the political fortress of national states.The talk about the end of the nation state is associated with turn on the concept of the state and powers and can be understood within transformation that there has been on the state to be able to deal with the new things faces by . in spite of the challenges and transformation that the nation - state faces it stays the only institution is recognized as a collector formwork to citizens on the basis of constitutional rule but the unstable state situation imposed by the change in working methods and abandon the political monopoly of the executive party and the process on the other hand ,it cannot marginalize community to reach a form of communal harmony and successful communicate and in order to succeed in this nation - state needs a permanent change in the level of institutional structures and to develop frameworks interaction and the actors so cope with the international and domestic regional variable and those taking place in the sector those with individual tendencies and pluralism .so nation - state cannot be removed from where it is a collector frame based on multiple facts but surely it cannot continue on the form that it has known and on the same policies that it has followed, it needs to introduce new organization ways by depending on the dimensions of functionality and zonal differentiated based on reactive policy units in the state of multiple levels of governance . the shift in the work of the nation state means that the functions of the state doesn’t really go back exclusively to them but share them with new actors in the international politicians and as a result of this transformation in no longer the exclusive authority of the state , but differentiation with other sectors of the power that is known as the state of the retina or multiple levels .

مشكلة التعاقب على السلطة واثرها في الاستقرار السياسي في العالم الثالث

اسم المؤلف: مها عبد اللطيف حسن الحديثي
اسم المشرف: حسان محمد شفيق العاني
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 1994
الموضوع الدقيق: العلوم السياسية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: This study has concentrated to search a phenomenon that has started to be emerged at the global level particularly since the end of World War II, namely the phenomenon of regional arrangements, which includes the contemporary history and containing the political literature many various experiments that aimed to establish regional arrangements, whether for security or political or economic one……etc. in various areas and are , all of them are suitable to extrapolate and take advantage with taking into account the differing circumstances and motives of power and interests of parties that were involved in.Amongst these experiments, the experience of regional arrangements is highlighted in the Southeast Asian region, which its importance is concentrated - among other related matters - as it is the first of its kind in the wake of the Second World War besides the emergence of the harbingers of a global system based on two poles,where the territory has witnessed many variables and associated with the great powers' struggles during the Cold War, extend their influence and spread serve the political, security and economic objectives using all methods to be achieved by growing arms race as well as by political instability that had happened in addition to the aspiration forces associated with great powers in political, security and economic to practice the role of regional powers on the South - East Asian countries, adding this to the internal divisions and problems that were experienced by countrieswhich led to the emergence of the experiences of economic integration, political and security integration so as to promote development and regional cooperation and expanding fields of cooperation and investment .These regional experiments were considered an index to the important steps that were taken by the countries of the region that the collective status at the International Labor has become the most influential of unilateral action which contributed effectively to the development of economic, political and security ties among countries of the region, and among the countries of the region and other international parties on the other hand.Focus of research in the Asian Regional Arrangements - particularly in South East Asia - in accordance to our point of views within the framework of the escalation of the importance of these arrangements in the face of challenges in international relations, especially economic challenge which imposed itself on the regional groups to re - examine many of the concerns and priorities toward cooperation and integration Under international situation that can no longer be dealt with in terms of small economic base represented by the State alone, despite the different area as evidenced by the efforts of even the first superpower - the United States - the creation of a set of regional arrangements revolve around, they set up a free trade zone for North America (( NAFTA)) and calls for the creation of a free trade area of the Americas, and the Pacific Ocean make it an extension of its regionally in order to enter into a conglomerate with Asian countries and Australia .The South - East Asia is considered an important region because of being one of the most areas and the fastest growing in the global economy, and with the direction to activate the role of the economic factor in international relations, that acquired by this region as an important dimension in international interactions in general and for the United States of America in particular.During the cold war era was the role the United States played in the South - East Asia of the most important roles in regional interactions affairs, it is true that this role has sought to contain communist expansion and influence the end of World War II , but to discharge the said planning and seeking to influence and domination, which United States to adopt many of the policies and alliances ways to make its role in the region is the most prominent through its involvement in all the alliances and agreements that occur in the region , on other hand , through affiliation of regional arrangements in the area, or through the twirl of bilateral and multilateral agreements with countries of the region or states surrounding the Kurdistan Region, which in turn is also trying to participate in the South - East Asia and the arrangements that is considered the importance of these arrangements for these forces .On the contemporary the Cold War period that witnessed patterns of bilateral cooperation between the countries of the region and the United States or the Soviet Union, and multilateral cooperation to build a multilateral regional arrangements , to ensure the security of the region, the period of post - Cold War saw the emergence of a new regional security environment has seen in some Business Continuity some aspects of the Cold War conditions, as well as the emergence of new arrangements for the countries of the region , that reflected the desire to find a suitable climate for dealing with data worsening regional situation and work to resolve those situations in which the Cold War left .This in turn led to the emergence of appearing and emerging voices from within the region demanding independence and away from the influence of this scalable American intervention in the region and arrangements of regional ready to conflict with the American hegemony, the United States of America as a single - polarization is keen to impose its views on the regional groupings around the globe.This is a fait accompli, but the gatherings and regional powers moving towards the development of their economic programs as well as the military, political and social, refers to the possibility of the emergence of a multipolar international system, then the United States realized the seriousness and sensitivity of the existence of regional groupings and arrangements to grow and develop in the geo - strategically and vibrant area surrounded by the electrodes Nuclear from each side that led to the desire to be a party to any regional alliance in the South East Asian region .So US strategy was keen to emphasize the need to prevent the emergence of any alliance in this region that can be directed against the United States and threatening to American interests through the formation of a security system to serve interests therewhere initiated maintains military alliances defense under the pretext of containing the threat of communism, and entered into a number of bilateral agreements with the countries of the region since 1951 and has entered into several agreements and security alliances within the region, which the United States made it possible to dominate for a long time on the Asian arena .Cosmic US strategy has remained during the Cold War period seeking to impose its hegemony on the Asian continent, to control and make it one of the fronts of confrontation with the Soviet Union, but in the wake of the Cold War , the United States began to rethink its security strategy in the region and to move towards a new strategy to be more compatible and closest with developments regional and international menu, where are the United States look at the South East Asian region as a source of security and economic challenges, where has made this area a greateconomic achievements broken which was by poverty and underdevelopment, which was characterized by the developing nations barrier, and have acquired certain features that have made them classified in the ranks of developed nations and became its own power and influence of an influence in the international arena.in addition to that , the economic growth has encouraged these countries to continue to update technological military operation and this portends a decline of US military prestige as a whole in the region and its role in the formulation of the balance of the region and its security, for these reasons, the United States was led to the thinking of the need to the creation of new security arrangements to be acceptable to the parties and regional president for the region and serve , as well , the interests of the United States and promote regional cooperation so as to achieve stability and security in the region .But what we observe today is so clear , that regional arrangements in the region now has a reaction towards the efforts of domination by the United States which is seeking to impose on them, and this is what was said the importance of the research topic being treated problematic relationship that was positive or inverse between American hegemony and American interests in the region and between regional arrangements in South - East Asia, additionally to that the topic is gaining great importance as well because of study of the nature of regional relations and annexed from economic and security as important as institutions (APEC) and (ASEAN) and (ASEAN Regional Forum) as well as the diverse relationships with the main parties , both in bilateral or multilateral within and outside the region alliances, and besides this is gaining study an important dimension in the study of the most important regional roles of major powers and efforts to rely on its regional way in supporting global roles basis in drawing policy world, which were emphasized by the ((China, Russia, Japan, India, the two Koreas, in addition to the United States of America)), and then it can be said that theregion attracts the attention of the most important international actors and efforts to monopolize hegemony over the region a path toward greater international role and more effectiveness .For the purpose of clarifying all of the above, the study is divided into four chapters as follows:Chapter I: The first chapter deals with the conceptual framework that is essential to any study in order to be the sound from the very beginning of the subject by clarifying the basic concepts in the subject Region, regional systems, and domination, in addition to the definition in South - East Asia in terms of geographical location and properties of the region.Chapter II: Chapter II specializes in addressing the most important challenges and problems that may be faced by the region, which resulted in the establishment of regional arrangements there, additionally to explain and brief explanation of the historical evolution that were experienced by these arrangements.Chapter III: Chapter III goes to show the selected models of regional arrangements in Southeast Asia, including the ASEAN, the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), and APEC.Chapter IV: Chapter IV, deals with introductions to American hegemony, as well as US interests in the Southeast Asian region, and clarify the roles allies and rivals of the United States of America in the regional arrangements for the South - East Asia, prevent clarify the most important future implications for American hegemony

الترتيبات الاقليمية والهيمنة الامريكية : جنوب شرق اسيا انموذجا Regional Arrangements and American Hegemony Southeast Asia as a model

اسم المؤلف: فينوس غالب كامل السعدي
اسم المشرف: سرمد زكي الجادر
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الموضوع الدقيق: الدراسات الاستراتيجية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: This study has concentrated to search a phenomenon that has started to be emerged at the global level particularly since the end of World War II, namely the phenomenon of regional arrangements, which includes the contemporary history and containing the political literature many various experiments that aimed to establish regional arrangements, whether for security or political or economic one……etc. in various areas and are , all of them are suitable to extrapolate and take advantage with taking into account the differing circumstances and motives of power and interests of parties that were involved in.Amongst these experiments, the experience of regional arrangements is highlighted in the Southeast Asian region, which its importance is concentrated - among other related matters - as it is the first of its kind in the wake of the Second World War besides the emergence of the harbingers of a global system based on two poles,where the territory has witnessed many variables and associated with the great powers' struggles during the Cold War, extend their influence and spread serve the political, security and economic objectives using all methods to be achieved by growing arms race as well as by political instability that had happened in addition to the aspiration forces associated with great powers in political, security and economic to practice the role of regional powers on the South - East Asian countries, adding this to the internal divisions and problems that were experienced by countrieswhich led to the emergence of the experiences of economic integration, political and security integration so as to promote development and regional cooperation and expanding fields of cooperation and investment .These regional experiments were considered an index to the important steps that were taken by the countries of the region that the collective status at the International Labor has become the most influential of unilateral action which contributed effectively to the development of economic, political and security ties among countries of the region, and among the countries of the region and other international parties on the other hand.Focus of research in the Asian Regional Arrangements - particularly in South East Asia - in accordance to our point of views within the framework of the escalation of the importance of these arrangements in the face of challenges in international relations, especially economic challenge which imposed itself on the regional groups to re - examine many of the concerns and priorities toward cooperation and integration Under international situation that can no longer be dealt with in terms of small economic base represented by the State alone, despite the different area as evidenced by the efforts of even the first superpower - the United States - the creation of a set of regional arrangements revolve around, they set up a free trade zone for North America (( NAFTA)) and calls for the creation of a free trade area of the Americas, and the Pacific Ocean make it an extension of its regionally in order to enter into a conglomerate with Asian countries and Australia .The South - East Asia is considered an important region because of being one of the most areas and the fastest growing in the global economy, and with the direction to activate the role of the economic factor in international relations, that acquired by this region as an important dimension in international interactions in general and for the United States of America in particular.During the cold war era was the role the United States played in the South - East Asia of the most important roles in regional interactions affairs, it is true that this role has sought to contain communist expansion and influence the end of World War II , but to discharge the said planning and seeking to influence and domination, which United States to adopt many of the policies and alliances ways to make its role in the region is the most prominent through its involvement in all the alliances and agreements that occur in the region , on other hand , through affiliation of regional arrangements in the area, or through the twirl of bilateral and multilateral agreements with countries of the region or states surrounding the Kurdistan Region, which in turn is also trying to participate in the South - East Asia and the arrangements that is considered the importance of these arrangements for these forces .On the contemporary the Cold War period that witnessed patterns of bilateral cooperation between the countries of the region and the United States or the Soviet Union, and multilateral cooperation to build a multilateral regional arrangements , to ensure the security of the region, the period of post - Cold War saw the emergence of a new regional security environment has seen in some Business Continuity some aspects of the Cold War conditions, as well as the emergence of new arrangements for the countries of the region , that reflected the desire to find a suitable climate for dealing with data worsening regional situation and work to resolve those situations in which the Cold War left .This in turn led to the emergence of appearing and emerging voices from within the region demanding independence and away from the influence of this scalable American intervention in the region and arrangements of regional ready to conflict with the principles and rules ofAmerican hegemony, the United States of America as a single - polarization is keen to impose its views on the regional groupings around the globe.This is a fait accompli, but the gatherings and regional powers moving towards the development of their economic programs as well as the military, political and social, refers to the possibility of the emergence of a multipolar international system, then the United States realized the seriousness and sensitivity of the existence of regional groupings and arrangements to grow and develop in the geo - strategically and vibrant area surrounded by the electrodes Nuclear from each side that led to the desire to be a party to any regional alliance in the South East Asian region .So US strategy was keen to emphasize the need to prevent the emergence of any alliance in this region that can be directed against the United States and threatening to American interests through the formation of a security system to serve interests therewhere initiated maintains military alliances defense under the pretext of containing the threat of communism, and entered into a number of bilateral agreements with the countries of the region since 1951 and has entered into several agreements and security alliances within the region, which the United States made it possible to dominate for a long time on the Asian arena .Cosmic US strategy has remained during the Cold War period seeking to impose its hegemony on the Asian continent, to control and make it one of the fronts of confrontation with the Soviet Union, but in the wake of the Cold War , the United States began to rethink its security strategy in the region and to move towards a new strategy to be more compatible and closest with developments regional and international menu, where are the United States look at the South East Asian region as a source of security and economic challenges, where has made this area a greateconomic achievements broken which was by poverty and underdevelopment, which was characterized by the developing nations barrier, and have acquired certain features that have made them classified in the ranks of developed nations and became its own power and influence of an influence in the international arena.in addition to that , the economic growth has encouraged these countries to continue to update technological military operation and this portends a decline of US military prestige as a whole in the region and its role in the formulation of the balance of the region and its security, for these reasons, the United States was led to the thinking of the need to the creation of new security arrangements to be acceptable to the parties and regional president for the region and serve , as well , the interests of the United States and promote regional cooperation so as to achieve stability and security in the region .But what we observe today is so clear , that regional arrangements in the region now has a reaction towards the efforts of domination by the United States which is seeking to impose on them, and this is what was said the importance of the research topic being treated problematic relationship that was positive or inverse between American hegemony and American interests in the region and between regional arrangements in South - East Asia, additionally to that the topic is gaining great importance as well because of study of the nature of regional relations and annexed from economic and security as important as institutions (APEC) and (ASEAN) and (ASEAN Regional Forum) as well as the diverse relationships with the main parties , both in bilateral or multilateral within and outside the region alliances, and besides this is gaining study an important dimension in the study of the most important regional roles of major powers and efforts to rely on its regional way in supporting global roles basis in drawing policy world, which were emphasized by the ((China, Russia, Japan, India, the two Koreas, in addition to the United States of America)), and then it can be said that theregion attracts the attention of the most important international actors and efforts to monopolize hegemony over the region a path toward greater international role and more effectiveness .For the purpose of clarifying all of the above, the study is divided into four chapters as follows:Chapter I: The first chapter deals with the conceptual framework that is essential to any study in order to be the sound from the very beginning of the subject by clarifying the basic concepts in the subject Region, regional systems, and domination, in addition to the definition in South - East Asia in terms of geographical location and properties of the region.Chapter II: Chapter II specializes in addressing the most important challenges and problems that may be faced by the region, which resulted in the establishment of regional arrangements there, additionally to explain and brief explanation of the historical evolution that were experienced by these arrangements.Chapter III: Chapter III goes to show the selected models of regional arrangements in Southeast Asia, including the ASEAN, the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), and APEC.Chapter IV: Chapter IV, deals with introductions to American hegemony, as well as US interests in the Southeast Asian region, and clarify the roles allies and rivals of the United States of America in the regional arrangements for the South - East Asia, prevent clarify the most important future implications for American hegemony

الدور الدولي لحلف الناتو مكافحة الارهاب انموذج International Role For NATO Anti - Terrorism as Model

اسم المؤلف: تقى اياد خليل القيسي
اسم المشرف: قحطان كاظم محمد الخفاجي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الموضوع الدقيق: الدراسات الاستراتيجية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The Saudi foreign policy has got great important for who deals with international affairs, it deals with politics events directly or indirectly; then its roll in most of the Arabic cases has showed clearly effected. Naturally the Saudi foreign policy interested in Arabic especially. The follower of the way to the development of Saudi politics to the age after the cold war towards Arabia ; find that it does not get away to the period that proceeded the cold war but continued to it. So the changes that happened to foreign and internal environments in last years of the 1980s and the beginning years of 1990s impost on the kingdom more interesting to the Arabian case. So at the time and after the gulf war the kingdom increased in power the military threat that the radical Iraqi regime was weaken another think the alliance with USA and the western that assured it the security. The vision that Saudi resemble towards the Arab - Israel conflict it is the dependent in the Arabic area.Although these good factors but they have become threat resources, the protection that US gives to kingdom has it paid in the economics problems that the kingdom faced after the second Gulf war directly in (1993,1994,1995).In addition of failure every tries to put combination that leads the Arabian interactive in 90s.The accusation of terror and the events of eleventh of September 2001 made the kingdom acting politics roll more actively towards the Arabic area cases.The invitation of the prince Abdullah for peace 2002 and to Syria to get back from Lebanon 2005 for that roll the appearance of Iran not only in Gulf but in Arabic as a competition.For the studying is enable to cover the important of the subject that it divided to introduction also two chapters the first search in variable effective the operation of making Saudi Arabia foreign policy . the second chapter studies the foreign policy behavior towards Arabic area since the end of the cold war.(chosen Arabic issue).The studying get many productions towards that issues.In gulf side : The kingdom insist on the necessary of the American existence in the area as an equal element for Iranian threat with assurance to find guaranty for gulf safety beside of that it tried to reduce the nervous centers and unstable in area. This clearly showed in the solving all the problems about the geographical boundaries with neighboring countries and refusing that Iran have had the nuclear weapons.In Iraqi side : With the growing of the Iraqi - American crisis and what the year 2002 has witnessed by increasing American military side to Iraq.The kingdom refused the military powers against Iraq and declared that it wouldn't allow using its grounds for shooting Iraq after the fallen of the regime in April 2003 kingdom was the first to invite the Arab counties to meet at council for searching the Iraqi development with the increasing of murdering and emigration the kingdom in Iraq assured the dissatisfaction of what is happening in Iraq and invite the necessary of policy sharing and welcoming with the Mecca policy that aimed to stop the violence in Iraq.In the Palestinian side : The Palestinian case formed an essential side from the external Saudi politics interests and it one of its standard that called to find a peacefully solution for this case by the decision of the legal international it assured that each sides of struggle should take care of the decisions of Madrid council for Pease 1991. And what it has signed in Oslo agreement 1993, so it faced against the Israel by the Palestinian side by its government and its people and it showed great interest by the great roll in this case and the invitation of prince Abdullah for peace 2002 for reaching to quiet peace between Palestine and Israel. But when the struggle has increased between Fateh and Hamas the kingdom has called for conversation in Mecca to put down these bloody wars in Palestine.In Lebanon side : From the principle of respect of the country the kingdom asked to get its army back from Lebanon lands and after the ex - president al - Hariry has been killed the kingdom asked to make international investigation to solve the problem. With the Israeli an attack for Lebanon in 2006 the kingdom called for stopping shooting although the criticisms that the kingdom put on Hizb Allah and its responsibility on what happened.In Yemen side : The kingdom insist in it refused position for entering Yemen to the cooperation gulf council nevertheless that Yemen announced that it transmit all obstacles that stand against of getting the membering.

السياسة الخارجية السعودية والمنطقة العربية منذ انتهاء الحرب الباردة The Saudi Arabia Foreign Policy and Arabic Region since the End of the Cold War

اسم المؤلف: يسرى مهدي صالح
اسم المشرف: فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2008
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The Saudi foreign policy has got great important for who deals with international affairs, it deals with politics events directly or indirectly; then its roll in most of the Arabic cases has showed clearly effected. Naturally the Saudi foreign policy interested in Arabic especially. The follower of the way to the development of Saudi politics to the age after the cold war towards Arabia ; find that it does not get away to the period that proceeded the cold war but continued to it. So the changes that happened to foreign and internal environments in last years of the 1980s and the beginning years of 1990s impost on the kingdom more interesting to the Arabian case. So at the time and after the gulf war the kingdom increased in power the military threat that the radical Iraqi regime was weaken another think the alliance with USA and the western that assured it the security. The vision that Saudi resemble towards the Arab - Israel conflict it is the dependent in the Arabic area.Although these good factors but they have become threat resources, the protection that US gives to kingdom has it paid in the economics problems that the kingdom faced after the second Gulf war directly in (1993,1994,1995).In addition of failure every tries to put combination that leads the Arabian interactive in 90s.The accusation of terror and the events of eleventh of September 2001 made the kingdom acting politics roll more actively towards the Arabic area cases.The invitation of the prince Abdullah for peace 2002 and to Syria to get back from Lebanon 2005 for that roll the appearance of Iran not only in Gulf but in Arabic as a competition.For the studying is enable to cover the important of the subject that it divided to introduction also two chapters the first search in variable effective the operation of making Saudi Arabia foreign policy . the second chapter studies the foreign policy behavior towards Arabic area since the end of the cold war.(chosen Arabic issue).The studying get many productions towards that issues.In gulf side : The kingdom insist on the necessary of the American existence in the area as an equal element for Iranian threat with assurance to find guaranty for gulf safety beside of that it tried to reduce the nervous centers and unstable in area. This clearly showed in the solving all the problems about the geographical boundaries with neighboring countries and refusing that Iran have had the nuclear weapons.In Iraqi side : With the growing of the Iraqi - American crisis and what the year 2002 has witnessed by increasing American military side to Iraq.The kingdom refused the military powers against Iraq and declared that it wouldn't allow using its grounds for shooting Iraq after the fallen of the regime in April 2003 kingdom was the first to invite the Arab counties to meet at council for searching the Iraqi development with the increasing of murdering and emigration the kingdom in Iraq assured the dissatisfaction of what is happening in Iraq and invite the necessary of policy sharing and welcoming with the Mecca policy that aimed to stop the violence in Iraq.In the Palestinian side : The Palestinian case formed an essential side from the external Saudi politics interests and it one of its standard that called to find a peacefully solution for this case by the decision of the legal international it assured that each sides of struggle should take care of the decisions of Madrid council for Pease 1991. And what it has signed in Oslo agreement 1993, so it faced against the Israel by the Palestinian side by its government and its people and it showed great interest by the great roll in this case and the invitation of prince Abdullah for peace 2002 for reaching to quiet peace between Palestine and Israel. But when the struggle has increased between Fateh and Hamas the kingdom has called for conversation in Mecca to put down these bloody wars in Palestine.In Lebanon side : From the principle of respect of the country the kingdom asked to get its army back from Lebanon lands and after the ex - president al - Hariry has been killed the kingdom asked to make international investigation to solve the problem. With the Israeli an attack for Lebanon in 2006 the kingdom called for stopping shooting although the criticisms that the kingdom put on Hizb Allah and its responsibility on what happened.In Yemen side : The kingdom insist in it refused position for entering Yemen to the cooperation gulf council nevertheless that Yemen announced that it transmit all obstacles that stand against of getting the membering.

حقوق المراة بين الشريعة الاسلامية والقوانين الوضعية Women's Rights In The Islam Regime And The Laws Rights Of Work Comparative study

اسم المؤلف: هيفاء خشن جاسم العزاوي
اسم المشرف: اكرم عبد الله الجميلي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2007
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The dignity is universal not adverbial, but it is not understood in same meaning from age to age and from place to place . From this day we will use the term Democracy in all the wide world started from Greece in it's meaning , that means Public rule , this meaning in the past including in Greece that different meaning in modern age . As we explained before the Attitude of Islam that opinion of prophet Mohammed( God bless him ) in explanation the man , as individual in greeting him and rising his position, this greeting and this rising or change his situation, in his live or after his death . that he obligate on him the Responsibilities and giving him the rights . And because the Islam religion of the life and work , as well as religion of worshipThe man must live in society he must be cooperated with other members in the society . Also the subject of the study included explanation for the reality of the women and her participation with her brother man since going out to start the work , organizing workAnd the getting the fee out side the house and her participation in several fields economic and social and political in the contemporary , and through this explanationWe explain development for the position of the woman . The human Rights issues became as matters in touch with every people 's life , and states with its evolution . with differences of its civilization geography position and its political economic and social regimes . This Issue touch every human being as an individual with his nature and his structure . The nature of human being of double description because of , he is a human being , and social being in the same time that lead to find several respected confirmations , and the tone of this confirmations raised with new international situation . These confirmations have its reflections not only on the most constitutions , regional and national slandered of the women is an important human being in dispensable to erect the life and play a basic role in any progressed or undeveloped society and if this sight for a women is an axiom in our current world , but it is not the same in the previous periods . The human history fill of women's suffering from factor of enslavement and persecution , and tried top quash her humanity and contemn her dignity , than the man who dominated on all administration fall private and general affairs in the society and in the same prevented women to enter in to such fields ./ decreased from her interests , and ignored abilities in its arrangement . As a result of evolution of human society generally the women's position evaluated significantly .In the beginning of 19 century many women movement lead woman resistance against the factor of enslavement and persecution and asked to liberated and grant women her political lawful and economic rights and her equinity with man with all respects . No basic change happened relating with women's position in current age, but if there is decision for quality principles , on constitution today with out mention to equality among citizens and that is with text , there are nit any differentiation among them , no discrimination because of color face , language , or belief that is became as distinguished matter That human rights with its values and institutions is part of Arab current culture in spite of, value of justice equality solidarity and freedom .

الولايات المتحدة الامريكية والامم المتحدة فترة ما بعد الحرب الباردة The United States of America and United Nations after the Cold War

اسم المؤلف: اسامة مرتضى باقر السعيدي
اسم المشرف: سرمد زكي الجادر فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2006
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The United States of America tries hard to continue its control upon the whole world, but why is this desire? It may aim to get commercial advantage through its strength.The foundation of the United Nations is the best achievement of the United States of America in the twentieth century.As a result to international development and in an attempt to keep the role of the United Nations in keeping peace and security it applies the human rights idealism that led to fasten the United States policy with the human rights idealism and United nation decision.The CCCP decline has a great and danger ous affection upon the United Nations. The organization, no longer, becomes corrupted and is considered the place where the struggle between the two (poles) power is reflected.Now the United Nations face contemporary challenges to its stability.The United states of America has followed all the ways that lead to its domination over the United Nation ;among which was the decision of the war in 1991, to force the Iraqi troops to withdraw from Kuwait . It aimed at showing the whole world that the United Nation Organization is completely under its control throughout using the international Legitimacy and adopting the collective security system in line with its own interests . As result , it is the director of the United Nation decisions.America acts without paying attention to International Legitimacy. Moreover, International Legitimacy must follow America's will or will lose it's position as happen to Iraq on March/ 2003.The action of 11/ September/ 2001 gave the United States America the power to act as it wants all over the world without expecting bad reaction from any state in the world pretending that it protects their nations. In other words, it lets the other countries think they will face alike events of terror. The achievements of the victory in the cold war might last for more than one century. The actions of 11/ September make the countries all over the world accept it as a leader even it makes many problems to these countries as it happened in London on 7/ 7/ 2005.Then the United States of America has gained the full control upon the United Nations, and directs it to gain the American goals under the pretext of having the legal cover.This led to a new problem which becomes so important; the United Nations must improve their laws. How ever, the United States of America try to make the improvement according to its views. Unfortunately the delay of improvement will bring a great advantage to the United States of America in prolonging its domination on the world

الشركات المتعددة الجنسية ودورها في الاقتصاد العالمي مع التركيز على العراق The role of multinational corporations in the world Economic with Focus on Iraq

اسم المؤلف: هيثم كريم صيوان البدري
اسم المشرف: مازن اسماعيل الرمضاني عبد علي كاظم المعموري
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2005
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: يشكل عام 1960 نقطة التغيير التي طرات على الصناعة النفطية العالمية، ففي ذلك العام تم تاسيس منظمة الاقطار المصدرة للبترول والتي تسمى اختصارا بـ (Organization of the petroleum exporting countries) (الاوبك - OPEC). ومن خلالها سعت الدول المؤسسة للمنظمة، الى تنسيق سياساتها النفطية تجاه سلوك الشركات النفطية الاجنبية في السوق العالمية وخلال تلك المسيرة برزت قدرة المنظمة على صنع القرار النفطي لضمان المصلحة الاقتصادية للدول الاعضاء . ولاسباب سياسية اتخذت المنظمة قرارها في رفع اسعار النفط الخام ولاول مرة في عام 1973 والامتناع عن تصديره للدول الصناعية مما ادى الى ان يشهد العالم انذاك والدول الصناعية بصفة خاصة ركودا اقتصاديا اقترن بانخفاض معدلات النمو الاقتصادي ومن ثم تغيير في هيكلية اقتصاديات تلك الدول افضت بدورها الى تغيير مسارات الطلب العالمي على النفط وخصوصا على نفط الاوبك. لذا عمدت الدول الصناعية الى اتخاذ الاجراءات الاتية : 1. تاسيس وكالة الطاقة الدولية (IEA) تحت مظلة دول منظمة التعاون الاقتصادي والتنمية (OECD) لكي تكون في مواجهة اوبك وسياستها النفطية .2. تكوين الخزين النفطي الاستراتيجي لدول اوربا والولايات المتحدة واستخدامه كاداة ضاغطة على عمليات تسعير النفط. 3. البدء بالانتاج النفطي وبشكل تجاري من مناطق خارج اوبك كبحر الشمال. 4. اللجوء الى بدائل الطاقة للتقليل من الاعتماد على النفط.واستمرت متغيرات السوق النفطية في ارساء اليات جديدة كنشوء الاسواق الفورية والاجلة للنفط في منتصف الثمانينيات من القرن الماضي. وقد ادت هذه الى احداث فوضى على صعيد الانتاج والاسعار من اجل الضغط على اوبك وتحجيم دورها في السوق النفطية. وفي تلك الاثناء ظهر متغير اخر اقترن بزيادة الطلب على الامدادات النفطية لدى الدول النامية حديثة التصنيع يرافقه نمو اقتصادي وانتعاش الطلب على نفط اوبك.ولم تتوقف حركة تلك المتغيرات رغم كونها من سمات القرن الماضي ، فعقد التسعينات هو الاخر كان حافلا بالاحداث . ابرزها حرب الخليج الثانية (1991) وما نتج عنها، وانهيار الاتحاد السوفيتي السابق وقيام الاتحاد الاوربي والازمة الاسيوية، هذه الاحداث دفعت الى عدم استقرار سوق النفط وتراجع الطلب على نفط الاوبك. واقترنت نهاية عقد التسعينات من القرن الماضي بظاهرة جديدة هي اندماج الشركات النفطية العالمية لتكون اقل من حيث العدد واقوى من حيث الفاعلية في رسم مسارات جديدة للسياسة النفطية العالمية وصانعة القرار السياسي لدى حكوماتهم ، منطلقة من توجهات اعلامية نحو ضمان جهات جديدة للامدادات النفطية تكون بديلا عن نفط اوبك يرافقها تعدد وجهات نظر الغرب حيال المنظمة واستمرارها برسم مشاهد مستقبلية ذات ابعاد اقتصادية وسياسية. ومن خلال ماتقدم تبرز اهمية هذه الدراسة في تناولها سلعة النفط كمصدر مهم للطاقة ولعقود طويلة ، والى اهمية التنظيم الدولي في ادارة هذا المورد الناضب الذي استاثرت به منظمة الاوبك التي تمتلك دولها الاعضاء حوالي (80%) من الاحتياطي النفطي العالمي. وعبر مسيرتها التي امتدت نحو اكثر من اربعة عقود شهدت منظمة الاوبك تحولات في السياسات النفطية وتمكنت من استيعاب المتغيرات الاقتصادية والدولية التي شكلت مسارا محددا لمستقبلها.

مكانة ايران الاقليمية في ظل المتغيرات الجديدة بعد 11 ايلول 2001 : دراسة الابعاد السياسية والاقتصادية Iran's regional position in the light of the new changes after 11September 2001( the study of the political and economic dimensions)

اسم المؤلف: نسرين فالح حسن
اسم المشرف: عبد علي كاظم المعموري سرمد زكي الجادر
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: Iran has gotten strategic importance which its being located between the most important strategic territories in the world. Due to its privileged position which is connection point between three Asian areas ( west Asia, middle Asia, and south Asia), so there are other additional strategic features like its located on supply routes of international trade and oil wealths and it's have basic factors that qualifies it to perform prominent regional role and promoting regional position. Iran's strategic importance is coming from correlation depth of its history with Intellectual culture, which have cultural and civilized legacy as well as its rich heritage,and gives it the ability to maneuver in many areas and stability in the event center, and can play a crucial role in its policy towards the neighboring countries of the border regions (the Arab Gulf States, Iraq, Turkey, Pakistan, and Central Asian States), also it adopted a multilateral strategy to build regional relationships that is an option for expansion of bilateral, regional and global cooperation. The Iranians through the generations have a unique sense to their history and the greatness of their culture, and strength, although evanescence of Persian culture because prevalence of Western traditions the most tempting are, without affecting the sense of self - esteem and exaggerated look to Iran, and Iranians believe look closely to their history, grandeur of their civilization and necessity to own their regional leadership. Iran's regional composition has granted the ability to play a prominent role in the Middle East makes it one of the largest regional countries, which have an essential ingredients, it has big human mass and strategic geographical location, deep historical background, and continuous moral influence on neighboring countries geographically. These ingredients actuated to be as part in regional equations. On the other hand, Iraq's invasion and occupation was a reason for the escalation of Iran's regional influence under the unstable regional environment outputs, whether in the Middle East or Central Asia, under the occupation of Afghanistan and Iraq, backed up by conventional military capabilities as well as the cultural, political, economic and religious influence which is rising and growing. The vast effect that Iran has to attain high rank as major regional power, can use it to explain the development of the military, nuclear and technological fields, and impact it on the other countries. Perhaps, the most prominent signs are growth of Iran's regional stature, constant pursuit to avoid any tensions with the total adjacent countries, and the tendency of Iran for reconciliation gradually with the international environment and it does not use the sectarian dimension of its foreign policy. The importance of change in Iran's strategy due to a change in the perceptions for special causes with the transformations that taking place in the Iranian regime's strategy, the Iranian president, "Hassan Rowhani," he wrote his article published by the newspaper "Washington Post", about the evolution of Iran's status, saying "what Iran is trying to do today is to transform threat that surrounds it on all sides to opportunities, and its employ for this the competition and cooperation in multilateral conflict fields, which Iran is now a major player in it. Iran follow the example of Russia to exert a show of strength and influence, and the Syrian arena it is only just a chessboard for Iranians with a warning the consequences bypassed in arrangements of resolving the crisis." There are limits to idea of Iran's regional status through play strategic alternative role, Iran is a partner to the Arabs according to historical connections, geographical neighborhood, and demographic interference. It the only state non - Arab which overlooks on the Gulf, while other states who overlooking on the Gulf are Arab states. At the time when the Gulf was the only maritime outlet for Iran, which is main crossing for about 80% of its oil exports,The Iranian - Arab relations are gaining special importance, as result of the Iranian - American conflict over Iran's nuclear program, Iran is not a main strategic alternative for Arabs in security issues currently, especially if the Arabic strategy is for peaceful settlement of Arab - Israeli conflict, but it is important alternative if this strategy is about the resistance, and therefore Iran remains a strategic alternative in the long - term. It has made those goals flowing together for Iran's supreme national interest , and its recognition as a regional power in the area, it has clout and influence like any other regional powers. It can contribute to impede the interests of many countries including United States, also it can not be excluded when discussing any special arrangements as being counterweight through what it prepares for the foreign policy and national security which is following it in the Gulf region. The study focuses on the aspiration of Iran to expand its regional and international status, although it is depending on the human, economic, military bases and even scientific - technological, as well as geopolitical importance that enjoy it, but this aspiration faces by United States and its Arab allies in the region through rejection and obstruction and international sanctions and trapping and even a media war. So we shall begin from Iran's attempt to promote its regional and international status by employing all the capabilities that enjoy it, which makes its reality in tune with the Iranian self - feeling in its rightful status under regional and international environment that is very complicated through a combination of pragmatism and some of ideological rationality

مكانة اسرائيل الاقليمية واحداث 11 ايلول 2001 : دراسة في الامكانيات والفرص The regional status of Israel and the events of 11 - September - 2001 a study of potentials and opportunities

اسم المؤلف: ناجي محمد عبد الله هتاش
اسم المشرف: صالح عباس الطائي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2008
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الكلمات الدلالية:
  • المكانة
  • سياسة المكانة
  • القوة والقدرة
  • القوة الاقليمية
  • الاقليمية الجديدة
  • الهيمنة الاقليمية
  • الدور
  • القوة العسكرية
  • اسرائيل
  • التخطيط المستقبلي
  • البحث والتطوير
  • احداث سبتمبر
  • 11 ايلول
  • الادارة الدولية
  • الارهاب
  • صنع العدو
  • الشرق الاوسط
  • القل
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: This is a study of ( the regional status of Israel and the events of 11/septemper/2001 - a study of potentials and opportunities) by analyzing the variables which helped in the maintenance of Israel existence within a strange environment, and its relentless and continuance attempts to reach the regional domination statues in a region considered one of the most vital regions of the world; extending from Iran in the east to Sudan and Egypt in the west and from Turkey in the north to the Arab gulf in the south . This very region has constituted the middle east according to the British vision in the near past ,and today it is the beating heart of the great middle east project the united states is planning for. The Israeli search for a significant regional statues in this region has been quite unique due to its up normal establishment and its social, historical and cultural radical difference from other countries of this region. Thereby, Zionism realized the danger threatening this new born state among a hostile environment, that is why its purposes and aims have been arranged according to the priorities of planning for state establishment , in cooperation and coordination with the international powers which has an influential impact on the political system : earning the international and legal legitimacy required for the establishment of the state of Israel, fulfilling the Jewish destination, start up the Jewish immigration , preserving the state entity by building a powerful army relying on a huge reserve power capable of defending the state. In order to achieve these goals it has to own the power in every aspects and domain which creates superiority in quality over the hostile Arabic mass. This inspired the idea that the relationship of powers indicates obvious Israeli superiority since the establishment of Israel to the present day, enhanced by the Israeli cultural devotion for the superior west and the Zionist ideological power. Despite Israel capability of achieving the international legitimacy in existing , it did not cancel its great interest of having this regional role and an Arabic acceptance allowing for interacting and influential role in the region. Thereby, there are some of the priorities that constituted the frame of the Israeli political and intellectual perception of its geographical region : 1 - relying on a great power, first obtaining its protection ,and its constant support which qualifies it for a regional role secondly . 2 - embrace the absolute security conception based on geographical extension in order to ensure the strategical depth and secure military superiority maintenance supported by deterrent nuclear arm.3 - The assertion on the elimination of Arabic nation as a cultural and historical fact and finding some sort of religious and national conflict in the sense that it uses religion as a mean of wreaking the Arabic nationality as well as exploiting the sectarian and religious tensions for breaking down the region which fulfills the admission and acceptance of others ; and obtain the regional legitimacy by establishing an Arabic climate accepts the Israeli existence and cope with it to reach for the regional dominance in further level and play the role of regional leader. What helped Israel to accomplish so much of these goals and visions sum of the international variables that stormed the international political system found their echoes in the region which Israel took it for its advantage and used it brilliantly : by the end of cold war Arabs lost their stragical ally (the soviet union) which created the opportunity for Israel and united states to enforce the settlement on Arab. Followed by this golden opportunity, the attacks of 11/septempper /2001 which reached American depth, Israel seized to finish on the Arabic regime, since the prepecations of these attacks concentrated on the middle east core which Arabs and Muslims represent the majority . here, the study proves its hypothesis that accusing Arabs and Muslims of terrorism , distorting the image of Arabs and Muslims making them the target for the American war against terrorism , occupying Iraq , intensifying the American military presence and making the region go through turmoil to distort the region image ; all these are positive outcomes in the advantage of Israel to back up its policies and practices in the region in order to promote its regional statues supported by an American devotion during the region of the current American administration of George Bush junior never reached before. Consequently the study attempted to draw future portraits of the Israeli regional statues promoting two of them which are the most convenient for the Israeli interest : the portrait of continuity , and the portrait of continuity and change for the long and short range. The study has concluded into sum of the deductions confirming the reality that Israel being an important regional state for the time being , it is more than enough to say that it’s the most developed and advanced state and the only nuclear power in the region.

المنظمات الاقتصادية الدولية والنظام الاقتصادي العالمي الجديد THE INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC ORGANIZATIONS AND THE NEW INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC SYSTEM

اسم المؤلف: ميس صاحب عبد الوهاب
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2004
الموضوع الدقيق: العلوم السياسية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الكلمات الدلالية:
  • المنظمات الاقتصادية الدولية
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: تبرز اهمية المنظمات الاقتصادية الدولية من الوظيفة التي اوكلت اليها والدور الذي تكفلت بادائه ، بانجاز مراحل مهمة لاقامة نظام اقتصادي عالمي ، وقبل كل هذا وذاك في المحددات والاسس النظرية التي كانت وراء صياغة بنودها وقراراتها ، فهي تترجم مفهوما وايديولوجية ليبرالية (راسمالية ليبرالية) من خلال الاسس التي اعتمدتها للنظام النقدي والتجاري الدولي وللسياسات المالية والتجارية والنقدية الدولية.وتنبع اهمية دراسة دور المنظمات الاقتصادية الدولية واثارها من كونها تمثل الالية الرئيسة في تنفيذ القرار الفعلي على الصعيد العالمي ، خاصة بعد نشوء منظمة التجارة العالمية ، وسد اوجه النقص القائمة في مؤسسات النظام الاقتصادي الدولي بما يكفل النظرة المتكاملة للعلاقات الاقتصادية المترابطة الخاصة بالنقد والتمويل والتجارة والتنمية.فوظيفة هذه المنظمات اصبحت … تحديد مسار التغير الذي يعد ملائما واحداث التحولات في الاقتصادات الوطنية بالطريقة التي تكفل بها انسجام النشاط الاقتصادي على الصعيد الاقتصادي الدولي. فمن الايفاء بحاجات المجتمع هدفا للتحول واحداث التنمية الى الاستقرار الداخلي وصولا الى تحقيق الاندماج في الاقتصاد العالمي ، فهذه المنظمات لا تتوقف عند الدور المعنوي او الرقابي ، بل يمكنها ان تفرض القواعد التي ينبغي على الدول الاعضاء احترامها في سياساتها الاقتصادية.فهذه المنظمات تقيد من سيطرة الدولة وتلزمها باتخاذ اجراءات وتدابير معنية تقلص من سيادة الدولة على اختيار سياساتها الاقتصادية بما يتلاءم مع ظروفها واهدافها الوطنية ، بل ان هذه الدول ستخضع للرقابة من خلال برامج واجهزة هذه المنظمات ، كما ان تنفيذ سياسات الاصلاح الاقتصادي والالتزام باتفاقيات منظمة التجارة العالمية ينطوي على نقل قدر من صلاحيات اتخاذ القرارات في الدول النامية من الدائرة الوطنية الى الدائرة العالمية .ويمكن تحديد اهم النتائج التي تم التوصل اليها من خلال هذه الدراسة وهي : 1 - ان مجرد التحول نحو نظام السوق والالتزام بقواعده لا يضمن نجاح جهود التنمية ، وحتى في حالة النجاح في زيادة الانتاج ، فان الاعتماد على اليات السوق دون غيرها لا يضمن تحسين نوعية حياة السكان ومحاصرة الفقر ان ما تحتاج اليه الدول النامية ، هي احداث تنمية اقتصادية واجتماعية تنفي ما تعاني منه من تخلف بتحويل الهيكل الاقتصادي فيها ليتم فيه انتاج القسم الاكبر من الحاجات المتنوعة للسكان وليس باتساع نطاق الاعتماد على السوق الدولية ، اي اننا ازاء هيكل انتاجي تتحدد وتنشا وحداته المنتجة ابتداء من قرار مستقل يتحدد في الداخل وفي ضوء الحاجات الاجتماعية المتنوعة من ناحية والموارد المالية والفنية المتاحة محليا من ناحية اخرى.2 - تنطلق المنظمات الاقتصادية الدولية في سياساتها من مسالة استحداث نماذج فقط ، من دون الاهتمام بمسالة امكانية التطبيق ، اي ان هناك فجوة بين تصميم وصياغة النماذج الانمائية ورسم السياسات وتنفيذها . فهذه السياسات تتسم بغياب النموذج القابل للتعميم على الصعيد العالمي ، اي النموذج الذي يحقق المكاسب لجميع الدول المشاركة فيه ، ونتيجة لذلك فان تطبيقات السياسات الاقتصادية التي تشترطها المنظمات الاقتصادية الدولية تكون لها معطيات متباينة في الاقتصادات المختلفة وفقا لمرحلة تطورها الاقتصادي ، الامر الذي اظهر تشوهات متباينة في مؤشرات الاداء الاقتصادي للدول المختلفة.3 - ان دعوة مؤسسات (برتيون وودز) الى تحرير القطاع المالي والتجاري يعني حرمان الدول النامية ، من اتخاذ سياسات اقتصادية مشابهة للسياسات الاقتصادية التي استخدمتها الدول الصناعية في بداية مراحل تطورها ، او حتى التي استخدمتها الدول النامية حديثة التصنيع في الماضي القريب . وسوف يتوجب على الدول النامية اتخاذ سياسات تنموية قائمة على الحرية الاقتصادية التي صممتها المنظمات الاقتصادية الدولية وليس وفق متطلبات نموها الوطني ، مما يعني ان سيادة هذه البرامج في الاقتصادات الوطنية ليس مسالة تغير طارئ في هيكل الاقتصاد الوطني . وانما هو تطور نحو بنية اقتصادية جديدة مغايرة في سياقها التاريخي ومتضمناتها الاقتصادية لاوضاعها السابقة ، لقد جاء سعي الاقتصادات المتقدمة نحو عولمة الاقتصاد حصيلة تطور زمني طويل لمزايا السوق امكن معه من وضع فروض يعمل السوق على تفعيل مؤشرات ادائها الاقتصادي ، الا ان سيادة الفروض نفسها في اسواق غير تنافسية والتي تتسم بقدر من التشوهات ، (وفقا لمفاهيم النظرية الاقتصادية) لن يساعدها على تحقيق الكفاءة ذاتها في اداء الموارد ، مما يؤدي الى اللاعدالة وعدم المساواة في النظام الاقتصادي العالمي .اي ستؤدي الى توزيع الاعباء والمنافع بصورة غير عادلة بين الاقتصادات المتقدمة والنامية .4 - بالرغم من ان اكثر التحرير المالي والتجاري الذي تنادي به المنظمات الاقتصادية الدولية قد يخلق فوائد للمجتمع الدولي من تخفيض الحواجز الكمركيه وازالة القيود الكمية وفتح الاسواق ، الا ان معظم الدول النامية والمتحولة سوف لا تتمكن من تحقيق تلك المكاسب وتحويل المزايا الاحتمالية الى منافع فعلية الا بعد اعادة هيكلية اقتصاداتها .5 - افضت سياسات المنظمات الاقتصادية الدولية الى نمط من ادارة الاقتصاد العالمي عمل على استيعاب المشاكل والمتغيرات الدولية عن طريق اعتماد سياسات نقدية مناسبة يعقبها تكيف هيكلي يهدف الى زيادة مرونة الاقتصادات وتحسين فعالية استخدام الموارد واعطاء دور اكبر لقوى السوق والانفتاح ، اي تحول اهتمام هذه المنظمات لحل مشاكل الاقتصاد العالمي عن طريق تكييف السياسات الاقتصادية الوطنية للتغيرات في البيئة الاقتصاد العالمية ، وبالمثل اصبح ينظر الى التنمية والتحول باعتباره يمنح اهمية اقل لتحسين البيئة المالية والتجارية الخارجية ، واعطاء اهمية اكبر لتعزيز فاعلية الاصلاحات الهيكلية بهدف توفير حوافز للقطاع الخاص لكي يكون قوة دافعة للتنمية والتحول الاقتصادي.6 - افرزت سياسات المنظمات الاقتصادية الدولية ازدواجية في قواعد النظام الاقتصادي العالمي الجديد ، فالحدود الوطنية لاتهم بالنسبة للتجارة وتدفقات رؤوس الاموال ، لكن يتعين ترسيمها بوضوح اذا تعلق الامر بتدفقات التكنولوجيا والعمالة ،فسياسات المنظمات تجنبت الحديث عن حركة عنصر العمل عالميا وكانها غير محتملة او كان راس المال يستطيع ان يحل تماما محل عنصر العمل على المستوى العالمي في تحقيق التخصصات المثلى ، ويترتب على ذلك ان الدول النامية ستسمح بالوصول الى اسواقها من دون ان يقابل ذلك السماح لها بالوصول الى التكنولوجيا ، وانها ستقبل بحركة رؤوس الاموال دون ان يقابل ذلك انتقال العمالة ، هذا الازدواج يعد من صميم عدم المساواة في قواعد النظام الاقتصادي العالمي الجديد . 7 - يبرز التقاطع بين سياسات المنظمات الاقتصادية الدولية والسياسات البديلة للدول النامية والمتحولة ، فالجانب الايديولوجي للمنظمات الاقتصادية الدولية يرى ان طريق التنمية يجب ان يكون راسماليا من خلال اعتماد الية السوق ، وهذه مصادرة لحق هذه الدول في تلمس الطريق المناسب لها للتنمية ، كما ان المنظمات الاقتصادية الدولية تخضع الدول النامية جميعها للشروط ذاتها من دون اية خصوصية تذكر ، في حين ينطلق النموذج البديل من خصوصية اوضاع كل مجتمع . كما ان وصفه المنظمات تضر اضرارا بالغا بذوي الدخل المحدود الامر الذي ينتج عنه ازدياد حدة الفقر ، وعلى العكس من ذلك فان فلسفة النهج البديل للاصلاح والتحول تعمد الى مراعاة الشرائح والفئات الاقل دخلا ، اي انها تستند الى اعادة صياغة فلسفة التنمية وجعلها متمحورة على الذات ونقل عملية التراكم من تراكم معتمد على الخارج الى تراكم يرتكز على الداخل وعلى الامكانات الداخلية في تمويل التنمية والابتعاد عن طريقة الاستدانه في ظل يسر الاقراض.8 - لم تستطع المنظمات الاقتصادية الدولية بوصفها اليات تسيير واداره النظام الاقتصادي العالمي من جعل هذا الاقتصاد اكثر استقرارا وعدالة فعمليات ادارة النظام المالي العالمي من قبل صندوق النقد الدولي والبنك الدولي لم تركز على الاجراءات الواجب اتخاذها للتصدي لحالة عدم الاستقرار الشامل وللمخاطر التي تهدد النظام العالمي ، بل ركزا جهودهما على ما ينبغي للمؤسسات والاليات الوطنية عمله وعلى وضع عقوبات صارمة فيما يتصل بالمشروطية والاشراف . في حين ادت اتفاقات منظمة التجارة العالمية الى بروز سياسة المنافسة الدولية كاحد مجالات السياسة الاقتصادية الجديدة ، والى رفع المستوى العالمي المطلوب من الناحية الفنية والمتطلبات القانونية التي يتطلبها النظام الاقتصادي العالمي الجديد. اي ان التحرير التجاري ادى الى اشتداد حمى المنافسة الدولية في ظل اوضاع اقتصادية غير متكافئة . | The importance of the international economic organizations comes through the job it has to do and the role to fulfill by accomplishing an important stages to build an international economic system, and before all of that inside the religious boundaries that led to write its bounds and decisions, because it translate a liberal and ideological (liberal imperialism) through the basics for the international commercial and fund system and for the international financial and commercial and fund policies. The importance of studying the role of the international economic organizations and its impact because it represent the main mechanism to implement the direct decision at the international side especially after the international trade organizations and to complete the lacks that exist in the institutes of the international economic system , that will guarantee the perfect view for the international economic relations that deals with the fund, supplement, trade and development the job of these commissions turns into determining the changing passage that will be appropriate and makes changes in the national economies by a way that guarantee the harmony of the economic activity on the international side, because these organizations do not stand to play emotion or monitoring role, but it can force the roles that the members should respect in their economic policies and that includes the shrinkage of absolute countries sovereignty for their economic policies on their obligations and promises to the international economic organizations.Therefore seeking a goal to determine the role of international economic organizations appears, making new features for the international economic system, and evaluate the administration of these organizations for the rehabilitation of their structures and economical transformation, in addition how to control the international financial crises heading to evaluate these influences on such policies in the international side.So the research starts from a point that the policies of the international economic organizations, stand to be new style in the administration of the international economy and national economies, but these administrations failed to accomplish perfect possibilities in the equal development and transform and combine for these countries in the international economy.This research has been built in four chapters, in addition to the preface and conclude : The first chapter The Basic Features of the International Economic System and the role of the international economic organizations building new style for the international economic relations, through three aspects, the first deals with (The characteristics and Man Features For the Old International Economic system), the second discuss (Motives for Establishing The International Economic Organization), the third deals with (International Economic Environmental variables and its impacts on developing policies of the International Economic Organizations.The second chapter discusses the International Economic Organizations in three aspects, the first study the denotation of the International Economic Organizations, the second view the applicable symbols for the International Economic Organizations policies, the third study the organization policies and problems that will appears through implementation in the underdeveloped countries. The third chapter deals with (International Economic Organizations and the administration of international financial crises and the economic transformation processes) in two aspects, the first specialized studying the International Economic Organizations and the administration of economical transformation, the second aspects deals only with International Economic Organizations and the administration of international financial crises.The fourth chapter which is the last, view (Policies of the International Economic Organizations and its impact on the International economy) the first aspect study (The Influence of the Financial Policies for the International Economic Organizations on the international economy), the second comes under a title ( The Impact of the International Trade Convention on the International Economy), the third and the last deals with (Social and Political Influences for the Policies of the International Economic Organizations on the International Side).The research comes to these conclusions : 1 - The International Economic Organizations starts its policy from making symbol's only, with out take into consideration the possibilities of implementation, that means that there is a gap between design and write the developing symbols and draw and implement policies, therefore applications of the economical policies gives different values in different economies according to the economical developing phase.2 - The invitation of the International Economic Organizations to liberate the financial and commercial field means to deprive underdeveloped countries to make similar economical policies that the industrial countries use at the first early stages from its developing phase, or even that has been used by the new manufacturer underdeveloped countries. The underdeveloped countries has to take developing policies based on the economical freedom that has been design by International Economic Organizations and not accordingly to its economical growth demands.3 - In spit of the financial and commercial liberation that the International Economic Organizations calls for, can create benefits for the international community by decreasing the customs obstacles, and eliminate the quantity chains and open markets, but most of the underdeveloped and transformed countries will not be able to achieve the benefits and will not transform the substantial characteristics to real benefits until the rehabilitation of its economical structure.4 - The International Economic Organizations led to new style for the international economy administration that can capture all the international dilemma and changes, by another word that we can transform the intentions of these organization to solve the international problems, by conditioning the national economic policies to the changes in the international environment and they will look with similarity to development and transform by giving less importance to improve the international financial and commercial environment and giving more to the economical improvements, that means to provide bonus to the private sector that will be strong power to carryon the economical and transform development.5 - The International Economic Organizations policies shows double vision for the new international economic system, because the national boundaries do not put into consideration when dealing with trade and falls of budget main stream, but it has to clearly determine if it has great role in technology and liberal support. The organization policies avoid talking about international movement of labor element as if it is impossible or budged can totally replace movements of labor element, on the international side to accomplish the perfect specialization, in order to do such thing the underdeveloped countries will allow to enter its markets without letting her to reach technology, and will allow the movement of main budget with out transferring labors. This double vision represents the hart of inequality in the principles of new international economical system it is obvious that thy worldlization process and the economical liberation led by International Economic Organizations increase the competing pressure on the international markets and to halt the economical success on the speed of skills gain and technology development. These processes and pressures increase the gap between the developed countries and the underdeveloped, therefore a need to mechanism and policies that the international economy stand on, the economic system that stand helpless to provide appropriate and realistic changes for underdeveloped countries to equal combine and raise the living level, will absolutely loss its speed in great parts of the underdeveloped countries and without this legitimate and justice, any new International Economic System will not be able to achieve stability and continuity

انتقال الفكر المؤسساتي من المحلية الى العالمية ودوره في تحقيق التنمية سياسيا واقتصاديا transition The institutionalism Thought from local to global And its role in the achievement of political and economic development

اسم المؤلف: مصطفى حسين عبد الرزاق
اسم المشرف: عبد علي كاظم المعموري احمد شهاب الحمداني
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: واجه الفكر الاقتصادي الكلاسيكي العديد من الانتقادات من مدارس فكرية عديدة لاسباب كثيرة، وتعد المدرسة المؤسساتية واحدة من اهم تلك المدارس، واكتسبت اهميتها لسببين : الاول : نجاحها في جعل المؤسسات السائدة احدى المتغيرات التي يعنى بها البحث الاقتصادي في عالمنا المعاصر، ورفض الفرضيات الكلاسيكية المسلمة بجودة المؤسسات، والتي تفضي الى افتراض مثالية الاسواق، ورفض فرضيات رشد المستهلك، والسعي الدائم للافراد نحو المنافع المادية، وتوفر المعلومات المجانية وغيرها من الثوابت الكلاسيكية. الثاني : تنامي الاهتمام بالمؤسساتية من قبل جيل جديد من المؤسساتيين، من خلال الاقتراب من الفكر الاقتصادي السائد ذا الجذور الكلاسيكية والانتقال من النقد بسبب اهمال الجانب المؤسسي، الى الدعوة الى ادخال العوامل المؤسسية وجعلها جزء من النظريات التنموية، اذ بدراونالد كوز بفكرة تكاليف الصفقة عام 1937، وبين ان بسببها تنشا وتتوسع الشركات الكبيرة على حساب المشاريع الصغيرة، لان الاخيرة تعتمد على الية السوق، فاذا ما كانت السوق غير فعالة (مكلفة)، تضطر الاطراف الى الدخول في شراكات تعاقدية لتجنب هذه السوق التي تعاني من التذبذب، والغموض (قلة المعلومات والشفافية)، وعدم الامان (حماية الملكية من المصادرة ومن المزاحمة الحكومية) ...الخ. اصبحت معظم الكتابات والدراسات والتقارير الاقتصادية - بما فيها تلك الصادرة عن المنظمات الدولية - تتفق على صحة الاطروحات الفكرية التي تولي اهمية كبيرة الى المؤسسات التي تمثل النظام السياسي والاقتصادي السائدين في بلد ما، وظهر اجماعا متزايدا على ان جودة النظام المؤسسي يعد اهم العوامل التي تساعد او تعيق التنمية الاقتصادية، وبعبارة اخرى، فان النظام السياسي الذي يحدد ملامح (المؤسسات) القواعد المنظمة للحياة السياسية والاقتصادية والاجتماعية، ومن ثم ايجاد سوق فعال، يعد اليوم عاملا رئيسا في تحقيق التنمية والرفاه للمجتمعات، ما دفع الكثير من المنظمات الى وضع معايير يمكن من خلالها تقدير مؤشرات كمية تعبر عن جودة المؤسسات، والقيام ببحوث تستخدم تلك المؤشرات لقياس اثارها، ورسم مسارا للتنمية يعتمد على التحسن في المؤسسات لاسيما الرسمية، من خلال جذبها لرؤوس الاموال المحلية والخارجية.ومع تعدد المؤشرات التي يمكن استخدامها للدلالة على جودة المؤسسات، فان المؤشرات الاكثر استخداما هي مؤشر سهولة الاعمال الذي يصدره البنك الدولي، ومؤشر الحرية الاقتصادية الذي يصدره معهد فرايزر (في كندا)، ومؤشر الديمقراطية الذي يصدره وحدة الاستخبارات الاقتصادية، ومؤشر الحكم الصالح الذي يصدره البنك الدولي، ويتضمن كل مؤشر عددا من المؤشرات الفرعية يعبر كل منها عن جانب من جوانب المؤشر.وعند قياس اثر جودة المؤسسات بالاعتماد على كل مؤشر على حدا، وبناء انموذج قياسي لكل منها بالاعتماد على بيانات مئة دولة لعام 2011، تبين الاثر المعنوي للاداء المؤسسي، وكان مقداره متباينا حسب المؤشر المستخدم، كما تبين من جميع النماذج ان مسار العلاقة بين الاداء المؤسسي والنمو غير خطية، ما يعني ان التحسن في جودة المؤسسات لا يحقق نموا اقتصاديا الا بعد بلوغ درجة معينة تتحدد حسب نوع المؤشر المستخدم، وفي ضوء المقارنة بين اثر المؤشرات تبين لنا اولويات الاصلاح المؤسسي الواجب اتباعها، استنادا الى نتائج كل مؤشر، فجاء في المقدمة الحكم الصالح، اذ بلغ معامل التحديد (R2) لانحداره البسيط (من الدرجة الثانية) (81%)، يليه سهولة الاعمال الذي بلغ معامل التحديد (R2) لانحداره البسيط (من الدرجة الثانية) (61%)، ثم الحرية الاقتصادية الذي بلغ معامل التحديد (R2) لانحداره البسيط (من الدرجة الثانية) (59%)، وجاء اخيرا مؤشر الديمقراطية الذي بلغ معامل التحديد (R2) لمعامل الانحدار (من الدرجة الثانية) (52%). | The classical economic thought subjected for many criticisms from many schools of thought because of many reasons, Institutional school one of the most important of these schools, It importance has gained for two reasons : First : its success in making the prevailing institutions, one of the variables that must be concerned economic research in the contemporary world, and rejection of the classical hypotheses in Ideal of institutions, Which leading to the assumption of perfect markets, and rejection the other its hypotheses such as Consumer rationality, make constant efforts to individuals about the Material benefits, and provides free information and other classic constants.Second : growing the interest in Institutional by a new generation of institutionalist, through closer to the mainstream economic thought a classical roots and the transition of Criticism due to the neglect of the institutional variable, to call for the introduction of institutional factors and make it part of the developmental theories, Ronald Coase began the idea of transaction costs in 1937,He indicate that large companies will arise and expand at the expense of small businesses account, because the latter rely on the market mechanism. If the market was not effective (inexpensive), the parties have to enter into contractual partnerships to avoid this market is experiencing volatility, and uncertainty (lack of information and transparency), and lack of safety (protection of property confiscated from the government and from Crowding in - out) ... etc.Most of the economic Scripts, studies and reports, - those issued by international organizations - agree on the validity of intellectual theses that attaches great importance to the institutions that represent the political and economic regime that prevailing in the country, and the back of a growing consensus that the institutional system quality is the most important factors that help or hinder economic development, in other words, the political regime that determines the features to regulation rules (institutions) of the political, economic and social life, and then find an effective market, is today a major factor in the development and prosperity of the communities, prompting many organizations to develop criteria by which to estimate the amount indicators reflect the quality of institutions, and carry out research using those indicators to measure their effects, and draw a path of development depends on improvement in the institutions Especially the formal institutions, through attracted local and foreign the capital fundsWith so many indicators that can be used to indicate the quality of institutions, the most widely used indicators is Doing business issued by the World Bank index, the Economic Freedom Index published by the fraser institute (Canada), the Democracy Index which published by the Economist Intelligence Unit, and the Good Governance index which is issued by the world bank, each index includes a number of sub - indices, each of which reflects an aspect of the indexWhen measuring the impact of the quality of institutions depending on each indicator separately, and make econometric model for each of them based on one hundred countries for the year 2011 data, shows the Significant impact of institutional performance, whereof mixed by user index, as shown by all the models that the relationship between institutional performance and growth path non - linear, which means that the improvement in the quality of the institutions does not achieve the economic growth only after reaching a certain degree determined according the user index type, and in comparison light of the impact of the indicators, show us the priorities of institutional reform must be followed, based on the results of each indicator, so came in the introduction of good governance, when reached the coefficient of determination (R2) of it in simple regression (Quadratic equation) (81%), followed by Doing business which reached the coefficient of determination (R2) in simple regression (Quadratic equation) (61%), then economic freedom which reached the coefficient of determination ( R2) in simple regression (Quadratic equation) (59%), and finally came Democracy index, which reached the coefficient of determination (R2) in simple regression (Quadratic equation) (52%).

دور الاتحاد الافريقي في تسوية المنازعات : دراسة حالة الصومال The Role of African Union in the Settlement of Dispute Studying Somalia Cas

اسم المؤلف: مهند عبد الواحد كاظم النداوي
اسم المشرف: فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2012
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: كان تحقيق الوحدة الافريقية حلم يراود الكتاب والمفكرين الافارقة منذ نهايات القرن التاسع عشر وبدايات القرن العشرين ، لا سيما الافارقة الذين اختلطوا مع العالم الخارجي . وقد ارتبط ذلك الحلم بتبني العديد من المشاريع الوحدوية التي كانت تهدف بالاساس الى تخليص الانسان والشعوب الافريقية من الرق والعبودية ، وتكوين كيانهم الخاص بهم . وبعد نجاح العديد من الشعوب الافريقية في تحرير دولهم من الاستعمار الغربي انذاك في خمسينيات وستينيات القرن العشرين ، سعوا الى العمل على نقل الحلم الافريقي الى واقع ملموس ، عبر الشروع في تاسيس تنظيم اقليمي وهي منظمة الوحدة الافريقية انذاك، تعمل على تحقيق العديد من الاهداف والمبادئ ، التي من ابرزها ، تحرير جميع الدول الافريقية من الاستعمار ، فضلا عن تسوية العديد من المنازعات والحروب التي نشبت بين الدول الافريقية حديثة الاستقلال . ومنذ نهايات العقد الاخير من القرن العشرين ، سعى العديد من القادة الافارقة ، لا سيما بعد تزايد حدة المنازعات المسلحة في العديد من الدول الافريقية ، لا سيما على الصعيد الداخلي ، الى العمل على طرح العديد من الافكار والرؤى التي نجحت منذ بدايات القرن الحادي والعشرين ، وتحديدا في عام 2002 ، في اعلان القادة الافارقة عن تاسيس تنظيم افريقي جديد عرف باسم الاتحاد الافريقي ، وذلك من اجل مواكبة التطورات التي حدثت على الصعيد الدولي ، فضلا عن تحقيق اهداف عدة ، من ابرزها ، تحقيق السلم والامن والاستقرار فيما بين الدول والشعوب الافريقية ، ومن ثم تحقيق الوحدة والتكامل الافريقي على صعيد القارة ككل . ولاهمية دراسة الاتحاد الافريقي ، فقد سعينا الى ابراز اهميتها وفاعليتها في تحقيق الاهداف والمبادئ التي نادت بها ، لا سيما في مجال تسوية المنازعات . وللاهمية التي تحتلها الصومال في المحيطين الافريقي والعربي ، ولخطورة الوضع في الصومال ، لا سيما على الصعيد السياسي والامني ، فقد ارتئينا دراستها بوصفها انموذجا لدراسة الحالة . اما اشكالية الدراسة فانها تنطلق من رؤية مفادها ، انه على الرغم من نجاح الاتحاد الافريقي عبر سنوات عمله في التدخل في العديد من المنازعات المسلحة سواء كانت ذات الطابع الدولي ام الطابع الداخلي ومن ضمنها الازمة الصومالية ، الا انه لا زال يعاني العديد من التحديات اثناء منع وادارة وتسوية المنازعات في العديد من الدول الافريقية ، سواء تعلق الامر بالهيكل التنظيمي وكيفية اتخاذ القرار ام بالتحديات الداخلية والخارجية . في حين انطلقت الدراسة من فرضية مفادها " ان المشكلات والازمات التي واجهت العديد من الدول الافريقية ، فضلا عن التغيرات التي حدثت في الساحة الدولية ، اسهمت في ظهور العديد من الافكار والرؤى من قبل القادة الافارقة ، لانشاء اتحاد فيما بين دولهم ليكون بديلا عن منظمة الوحدة الافريقية ، ليسهم في الحد من الازمات والمشكلات التي اضحت تعاني منها العديد من الدول الافريقية ، وفي تحقيق الامن والاستقرار ، وبالتالي في تحقيق التكامل السياسي والاقتصادي في القارة الافريقية ". وفي ضوء الاشكالية التي انطلقت منها الدراسة ، والفرضية العلمية التي نريد البرهنة عليها ، تم تقسيم الدراسة على خمسة فصول اساسية : تضمن الفصل الاول ، دراسة نشاة وتطور الاتحاد الافريقي بدءا من دراسة المراحل التاريخية لفكرة الوحدة الافريقية وحتى تاسيس الاتحاد الافريقي .اما الفصل الثاني ، فقد تضمن دراسة الاتحاد الافريقي وتسوية المنازعات من خلال دراسة المدلول القانوني والسياسي للمنازعات ، ودراسة العلاقة بين المنظمات الدولية والاقليمية في مجال تسوية المنازعات ، فضلا عن دراسة الية الاتحاد الافريقي في تسوية المنازعات .اما بالنسبة للفصل الثالث ، فقد عمد الى دراسة مضامين الازمة الصومالية من خلال التطرق الى دراسة الجغرافية السياسية للصومال ، ومن ثم تتبع مراحل تطور الازمة الصومالية .في حين تضمن الفصل الرابع ، دراسة ابرز القوى الاقليمية والدولية المؤثرة ازاء الازمة الصومالية .اما الفصل الخامس والاخير ، فقد تطرق الى دراسة ادارة الاتحاد الافريقي للازمة الصومالية من خلال دراسة دور منظمة الوحدة الافريقية ازاء الازمة الصومالية خلال المدة ما بين (1963_2001) . فضلا عن دراسة سياسة الاتحاد الافريقي حيال الازمة الصومالية منذ العام 2002 ، ومن ثم التطرق الى دراسة الاتحاد الافريقي وامكانية احلال السلام والامن في القارة الافريقية في ضوء اهم التحديات والفرص التي تواجه عمل الاتحاد الافريقي اثناء تسوية المنازعات . ومن خلال تتبع فصول الدراسة ، فقد تم التوصل الى استنتاجات عدة ، من ابرزها : 1. شهدت القارة الافريقية ، تزايد نسبة اندلاع المنازعات المسلحة في العديد من الدول الافريقية ، لا سيما ذات الطابع الداخلي ، منذ العقد الاخير من القرن العشرين ، مما اثر سلبا على الامن والاستقرار في القارة ، كما حدث في الصومال منذ سقوط النظام السياسي في عام 1991 .2. نجح القادة الافارقة في انشاء اتحاد افريقي في بدايات القرن الحادي والعشرين ، لمواكبة التطورات التي حدثت في العالم ، ولتحقيق ما عجزت منظمة الوحدة الافريقية عن تحقيقه عبر سنوات عملها الممتدة قرابة (39) عاما ، لا سيما في مجال تسوية المنازعات .3. سعى القادة الافارقة اثناء اقرار القانون التاسيسي للاتحاد الافريقي الى التركيز على الجانب السياسي والامني ، فضلا عن الجوانب الاخرى ، عبر استحداث العديد من الاهداف والمبادئ الجديدة التي اصبحت تركز على تحقيق السلم والامن والاستقرار في القارة الافريقية . وتنبع اهميتها من كونها اصبحت تعكس التغيرات التي حدثت على النظام السياسي الدولي ، التي كان لها تاثير على الوضع الامني والسياسي في العديد من الدول الافريقية ، والتي من ابرزها ، حق الاتحاد الافريقي في التدخل في اية دولة عضو في الاتحاد في ظل الظروف الخطيرة المتمثلة في جرائم الحرب والابادة الجماعية والجرائم ضد الانسانية ، مع حق الدول الاعضاء في طلب التدخل من الاتحاد لاعادة الامن والاستقرار ، بالاضافة الى احترام مبادئ الديمقراطية وحقوق الانسان والحكم الرشيد وسيادة القانون . بالاضافة الى ذلك ، فقد تم استحداث العديد من الاجهزة الرئيسة المعنية بتحقيق السلم والامن والاستقرار في القارة الافريقية . فبينما لم يكن لمنظمة الوحدة الافريقية سوى ثلاثة اجهزة رئيسة معنية بتسوية المنازعات ، فان القانون التاسيسي للاتحاد الافريقي ، عمد الى زيادة عدد الاجهزة الرئيسة والمعنية بتسوية المنازعات في القارة الافريقية لتصل الى ستة اجهزة .4. سعت الدول الاعضاء منذ اللحظات الاولى لعقد القمة الاولى للاتحاد الافريقي في مدينة دوربان بجنوب افريقيا في عام 2002 ، الى ايلاء اهمية خاصة لتحقيق السلم والامن والاستقرار في القارة الافريقية ، عبر اقرار البروتوكول الخاص بتاسيس مجلس السلم والامن ، الذي مع دخوله حيز التنفيذ في عام 2003 ، اصبح يحل محل الية منع وادارة وتسوية المنازعات التابع لمنظمة الوحدة الافريقية انذاك . وقد عد مجلس السلم والامن من ترتيبات الامن الجماعي والانذار المبكر ، واصبح يمارس مهامه في حفظ السلم والامن والاستقرار في القارة الافريقية ، عبر القوة الافريقية وبمعونة لجنة اركان الحرب ، وهو بذلك مثل طفرة نوعية في عمل مجلس السلم والامن ، التي اذا ما تم تفعيلها بصورة كاملة ، ستؤدي الى الحد من اندلاع المنازعات في العديد من الدول الافريقية .5. نجح الاتحاد الافريقي عبر سنوات عمله القصيرة الممتدة منذ العام 2002 ، الى التدخل في العديد من المنازعات المسلحة التي نشبت في القارة الافريقية ، ومن ضمنها الازمة الصومالية . اذ قام الاتحاد الافريقي بخطوات عدة ، من اجل محاولة اعادة الامن والاستقرار في الصومال ، عبر الدعوة لعقد مؤتمرات لتسوية الازمة فيما بين الفصائل الصومالية المسلحة والحكومات الصومالية المتعاقبة ، فضلا عن تقديم الدعم والاسناد للمؤسسات الحكومية الصومالية ، وارسال بعثة لحفظ السلام في الصومال ، وحث الدول الاعضاء في الاتحاد الافريقي لتقديم الدعم المالي واللوجيستي للبعثة . 6. واجه الاتحاد الافريقي العديد من الصعوبات ، اثناء جهوده في تسوية المنازعات ، ومن ضمنها الازمة الصومالية ، ومن ابرزها ، ان مسالة نشر قوات حفظ السلام الافريقية كانت تفتقر الى القبول من جانب العديد من ابناء الشعب الصومالي والفصائل الصومالية المسلحة ، واقتصار عمل بعثة الاتحاد الافريقي على حماية بعض المنشات والمقار الحكومية المهمة في العاصمة مقاديشو ، وضعف الدعم المالي واللوجيستي المقدم للبعثة من قبل الدول الاعضاء في الاتحاد ، مما اسهم في عدم نجاح الاتحاد في ايجاد حلول جذرية وشاملة للازمة الصومالية .7. لا زال الاتحاد الافريقي ، يواجه العديد من التحديات ، اثناء منع وادارة وتسوية المنازعات في العديد من الدول الافريقية ، مما قد ينعكس بالسلب في المستقبل على عمل مجلس السلم والامن في تحقيق السلم والامن والاستقرار في القارة الافريقية ، من ابرزها : ا. التحديات على الصعيد الداخلي ، والمتمثلة بالتحديات المرتبطة بالهيكل التنظيمي للاتحاد الافريقي ، كما في التحديات المرتبطة ببعض المواد المتعلقة بحفظ السلم والامن ، والتحديات المرتبطة ببعض اجهزة الاتحاد الافريقي المعنية بتسوية المنازعات . فضلا عن ذلك ، فقد عد انعدام الاستقرار الامني والسياسي في العديد من الدول الافريقية ، من ضمن التحديات التي ستواجه عمل الاتحاد الافريقي في المستقبل ، في ظل عدم قدرة مجلس السلم والامن التصدي لجميع المنازعات الافريقية في ان واحد . فضلا عن التحدي المرتبط برفض العديد من الدول الاعضاء التنازل عن جزء من سيادتها لصالح الاتحاد الافريقي ، والتحدي المرتبط بقلة الموارد المالية المخصصة للاتحاد الافريقي ، لا سيما المخصصة للجانب الامني والسياسي. كل هذه التحديات الداخلية متفاعلة ، من الممكن ان تسهم في عدم قدرة الاتحاد الافريقي ومجلس السلم والامن في تحقيق الاهداف والمبادئ التي نادى بها ، والمتمثلة اساسا بالعمل على صون السلم والامن والاستقرار في القارة الافريقية .ب‌. التحديات على الصعيد الخارجي ، ومن ابرزها التحديات المتمثلة في بروز ظاهرة العولمة والليبرالية الغربية ، واحداث 11 ايلول من عام 2001 ، حيث عدت من ابرز التحديات التي من الممكن ان تكون لها اثار سلبية على عمل الاتحاد الافريقي ومجلس السلم والامن اثناء التصدي للمنازعات الافريقية في المستقبل . 8. على الرغم من تعدد التحديات التي من الممكن ان تواجه عمل الاتحاد الافريقي ومجلس السلم والامن اثناء ادارتها للمنازعات الافريقية ، الا ان هناك العديد من المؤشرات الايجابية التي من الممكن ان تسهم في قيام الاتحاد الافريقي بتسوية العديد من المنازعات الافريقية او الحد من تفاقمها في المستقبل ، عبر استغلال الاتحاد العديد من الفرص ، ومن ضمنها ، تفعيل العديد من المواثيق والبروتوكولات المتعلقة بالحكم الرشيد وسيادة القانون ومكافحة الارهاب ومنع التغييرات غير الدستورية وحسن الجوار وغيرها من المواثيق والبروتوكولات ، كاستجابة للتطورات الحديثة مثل سيادة مفاهيم الديمقراطية وحقوق الانسان ، ومناهضة جرائم الحرب والابادة الجماعية والجرائم ضد الانسانية ، والتي اذا ما تم التقيد بها ان تعمل على تعزيز وصون السلم والامن والاستقرار في القارة ، فضلا عن التفعيل الكامل لبروتوكول مجلس السلم والامن واطلاق هيئة الحكماء ، وانشاء العناصر الرئيسة للقوة الافريقية الجاهزة والنظام القاري للانذار المبكر . كل هذه الفرص وغيرها من الانجازات ، من الممكن ان تعمل ، لو احسن الاتحاد الافريقي استغلالها ، ان تسهم في تحقيق السلم والامن والاستقرار في العديد من الدول الافريقية ، ومن ثم تحقيق التكامل السياسي والاقتصادي فيما بينهما في المستقبل . وعليه ، فان الاتحاد الافريقي كان قد تاسس في بدايات القرن الحادي والعشرين ، في الوقت الذي لا زالت فيه العديد من الدول الافريقية تواجه تحدي استمرار وتجدد اندلاع المنازعات المسلحة ، لا سيما على الصعيد الداخلي ، مما سيجعل من مهمة الاتحاد الافريقي في صون السلم والامن والاستقرار في القارة صعبة . الا انه بالرغم من ذلك فقد سعى القادة الافارقة الى التعامل بواقعية مع الاحداث والازمات التي تمر بها القارة الافريقية ، والعمل قدر المستطاع على تجاوز معطيات المرحلة السابقة ، وايجاد الحلول المناسبة والممكنة اثناء اندلاع المنازعات المسلحة . |

الشركات عابرة القومية والمشكلات العامة في بلدان الجنوب The transnational corporations and public problems in the southern countries

اسم المؤلف: محمد علي حمود
اسم المشرف: مازن اسماعيل الرمضاني مها الحديثي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2006
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The transnational corporations become one of the important factors which effect of the political process in the northern and southern countries. Today transnational corporations play double role in the host countries, the first is positive role in which these corporations help in resolve the public problems and the second is negative role in which corporations create new public problems such as “weakness of national sovereignty, political corruption and crimes ...” The transnational corporations have many means uses to effect in the different faces of political, social and economic process in the southern countries. The important means were the financial, economic and technological power of the transnational corporations, political and military status of their home country and employment policies of the international institutions toward southern countries to support their investments. This study includes tow parts : - The first is the analysis main concepts “The transnational corporations, public problems “, and analysis of the strategy of the transnational corporations which deal with southern countries.The second part is analysis case study of the Brazil and explanation of the important sides and consequences which reflect the relation between transnational corporations and public problems in the southern countries.The main consequents of the study were : - Transnational corporations have important effect in the southern countries through develop many public problems such as unemployment, pollution and crimes. - Transnational corporations effect in public policy through create new public problems such as weakness of national sovereignty and poverty .

جدلية العلاقة بين الاصالة والحداثة وانعكاساتها في الثقافة السياسية العربية

اسم المؤلف: محمد عدنان محمود الخفاجي
اسم المشرف: مها عبد اللطيف حسن الحديثي عامر حسن فياض
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:

دور عمليــــــــة التحــــول نحو اقتصاد السوق في تحديد اتجاهات السياسة الخارجيـــة : مصر انموذجا The Role of transition to market economy in determination of foreign policy directions Egypt Case Study))

اسم المؤلف: محمد عباس احمد
اسم المشرف: عماد عبد اللطيف سالم
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2009
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: الاطار الفكري للتحول الاقتصادي واصلاحات الدولة في العالم النامي | الاطار العام للتحول الهيكلي نحو اقتصاد السوق | نظام اقتصاد السوق في النظرية الليبرالية | التحول الى اقتصاد السوق | التطور في ثنائية الاختيار بين الدولة الراعية ونظام اقتصاد السوق في الدول الغربية |الدولة الاشتراكية | الدولة في النظام الاشتراكي والليبرالي | الدولة في عالم متغير | عمليات واجراءات واصلاحات الدولة المتحولة في العالم الثالث | المؤسسات الدولية الراعية لنظام اقتصاد السوق | المؤسسات الدولية ودورها في التفاعلات الدولية | سياسات واهداف صندوق النقد الدولي والبنك الدولي | الاجراءات الواجبة من البلدان المتحولة |منظمة التجارة العالمية واثار مؤسسات التمويل الدولي في السلوك السياسي | اتجاهات السياسة الخارجية للدول المتحولة لنظام اقتصاد السوق : انماط الاداء |السياسة الخارجية في ظل نظام اقتصاد السوق : الانموذج المصري | مناطق الاهتمام في السياسة الخارجية المصرية في ظل تحولات اقتصاد السوق | Since the collapse of former Soviet Union in 1991, a verity of developing countries which were totally governed by one party system began its closely steps to transit to market oriented - economy due to many reasons like the vanishing of communist block and rising the revolution of ascending expectations in third world which make demands more influenced by external environment. Throughout Africa and Latin America, and in some poorer corners of Asia, nations have been waiting to test the new experience of liberalization that promote democracy and good governance, in coincide with this; a new type of conditions have been attached to proliferation of economic aids from rich countries, The unspoken message of these states is that countries seeking the money to mobilize its efforts to new era must show that they are reorganizing their societies according to Washington's standards where democracy and human rights became the topics of global agenda and this transition with no doubts has reorganize the foreign policy for these transitional countries in new directions focusing on mutual economic and trade cooperation, rebuilding the foreign political speech, the abandonment of ideological ideas and promote for wide prospects for corporations to invest in rising markets. This, The new foreign policy in the age of globalization in the 21st century became international, extending across the entire globe; also it developed new thought and a believable moral strategy to shape a connecting world, focused on actions to promote these mentioned goals.Globalization, privatization and liberalization have become dominant forcesshaping societies and economies the world over. With the fall of communismand the decline of socialism in most parts of the world, these processes haveaccelerated in the 1990s. These three processes are interrelated phenomena.Globalized economies are likely to be more privatized and liberalized econo¬mies. On the other hand, privatization and liberalization facilitate the process ofglobalization of a country or a region. Hence, it is essential that these processesbe addressed collectively. Globalization, privatization and liberalization are multidimensional phenom¬ena that have implications not only for the economic but also the socio - culturaland environmental aspects of countries and societies. As a primary objective, these, multidimensional aspects include reshaping the foreign policy.One way to try to measure "Globalization" in foreign policy is the annual index of A.T. Kearney and the Foreign Policy Magazine of the Carnegie Endowment in Washington D.C. This index includes rankings of 62 countries for 14 variables grouped in four categories : economic integration (trade, foreign direct investment, portfolio capital flows, and investment income), personal contacts (international travel and tourism, international telephone traffic), technological connectivity (internet users and hosts), and political engagement (memberships in international organizations, international treaties ratified, contributions to UN Security Council missions). No wonder two of the smallest countries, Singapore and Ireland, are ranked on the two top positions followed by Switzerland, the Netherlands and Finland. For years, the smaller a nation, the more developed it is, the more contacts cross - border.This dissertation advocate the essential thesis that globalization and transition to free market oriented - economy has its perceived influence in determine and reorganize the foreign policy directions. The dissertation has been divided into an introduction and fourth chapters with conclusion. Chapter one deals with the conceptual issues of meaning, definitions and differing interpretations and perspectives, this chapter devoted to study theoretical framework for liberalization and free markets, the reasons lay behind the transition to free economy in third world. Chapter two addressed the main globally institutions that promote liberalization like the world bank and international monetary fund (IMF), also this chapter extended to analyze the role of world trade organization and monetary clubs : Paris and London clubs.Chapter three discussed the foreign policy directions of transitional countries where these fundamental directions included : rebuilding the foreign political speech and interact with liberal choice, the rise of corporation which became a main player in new economies besides the state, the seeking to form a global and regional economic blocks and focusing to make foreign policy a primary tool in managing trade conflict. The forth and final chapter has been devoted to study the Egyptian model that contained the fundamental theatrical and practical basis of our thesis on how transition to market economy reshape foreign policy, so, we study the historical development of Egyptian political system, the main factors which made foreign policy changeable to interact with changing environment that influenced the foreign directions. In conclusions of dissertation we listed in shortly text the primary ideas of how the proliferation of liberalization has its impact that reach many aspects of life in third world and the reorganize of foreign policy was one of these vital aspects.

مستقبل الاتحاد الاوروبي : دراسة في التاثير السياسي الدولي The European Union Future A Study in International Political Influence

اسم المؤلف: محمـد دحام كردي
اسم المشرف: علي حسن نيسان
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2009
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The twenty - first century witnesses important economic, political and technological transformation. Undoubtedly, this international will lead to the emergence of big international forces which have a clear influence up on the international policy. Among these candidate force will be the European union that works to be the influential pole according to its international position. The European integration project stants as European group for coal and steel in 1951 . this project develops after four decades to complete security, economic , and political one by signing (Masteracht ) agreement in April 1992, in which the European union is announced as independent political entity with legal prestige .This study is divided into introduction and five chapters . the first chapter includes theoretical frame of the international political influence and its important inputs and the relation with other concepts. The second chapter deals with the expansion and integration in European union showing the European integration and historical development. It also exposes the horizontal and vertical expansion during the last years. The third chapter is titled the European internal environment that concentrates up on the more influential internal environment element on the state power, such as the military, technological and economic variables . The fourth chapter is concerned with the European external environment that showing the European security and the regional, international environment and its positive and negative influences upon European union .The fifth chapter sheds light upon the European union future in the international policy. The European union status and future choices have taken great part in this chapter. The concentration is upon whether this union influential or not and the available justifications for the two choices .The study end with conclusion that sums up the findings

العلاقة بين الحكومة والمعارضة في الدول العربية The Relationship between The Government & Opposition in Arabic countries

اسم المؤلف: احمد عدنان كاظم
اسم المشرف: وصال نجيب عارف العزاوي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2008
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: This dissertation has been tackling with specific options concerning with the nature of relationship between Government and Opposition . Thus this subject has different stages during diagnosing of this Political Phenomena , especially with stage of Predominating single - party system which was preventing any political opposition in the political life , besides to that making political groups and parties to be more weakness within political system .In the stage of hegemonic party system , the government excerting too much efforts to containment any political opposition . But the real situation during pluralism in political parties , It has taken another forms , in order to weak any an opposition towarded against Government , therefore the opposition should be working under the conditions which were imposing by Government .The important of this subject was appeared from different basic highlights such as are : - 1. The nature of stand of Government toward an opposition. 2. The style and political paradigm of Arabic elites who were ruling in the region .3. The nature of political culture which was prevalented within society and it's reflections and repercusussions on the structure of an authority .4. The huge of capacities of different political systems in Arabic region to assimulation of all groups of political opposition , such as a partner within institutions of states .From all of that , this thesis devided in to five parts , First chapter deals with conceptual and theoretical themes . But at the Second chapter tackled causes or motivations , and forms of an opposition within political system . In the Third chapter was tackling stages of appearance relationships between Government and opposition . Either within the stage of pluralism in political parties , it has been dealing in Fourth chapter . And in the last chapter has studied the future of connectionship between Government and Opposition by different possible likelihoods which were concerning with reflixable and non - reflixable relationship between two parts of political equation , therefore , it may relation be very dimunitive in vital role between Government and Opposition within political process , in the democratic stage

الاستراتيجية المصرية في الوطن العربي

اسم المؤلف: محمد ابراهيم المصبح
اسم المشرف: سرمد زكي الجادر مازن اسماعيل الرمضاني
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2005
الموضوع الدقيق: الدراسات الاستراتيجية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الكلمات الدلالية:
  • لمحة تاريخية عن الاستراتيجية المصرية في الوطن العربي
  • شخصية مصر الاقليمية
  • ظهور الدولة في مصر وتطورها
  • الوظيفة الاقليمية للاستراتيجية المصرية (اطار نظري تاريخي)
  • المتغيرات المؤثرة في الاستراتيجية المصرية في الوطن العربي
  • المتغيرات الداخلية
  • المتغير
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: في العموم عند الحديث عن النظام الاقليمي يتبادر الى الذهن - دائما - ان ثمة انساقا من التفاعل تتخذ قدرا من الثبات والاستمرارية بين مجموعة من الدول التي تتوافر على اهداف ومنطلقات وطموحات ازاء ذلك المجال، وان ثمة توازنات للقوى داخل ذلك الاقليم يتم بموجبها تحديد الاطراف او الدول الاكثر فاعلية، وهذا الكلام ينطبق على الوطن العربي، فالاخير كان ولا يزال يشكل منطقة مليئة بالتحديات والتفاعلات التي ما انفكت القوى الخارجية - الدولية - تسعى للتاثير فيها، ومن ثم كان ولا يزال هذا المجال الحيوي ممثلا بهذا الاقليم يشكل عاملا مهما من عوامل تحريك السياسة الدولية. ان الوطن العربي مثله كمثل اي نظام اقليمي، شهد ولا زال يشهد تفاعلات من قبل دول تسعى من خلالها لضمان دور فاعل ومؤثر في تحديد موازين القوى فيه، وهذا التفاعل يدور في اطار حالة من التنافس المستمر بين القوى الفاعلة من اجل الحصول على موقع الريادة والقيادة للوطن العربي ، كما ان هذا التنافس في حالة من التحفيز المستمر بفعل ظاهرة الحراك الاقليمي، والدولي، فالى جانب طموحات القوى الاقليمية لنيل ذلك الموقع القيادي، يقف التنافس الدولي لضمان المصالح الكامنة في هذه المنطقة من العالم، وبالتالي فان عملية التنافس تنطوي على قدر من الاستمرارية. ومن بين ابرز واهم تلك القوى المتنافسة فيما بينها لاداء دور قيادي في الوطن العربي هي مصر، فالاخيرة صاحبة مشروع بهذا الخصوص، وهذا المشروع له جذوره المتاصلة في الفكر المصري، ليس في العصر الحديث فحسب، بل ان مقدماتها وملامحها الاولى تظهر بشكل جلي منذ ازمان بعيدة، وقد تصل الى مراحل التكوين الحضاري الاولى لمصر. ان تلك الطموحات مردها القدرات والامكانات التي تتوافر عليها مصر اولا، والسبق الحضاري الذي تميزت به عن الكثير من دول المنطقة ثانيا، ناهيك عن الكثير من المتغيرات ذات الصبغة الحديثة التي استجدت بفعل التطورات التي يشهدها العالم وتشهدها المنطقة، فعلى سبيل المثال، شكل العامل (الاسرائيلي) تحديا مهما امام مصر، بالشكل الذي حفز لديها طموحات القيام بدور اقليمي فاعل في منطقة لا زالت تعيش حالة صيرورة لنظام اقليمي مرتقب. كما ان وجود دول اخرى في المنطقة، تتوافر على امكانيات مهمة، وتمتلك طموحات كبيرة في الاتجاه نفسه حرك عامل التنافس على قيادة المنطقة، ومن ثم عزز هذا الطموح على انه ثابت من ثوابت الاستراتيجية المصرية. ان دراسة الاستراتيجية المصرية في الوطن العربي، من خلال تحليل دورها الاقليمي، يعد امرا له جانب كبير من الاهمية، وتلك الاهمية تعود الى عدة اسباب، فعلى الصعيد الاقليمي يمكن القول ان الاهتمام بمثل هذا الموضوع يعد مدعاة لاثارة الفضول العلمي الاكاديمي، حيث ان الانتماء الى هذا الاقليم يجعل دراسة مثل هذه المواضيع ضمن اختصاصنا وضمن دائرة اهتمامنا، كما ان دراسة الاستراتيجية المصرية في اطار محيطها العربي ذو اهمية بالنسبة لنا لكوننا ننتمي الى المستوى نفسه من التصنيف كدولة، وكذلك لان دراسة هذه الاستراتيجية يمكن ان تكون مدخلا لدراسات اخرى في المستقبل تدور حول عقد المقارنة بينها وبين استراتيجيات دول اخرى في الاقليم نفسه. وكذلك من بين دواعي دراسة هذا الموضوع، ومن بين الامور التي تسبغ عليه قدرا من الاهمية، هو ان الشكل النهائي، او ذا الصفة الاكثر ثبوتا - ان جاز لنا التعبير - لموازين القوى في الوطن العربي لم تتحدد بعد، وانه لا زال يعيش حالة تفاعل مستمرة، تجعل من الضروري الشروع بمثل تلك الدراسات لتقييم المستقبل واعطاء صورة قد تكون ذات اهمية في صياغة وبناء رؤى مستقبلية للمنطقة وطبيعة التفاعلات القائمة فيها.2 - اشكالية الموضوع : قد تتفق او قد لا تتفق الرؤى حول وجود برامج عمل واضحة المعالم تتوافر عليها مصر وتتجسد من خلال استراتيجية عربية محددة، والاختلاف في الراي هو نتاج طبيعي ومنطقي لتنوع الخلفيات العلمية والاكاديمية وتباينها بين الباحثين ومن ثم فان ثمة اشكالية مؤداها ان هناك العديد من وجهات النظر التي تعالج هذا الموضوع، فعلى سبيل المثال قد يرى البعض ان دراسة السياسة الخارجية تفي بمتطلبات الموضوع دون الخوض بتفاصيل تنسب الى الاستراتيجية اكثر منها الى السياسة الخارجية، وقد يرى راي اخر بان طبيعة المتغيرات الراهنة افضت الى تحول ملموس في الاولويات بحيث ان كتل اقليمية جديدة قد حلت محل المجال الحيوي العربي السابق الذي كان يمثل جوهر اهتمام الاستراتيجية المصرية، وكثير غير ذلك من الاراء التي تعبر عن قدر من الاشكال العلمي الذي يتطلب ان نضعه في مقدمة الامور الواجب اعتبارها خلال مسيرة البحث في هذا الموضوع.3 - فرضية الاطروحة في مواجهة هذا النوع من تعدد الرؤى، وبحكم العمل على دراسة موضوعنا فلا بد من الانطلاق من فرضية واضحة لتكون الاساس العلمي الذي سوف يتم بناء النقاش والتحليل العلمي عليه. فرضية الدراسة هي : (ان هناك دورا اقليمي بارز وفعال تسعى مصر الى تحقيقه، وان ثمة علاقة طردية موجبة بين كل من متغيرات البيئة الداخلية والاقليمية والدولية لمصر، وبين ذلك الدور المتوخى). وفي تتبعنا لسير المناقشات الرامية لاثبات هذه الفرضية، يمكن ان نطرح مجموعة من التساؤلات تشكل الاجابة عليها عاملا هاما في تحديد مسارات التحليل العلمي للدراسة، هذه التساؤلات هي : • ما هي الجذور التاريخية للاستراتيجية المصرية في الوطن العربي وكيف كانت؟• ما هي العوامل او المتغيرات المؤثرة في تلك الاستراتيجية؟ ولماذا؟• كيف تستجيب القيادات المصرية للمتغيرات الداخلية والخارجية؟• ما هو واقع الاستراتيجية المصرية ازاء الوطن العربي في ظل تلك المتغيرات؟ ولماذا؟• كيف سيكون حال الاستراتيجية المصرية خلال المستقبل المنظور؟ ولماذا؟و سنتناول من خلال دراسة الاستراتيجية المصرية في هذه الاطروحة مجموعة من المفاهيم التي قد تثير بعض الاشكال المفاهيمي مثل ( الوطن العربي ) ، هذا المفهوم يشير الى مجموعة الدول التي تم رسم حدودها في اعقاب تفكك الدولة العثمانية والاحتلال البريطاني الفرنسي للوطن العربي من خلال اتفاقية سايكس بيكو في عام 1919 . ويضم الوطن العربي شعب واحد يتكلم لغة واحدة وذو اصول واحدة عاش منذ مراحل زمنية سحيقة على هذه الارض الممتدة من المحيط الاطلسي الى الخليج العربي . 4 - منهجية الاطروحة : ان المنهج الذي سيتم استخدامه يقوم على التوفيق والمزاوجة بين اكثر من منهج بحث علمي من مناهج البحث في العلوم الاجتماعية، وذلك لما يتطلبه الموضوع من تحقيق اكبر قدر من الدقة، ولكن المنهج العام الذي يهيمن على مجمل سير التحليل والنقاش في الدراسة هو منهج التحليل النظمي، حيث ان المدخل التاريخي والمتغيرات المؤثرة في الاستراتيجية المصرية ستكون المدخلات الاساسية للموضوع، اما علاقة صنع القرار بتخطيط الاستراتيجية المصرية فهي تلك العمليات التي ستقودنا الى الاستجابة المتمثلة بواقع الاستراتيجية المصرية في الوطن العربي والتي تمثل مخرجات الدراسة، واخيرا تاتي دراسة المستقبل لتعبر عن التغذية العكسية او (الراجعة) والتي ستصب دون شك في متغيرات الموضوع الاساسية.5 - هيكلية الاطروحة : سوف يتم اعتماد الية التصنيف العشري للفرز وتحديد تسلسل مضمون الاطروحة وكالاتي : 1. لمحة تاريخية عن الاستراتيجية المصرية في الوطن العربي.2. المتغيرات المؤثرة في الاستراتيجية المصرية في الوطن العربي.3. واقع ومستقبل الاستراتيجية المصرية في الوطن العربي. | Through the long history stages, Egypt had an impressive role in its regional framework; this role had many types and pattern as it varied in each history stage, also due to the variation in goal and priorities and the changing in the missions from the one stage to another.In this thesis we began with analyzing the historical view for Egypt strategies in the Arab Nation as a start to analyze this role, we noticed that the regional role is the best that we can use to express this strategy.Notices and results of chapter one indicates that the idea of executing a leading regional role hasn’t gone from the Egyptian decision maker's mind, that all because Egypt had many capabilities that specialize it inside the region.To understand the necessary bases on building the Egyptian strategy at this framework, we had to research and analyze the variables that affect building such strategy, these variable are complicated, which makes it hard to distinguish each alone, and to avoid mixing these variables we had to separate it into basic levels during the study as follow : internal variables, regional variables and international variables.Next, we studied the decision making process in Egypt and how this operation might connect with another operation which is strategic planning and perception of interests and goals that should be done to support the regional role.In this framework we studied some of the theoretical issues concerning decision making and we applied these issues on the Egyptian political system to have a better idea about the channels that the decision made through.In the final subject we studied the present and the future of Egyptian strategies in the Arab Nation, which first discuss the reality of this strategy and the changing, that is related to the perception of the Egyptian leadership to the visual field, second analyzing predictions for the future of this strategy using assumed perspectives which are discussable and analyzable to give expected view to the Egyptian strategies, these perspectives might be in three fields : positive development in regional role or negative fallback or continuity in the same level.Results concerning this study could be summaries as follows : • Egypt had good capabilities in addition to its will and ambition to play important regional role.• With all these privileges there are disadvantages against the development of the regional role in the excellent way.• Balancing the previous two results, we might conclude that the best will be to continue this role relatively

التوازن الاستراتيجي في منطقة الشرق الاوسط بعد 11 ايلول 2001 The Strategic Balance in the Middle East After The 11th September 2001

اسم المؤلف: لبنى خميس مهدي طالب الربيعي
اسم المشرف: سرمد زكي الجادر
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
الموضوع الدقيق: الدراسات الاستراتيجية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The subject of this thesis acquires its importance from several aspects , the most important is the nature of view towards the middle east zone as it a zone of interests to the united states and the other major powers and as the middle east zone suffering from many tensions between its parts which that tensions put this zone in front of many big challenges and complexity, one of these Challenges and most important one is : - 1 - the connection between the united states with the energy sources in side the middle east . 2 - the perfect supporting from the united states to Israel .3 - the perfect relations between the oil and weapons .4 - the newly strategic of the united states which is aimed to be the middle east taking several things as reason to its military and political maintaining in the middle east . Also the importance of this subject comes from the changes which had been made after the 11th September 2001 which made the dramatic changes on the middle east in large which this dramatic changes concentrate in larger part of it which what called the united states to fight the terror and which comes with larger attentions by from the international area specially the presentations of nuclear weapons in which the united states call for it , about the ability of this kind from reach to the hands of terrorism or terrorism states against the united states interests in the middle east .The importance of this subject is also due to the American war against Iraq march 2003 which made big development spot in this zone , by the maintaining of the united states and gave itself to interfere inside this zone wherever it see that possible . This thesis also acquires its importance from taking the power part area in the middle east and the most important pressure which faced them concentrated on the united states role which had been the main entrance to dealing with the problems of weapons inside this zone , and may be the Iranian situation was the most importance of them . At last , this thesis acquires further importance as it involves a section dealing with the future position of the strategic balance in the middle east . The subject of this thesis necessitated dividing it in to an introduction , five sections and a conclusion : - The first section is entitled : The frame concept of the balance and strategic balance and middle east concept . It contains tow sub - sections dealing with the frame concert of balance and strategic balance and the most nearly concept from them such as the concept of power and the balance of terror , and also the concept of the middle east and all different views upon this concept taking by the united nations concept about the middle east , the united states , the Israel and .. ect . The second section is entitled : The strategic balance in the middle east zone ( Historical Generations ) .It contains three sub - sections starting with the strategic balance in the middle east zone during the cold war which takes the major international powers at that time the soviet union and the united states and the strategy of each of them inside these zone . and the second section take the strategic balance in the middle east after the old war , and the third one take the strategic balance in the middle east after the 11th September 2001 . The third section is entitled : The abilities and powerful for the main powers ( Unitarian and Arabian ) in the middle east .Which conclude tow sub - sections, first include the abilities of Unitarian powers inside the middle east zone which this thesis concerned ( Turkey , Iran and Israel ) and there influence power inside the zone . The second section taken the Arabs abilities which includes ( Egypt , k. of Saudi Arabia and Syria ) , as the influence Arabic power which had there influence inside the middle east . The four section is entitled : The influence of the international changes towards the strategic balance in the middle east which conclude three sub - sections taken the ( overwhelmed American power on the international regime , the American war against the terror and the role of the united nation ) all of these changes putted under the political changes , also the ( knowmalization and oil ) comes under the economic changes , while the ( American necessary military maintenance in the middle east , weapons trading and the mass destructions weapons ) comes under the military changes , and all of these changes had been the major changes influenced upon the strategic balance in the middle east .The five section is entitled : The future of the strategic balance in the middle east . tow future sub - sections ( futuristic aspects ) . The first one dealing with the strategic balance in the middle east based on the united states powerful in the middle east ( balanced basic on Israel power ) , and the second dealing with the strategic balance in the middle east based on three powers in area are nearly in same power and influence ( Turkey , Iran and Israel . In the conclusions of the thesis , the researcher gives a summery of the thesis along with the most important results and recommendations educed . The researcher maintains that thought emergence a power part inside the middle east zone which work to threat the strategic balance in the middle east and also which threats the united states and Israel interests inside this zone and it will be takes by both of them the personal enemy , and the researcher thought that Iran as it is see the power that in consideration , but in this case if there is any obstacles facing the Iranian nuclear program that means the middle east zone will face more dangerous steps which maintain the powerful and the strengthen to united states from one side and on the other side the only power inside the middle east will maintaining to the Israel . The dangerous situation which this zone have been faced before and in the future , requires without any delay a kind of cooperation between its parts aiming for achieve cooperation program between the Arabic /Islamic parts which stood against the danger programs inside the zone , and to crystallizing as this cooperation program to considerate the united states and Israel challenges must taken in consideration the trust between the powers inside the middle east which this trust works to put this program in real and the matter that this induce us to the saying that ( Israel ) and its sponsor the united states are going ahead in achieving there goals in dominating the destinies of the middle east particularly the historical experiments has proved the failure of the dealing with the Israel , which that matter requires a serious strategic planning for this powers against the united states and Israel . At last , we say that backing the powerful power inside the region and lending its power with all means of assistance and support to make this cooperative program in real is regarded of the paramount importance for strengthening the whole power to standing in confronting the united states and Israel planning against powers in the middle east .

اثر البنية الاقتصادية في الثقافة السياسية في العراق بعد عام 2003 Effecting of Economic Structure on Political Culture in Iraq after 2003

اسم المؤلف: احمد حسين والي البدري
اسم المشرف: هشام حكمت عبد الستار العزاوي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2015
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The present research includes two main comparisons as to take in and assimilate the Iraqi Society in respect to the political culture of economy reality having effect on the culture structure. The latter is a mixture of text , thought and history. Hence , the meaning of Iraqi culture structure expresses about its self in escalating activities ,alienation disorders , and religious or social( worthy things non violations ). The current study indicates the structure of the Iraqi intellectuality and state of that economic structure and activities ensued from it and not the political culture.In every society there would be discrepancy between non - reality and reality; this discrepancy requires to be interpreted and explained for the individuals of the society having the same social symmetry. From hence , it could notice that the Iraqi society suffers from the following : - Attractively in the subject of the economics : it is the existence of huge and diverse resources ,including strategy ( oil and gas ) , human capabilities and others , these resources live pace by pace with its contradictories as poverty , undeveloped economics , infrastructure and culture structure deforming . These phenomena indicate defects that should be scientifically processed , in the way that it could not logically say that there huge wealth sources beside poverty and unemployment ( violence and corruption). - In reality , the depth of democracy could not be achieved unless there should be equity among the citizens; besides, it requires all energy of personal efforts as to get a suitable living state . The economic and social power should be restricted only to elite having known by its production and capability as to get Iraq out of its present state to the right path. - The problem of Iraq is the structure problem where economic, social, cultural and political 's viewpoint should be valuably sought for. The weakness of political culture and its traditions related to its unity that expresses about the history of the state , political system and economic and social development.

الاستراتيجية الروسية حيال اقليم القوقاز : جورجيا انموذجا Russian strategy towards the Caucasus region (Georgia model)

اسم المؤلف: كرار عباس متعب فرج المسعودي
اسم المشرف: لبنى خميس مهدي الربيعي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الموضوع الدقيق: الدراسات الاستراتيجية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: Poses province Caucasus General Georgia Especially Focus Interesting (historic And the political, geographic, economic, military) Parties International And regional since long time ago Even Time Presently, the form Stations Attract Empires Great Empire Mogul The Persian The Ottoman And Romania And Historic stations (Russia Tsarist After that Empire Russian And from Then Soviet) was Station Interest And attracting From empire The other On Power All Empire, and also she was Focus Conquests Islamic On hand Rightly Adults (RIP), but Narrative Date Caucasian We find Mostly from him He Under Influence And domination Russian Starting From Russia Tsarist Empire Russian Soviet and, if We reviewed Date Russian We find it's a Replete To dominate The presence at province Caucasus Nor drifting away about him And so The importance of Territory Historically And politically Russia, as Form Focus Starting Caesars Russians And private Kaiser (Peter Older) and campaigns And expansions in it and since Collapse Empire Tsarist And the advent of Empire Russian Which she was Subject province Caucasus General Georgia Especially to her Which Collapsed On hand Revolution Bolshevism In 1917, which On Impact Began Empire Soviet Take shape The Its leader Vladimir Lenin And from Then Joseph Stalin Effect Of at formation the Union Soviet In 1921, as subject province Caucasus (Northern And south) under Domination Soviet despite Happening Tensions Here There From Yup Coup The escape about him But Domination Soviet she was more powerful From So, while Georgia heart that Region ( the focus The study) was heart Concerns And interventions From Before Empires Previous And private From Before Russia Tsarist Empire Russian And Soviet And so Its importance strategically And its location at heart Territory The Affected Conquests Islamic Georgia Also, consider the Union Soviet (former) to Georgia On It a key province Caucasus So Make it Spin at Its orbit Strategic Nor Deviate about him despite change The transfiguration Circumstances And leaders the Union Soviet (former) and even After Collapse the Union Soviet (former) and independence Republics Soviet Previous about him And private at province Caucasus And private Georgia Form Territory General Georgia Especially Focus interest Strategic Russian Most Threw down several Strategies On Different Stages Ago Collapse Even Time the present Which she was Changed at All Stage But Target Strategic for every Stage Imperishable and he make Georgia No Deviate About Astronomy Strategic Russian The remaining Under Look Strategic Russian. Either geographically in the form of the territory of the territory of the Caucasus mountain constitutes isthmus stretching from the Caspian Sea to the east and the Black Sea to the west and north of the Russian Federation and to the south, and is a link between the continents of Asia and Europe and offers his views most easy and less expensive to Europe and is a territory of the Caucasus depth Geographical Strategic Russia Across Date And Russia Federal at Time the present Because Wall Separation About Threats Foreign There Allow Any Case From Conditions From the approach Of which The threat, either Georgia heart that Territory The point And private it's a Poses Location passage most Pipe Transfer Fulcrum energy From Area Sea Caspian to me Europe So See Russia at that Security Economic And a threat Pipeline Transported Energy if What It was the control On Georgia and this is What No Accept It. As for What Posed province Caucasus General Georgia Especially From Importance Economic Van Territory He Focus For most Resources energy at the world And private at Azerbaijan And as well About What It was Mentioned From it's a Poses As well as About Signed Geographical And strategic It constitutes status Economic strategy For most Countries the world And private Russia Federal And his heart Georgia (State of Traffic) for most Pipeline Transfer Energy, as well as About Neighborhood Area Sea Caspian Region Rich Powered or What it's called ( Gulf Arabi II) in Signal Of the bay Arabi the first the rich Energy, and this What Earns Importance strategy For the region Georgia To Russia Federal Which No Accept Non Role Dominant it . As for Military Importance The territory Caucasus General Georgia Especially Stems From Subscriptions Military Russia Across Date To Russia Federal After Collapse the Union Soviet (former) as Form Territory Point Fulcrum Rules Military Russian And private at Georgia After Eviction Military Russian Its rules at Georgia Kept Russia Federal Troops at Regions Georgia Separate By (Ossetia South, Abkhazia) as well About Troop save Peace International Which most of it Russian, this Subscriptions Military Russian Due The importance of province Caucasus General Georgia Especially militarily Russia Federal And security National Even No Stay Free And fill From the West And private the states United Of America. Increase from Importance Subject The study (Georgia) Heart province Caucasus He Strategies Russian Ago Collapse the Union Soviet (former) 1991 Even Time the present Which despite They change From Stage to me Stage Except It Confirms That Georgia Should that Stay at Astronomy Strategic Russian Nor Deviate Him. Event essential The importance of province Caucasus General And Georgia ( the focus The study) private And they form Importance strategy Russia Federal And she Line red The equation Zero Calculated Favor Russia Federal He War of 2008, which Proved Russia Federal Georgia And from Support Georgia at this the war Ban Russia Federal No Can Play with her at Neighborhood near And private province Caucasus And his heart Georgia was replayed decisive response reflects restore power and glory again. 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التحول الديمقراطي في الوطن العربي : بحث في امكانية تداول السلطة سلميا Democratic Development In the Arab World

اسم المؤلف: قاسم علوان سعيد الزبيدي
اسم المشرف: اكرم عبد الله الجميلي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2009
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: This dissertation has been talking about the described as democratic developments in the Arab world. Authority represents one of the most important issues, which preoccupied the people and groups as one of the entrances to reform and change, and the access and means to achieve the stated justification for the reform and the wars and conflicts between nations, families, and the elites. In light of the dramatic decline of the totalitarian regimes and one - party systems, and falling one after the other and return to the multiparty system after a series of changes in the world since the late eighties of the twentieth century, the Arab political action, at least the ruling did not give great importance to the issue of a genuine democratic transition and serious lead to the peaceful rotation of power is a prime entry point to get out of the state of degradation and acute crisis experienced by the community of Arab States to varying degrees and different forms, described as democratic developments in the Arab world that they are still limited, and it did not exceed the restricted multi - organizational, and a relative relaxation in the conditions of public rights and freedoms , as the mechanism for the circulation of the Authority in accordance with constitutional rules are still lacking, leading to the absence of one of the foundations on which democracy, the political legitimacy that reflect the will of the people through Balhaquemen the consent of the governed in the administration of the practice of sentencing. The shift means that the passage of a democratic political system to change and dealing with large - scale structure of the authoritarian regime and the democratic transformation that could occur as a result the erosion of the authoritarian regime, which stimulates the elite of society to pressure him for the events of this transformation, or the result of the failure of political leadership in achieving Ahaffha and a realization of the importance of the events political reform, or be the result of a compromise reached between the political elites and social action on the steps of transformation. Through the transformation of our Aldemrati and the devolution of power in the Arab world by reaching the following conclusions : - - 1 - The events of a genuine democratic transition is a key input for a way out of the deficit and the deterioration experienced by the Arab States in their political, economic and social development. Yet, this transformation can only be through the development of solutions to the obstacles and problems encountered in achieving Dikratip lead to genuine citizens to play a role in the process of making public policy. 2 - The best way to achieve democratization and expansion of the provision is through a gradual transition, peaceful, because of the political situation for long periods, and the spread of a culture of cynicism and focus on the problems and worries of everyday life. 3 - The inability of the political systems of Arab perception of the meaning of true power in the authority of the State as found in the service of society and not the authority of rulers, and therefore can not be a monopoly by the socio - political forces, to face a lot of power on the trading of imbalances due to the breach of legal rules governing such currency Although most Arab constitutions referring to this principle. 4 - Despite making a number of parliamentary elections, but the parliamentary life has not lived up to the Arab influence in the devolution of power, or to become a reference for this circulation. 5 - still the party of life in the Arab world are weak despite the existence of political parties but such parties as the advantage of limited influence and did not have the freedom does not have the necessary conditions for access to power and handling, and this is what led to the emergence of many social ills that must be combated such as sectarianism and tribalism.6 - to consider the role of external factors to the events of transition to democracy in the Arab world in the context of the implications of the historical experience of the impact of these factors, as the maximum that can be done by this group is to intervene militarily and to the laying of internal conflict or civil war. 7 - The absence of democracy, whether the popular and official levels led to the existence of gross violations of Arab human rights and freedoms, led to the absence of democratic means to resolve conflict and solve problems, with the result that violence and oppression and abuse is the prevailing means. That the cause of democracy and development at the level of Arab political systems, will remain one of the most critical issues that pose the same urgency to the research and academic circles alike. This research has been divided into an introduction and five chapters and a conclusion and findings, as its first chapter a conceptual framework for democratic transformation and the devolution of power has been divided into three talks addressing the topic of the first democratic transition and the second topic dealt with the concept of devolution of power, while the third topic dealt with the relationship between democratization and devolution of power , The reality of the second quarter and the Arab political systems, where the first topic addressed in the constitutions of Arab political systems, and to address the second topic and sources of legitimacy in the Arab political systems, with the third topic was devoted to discuss the means to take power in the Arab political systems, while addressing the topic, and fourth - party systems Arab political. The third chapter, it was on the levels of democratization in the Arab world, in which the first topic was devoted to study the causes of democratization in the Arab world, while the input of the second topic of democratization in the Arab world and the third topic was devoted to study the obstacles to democratization in the Arab world, while the dedicated topic IV to study the output of democratization in the Arab world. Interested in Chapter IV to study the problem of the devolution of power in the Arab political systems, in which the first topic was devoted to study the constraints of constitutional and political structure of Arabic, while the second topic dealt with the weakness of Arab political opposition, and the third topic was devoted to study the problem of Arab civil society. Chapter V addressed the prospects for democratic transformation and the impact on the devolution of power in the Arab world was divided into three scenes of the first topic dealt with the failure of the democratic transformation scene and continuing crisis of governance, addressing the topic in the second scene of the success of the democratic transition and to broaden the base of governance, the third topic dealt with (What's work?) to refer to some of the steps that can be used for access to a genuine democratic transition.

التمويل الدولي عبر الشركات متعدية الجنسيات واثره في القدرة الاقتصادية للدولة : دراسة لنماذج نامية مختارة

اسم المؤلف: فايق حسن جاسم الشجيري
اسم المشرف: نادية عبد القادر المختار عبد علي كاظم المعموري مظهر محمد صالح
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The international financing represents a major interest of the economical and political systems because it is a basic component of the public and the private sectors which rely on capitals collection to finance the development. This means that there is economical policy aims to attract international capitals to contribute in development which is a basic function of economical system of the state. The international financing represents a channel to provide investment for the countries that face deficit of liquidly. so that it is found that the international financing increases continuously especially through multinational companies, it represents a link between projects and personal saving leads to activate the economical sectors and reflects at the rate of growth by covering the difference between the available investment and the required investment . The interest in international investment increased because it is considered to increase a growth rate and reduce the loans in all kinds and raise the economical indicators of the country. To investigate such opinion, this study deals with international financing and economical capability. It also considers the expected effects of international companies on the economical capabilities of the countries and gives actual results for two countries, South Africa and Chile. This study gives conclusions about international financing and its effects in the economical capability based on the role of international financing to investment in the countries that face deficit of capitals. Many developing countries open their economies for investment to levels showing that economical liberation is no logier important. The study shows that this will reduce the country ability to choose between investment kinds and reduce the country sovereignty on its resources and its national economy which is essential to build a self dependent economy. The international financing, although is important to feed the economy, but it will reduce the economical capability if it becomes out of the country sovereignty and becomes completely under control of multinational companies. This conclusion appears clearly from the two cases of study : In South Africa it is found that for the economy to merge in international market, they had to participate technology and increase the availability of capital that lead to raise the economical capability indicators. In Chile the situation is different because multinational companies took the decision to change the political system socialism to capitalism. So that it found that the role of multinational companies did not lead to raise the economical capability, but used the country capabilities to widen the companies’ investment activity. After the 1989 referendum, the country economical policy was changed, it became more independent and led to raise the economical capability indicators in the 1990’s which is called in Chile as decade of development . Chile succeeded in reducing the negative effects of the multinational companies

اثر دراسة قوى التغيير في استشراف مستقبل الدولة القومية : التنمية البشرية انموذجا

اسم المؤلف: عماد مـؤيد جاسم
اسم المشرف: منعم صاحي حسين العمار
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2006
الموضوع الدقيق: الدراسات الاستراتيجية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الكلمات الدلالية:
  • الدراسات المستقبلية
  • اصل وانواع الدراسات المستقبلية
  • مناهج الدراسات المستقبلية
  • منهج ديناميكيا النظم
  • التنمية البشرية
  • التنمية البشرية في اليمن
الصفحات الاولى:

الحريات الاكاديمية في النظم الديموقراطية والنظم الشمولية : دراسة مقارنة

اسم المؤلف: عماد صلاح عبد الرزاق الشيخ داود
اسم المشرف: وصال نجيب عارف العزاوي فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2007
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: Undoubtedly, it was customary to define Academic Freedom as the practice encompassing’’ The granting of professors and students in the academic institution the right for follow - up of research, teaching and publishing without control, monitoring or trusteeship by the university institution or the relevant official bodies”. Such academic freedoms are deemed a brand of civil rights for individuals enjoying them within the legally recognized limits in, generally all countries, particularly those democratic countries. However, Academic Freedoms, in their broader range, embrace the custody of ensuring a warranty for independence of universities from external influences as well as for enjoying autonomy in the management of their affairs. Besides, Academic Freedoms mean protecting the academician against arbitrary or coercive measures of service laying off without recourse to the stipulations safeguards, within the academic institution, for individual security as to guarantee his personal safety and humanitarian mission for the service of higher education procession for the purpose of achieving through him , the right guidance of university administration.It is to be noted that the terminology of Academic Freedoms is derived from the general concept of freedom. You would behold within their folds an approach to various brands of general freedoms which are, consecutively, Freedom of Belief, Opinion, Meeting and Education.Each of such freedoms realizes an articulation of the concept of academic freedom. However, they are indispensable for absolute total definition, particularly the latter, I.E. freedom of Education or Teaching /Learning which has, for long, been a matter of protest especially in constitutional provisions, as being a constitutional acknowledgement for Academic Freedom. Historically (as sequence of dealing with the topics of this study) it is observed that Academic Freedoms as a practice (not as a terminology or as a concept for definition) was known over the succeeding chronological periods of humanity is life since ancient Babylonian and pharonic eras whose early cultures were greatly concerned with this practice and with establishing schools for higher education. It was a practice as well as an action program with sustained development, over succeeding eras, particularly the Greek and Roman eras with its climax in the Arab - Islamic state. Many intellectuals and scientists in the broad expanse of this state worked in the domain of sciences, know ledges and all ’walks’’ of cognizance. This is a positive and live indication of a clear vision with respect of the practice of Academic Freedoms, although (as afore - cited) the terminology had not crystallized as a concept. It is to be noted, that medieval and post medieval Europe witnessed the genesis of the university in its modern concept. This opened the path for the need to rely on the practice of teaching science freely in spite of (cross - disputes) during those eras between influential bodies and men of cognizance which culminated in regrettable incidents. This was in view of the fact that research beyond the known and approved limits were deemed a mere novelty. This, however, did not block the development of academic practice and adoption of the ’paths’’ of Academic Freedoms whose concept crystallized within the western academic institution, particularly the German institution in the nineteenth century culminating in the constitutional acknowledgement in Germany in this new brand of special freedom known as Academic Freedoms. It is to be noted that the hegemony of ideologies and political systems attempts at hegemony over academic thinking led to retreats within the academic institutions administration, waiving its independency, distancing from pattern of prudent administration and boosting of modes of university deviation (corruption)in its lobbies with consequent deterioration of scientific research level and occurrence of discrepancy between universities in advanced countries which recognize university independence and universities of third world countries in which state hegemony and excessive might over other institutions. We witness ,on the other hand, that the status of Academic Freedoms in other universities of other states are undergoing , now and then , a deterioration in the actions of the a fore - cited type of freedoms. This is due to Coup Detats, occupations, economic changes, political changes, repercussions of crises or impact of incidents with consequent suffering of the academic institution and its personnel not only in third world countries and highly centralized states but, oftentimes, and even in established democracy. Such a matter is treated in the folds of this study by adopting “Comparative Approach” and “Case style of study” as a basis for its study.The following were hypothized : With the expansion of democracy’s area and adopting the culture of Human Rights as well as of general / special freedoms in Nordic countries the patterns of reliance on sound implementation of the basics of good management at all levels, particularly in official and private institutions, of which the academic institution in those countries is one. The consequence is the realizations .of progress, escalation of the styles of scientific research and sustained work of academic institutions. In contrast in the countries of the south, there is retreat and recession in such independency as well as retreat in the results of scientific research and huge drain of brains with adverse consequences that led to degradation of the work of universities. This study attempted in its fold to remedy the foreign elaboration in order to reach a set of conclusions and recommendations as summarized hereunder : 1. Academic freedoms are deemed a wide concept which has not been, as yet, fully acquainted with.2. The concept is independent of all brands of known general freedoms. It is deemed a brand of special freedom.3. It means as a concept, a neutrality that frames researches and style of acquiring science. 4. The plurality of paths of knowledge and arriving at results by multiple methods is deemed an objective of academic freedoms.5. The release of academic freedoms means the release for programs that deter the drain of brains.6. One of the fundamental issues sponsored by the principles of Academic Freedoms is the good governance of special institutions, inclusive of universities.The recommendations are summarized as follows : 1. The works of Academic Freedoms requires the exit of the state as the “Guard “type to the “Sponsor” type.2. The understanding, in its broadest range, of the Academic Freedoms means action towards propagating the culture of human rights in society.3. Planning for teaching is a necessity of Academic Freedoms.4. Academic Freedoms stipulate the implementation of the fundamentals of rational government in university management.5. The basis of Academic Freedoms concept is safeguarding the sustained work of the academician with no threat of dismissal from service.6. The establishment of regional and international organizations for defence of Academic Freedoms is deemed a prerequisite. 7. Instead of multiple proclamations for academic freedom, recourse is to be sought for an international treaty (similar to that for rights of the child and the woman) that would unify legislations for defense of Academic Freedoms.These were the major points for remedy by the study and the conclusions. Therefore arrived at in accordance with the research’s plan) which shall clarified in detail in the annexed” index of topics”)

اتجاهات السياسة الخارجية الامريكية في القرن الحادي والعشرين والنظام الدولي الجديد

اسم المؤلف: علي وجيه محجوب الطائي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The bases and the structures are the bases on which based the external policy of the most countries. But, regarding the U.S of America, the structures are distinguished in its private nature coming form its particularity the historical composition of the United States.Based on this, the evaluation and the structures, which we already talked about and we spoke to in the first chapter in our thesis, are the bases on which stand the policy of the United States of America, as well as the determination of this policy. The level of the force to which reached the United States, which is considerable and distinguished on the shape renders the choices of the distinction seems some times necessary to the continuation of its heading and its control on the world. And this operation has been connected with the many challenges the U.S faced. The mental schooled deep routed the option of the unique state, whether additional or contomporain, or these currents which were renewed with new suggestion and personalities. From these most important currents are the mental currants which became stable in the options of the individualism in the right current religion or the new current conservative. And the religious treatment become mental base to the conflict religious and it is not a just conclusion, it is the reality in the facts of the events since the beginning of the 21st century. At the end, the bases interfered with power and with the individual justification and in the domination in the external policy.In addition to the mental changes, many changed occurred, most important are the strategic, economic, cultural changes. Each of these changes had its distinguished nature in the beginning of the actual century which rendered it different in its subjective, material of the last century.But the most of its characteristics in the structure of the building of the American power, it had its natural character in rendering the United Stated different of the other big powers, and that its power is renewable, and to avoid any point of weakness as soon as possible, through the techniques with special structures that could play the role of the administration to achieve the option of the superiority and to make it a concrete reality and a continuation to its remaining. The most important of these techniques are the war, the power, and the united Nations, and despite of our understanding of the availability of other techniques which are not less important of what we have mentioned above like the information and the free economy. Despite of all these changes we sought in our thesis, we are led to that point that the United States is going in the direction of the absolute superiority in the internal system, but the United Stated is threaten by a group of internal, economic, politic and social preoccupation. These changes are based on the idea of the worldwide which is in need of an interest which is equal to the interest of the United states in the affairs of the external world.On the other side, the United States does not wash to be a big power isolated of the other partners, even if it is capable to do this, due the nature of the power relationship form a side and that the United States is to be a leader for a permanent coalition or a temporary in the internal affairs that it face, the most import of these affairs is the terrorism.Thus, participating became a suggested option in the American external policy, but studying mental, strategic, economic and social changes led to that the style of the participation which the US want is not the participation of others , but the leadership of partnerships permanent or temporary that change according to the conditions and the requirements of the American national security . This participation is to be achieved thought a group of techniques; the most important of them is drawing the strategic coalition participating in the military through the war on terrorism, as well as the international partners.And in order that these directions get away of the directions of the intonation method, the thesis dealt with the future reflections in the direction of the American policy on the new international system.These reflections are distinguished, and this distinction we reveal as well as the study of the development of the new international system, and haw the contemporaneous changes discovered after the end of the cold war a group of phenomena and contradictions, the most important are the penman of the international terrorism, which put the internal system on the difficulty, and it put the American external policy direction in case of not determinative and the instability among the individuals and the participation and may be integrated with the others …For the mean time, the United States is not a sole power, even if it seamed so.The individuality in power means that other have agreed to support this superiority, and this power is not in need of support to any other power, but the United Sated is still in need of support and other coalition, even they had a superlative role like the United Kingdom, and or meaning role like Italy, Spain, as well as the others, meaning the other super power participating in the international system are still not agreed or not satisfied of the individualism of the United States to its participation.The individualism and the participation in reality is not the only option to the United States towards the courtiers of the south only, but it is the options of the external American policy regarding the big powers. So wheatear it is distinguished in its distinguished power or its view or to participate with them, but not based on its idea of the participation, but according to the idea of the participation based on that the U.S give up a part of its freedom of movements for that other big powers accept the participation of the United States.

تحديات بناء الدولة العراقية بعد عام 2003 : دراسة جيوستراتيجية The Challengs of Iraq's State Building After the Year 2003 (Geostrategic Study)

اسم المؤلف: علي حسين احمد
اسم المشرف: قاسم محمد عبيد الجنابي عامر حسن فياض
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الموضوع الدقيق: الدراسات الاستراتيجية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: يتكامل مع المقومات الجيوبولتيكية للدولة مقوم معنوي هو فكرة الدولة التي يجسدها شعور افراد المجتمع بوحدة الاهداف والمصالح والانتماء للدولة التي تعبر عنهم، واقرارهم بنظامها السياسي واحترامه وامتثالهم لقواعده القانونية، والدولة في العالم المتقدم منظومة علاقات سياسية واجتماعية واقتصادية تتماهى الدولة من خلالها مع المجتمع وتتجذر فيه، ولم يتحقق ذلك الا بعد مسيرة تطور وعملية تنشئه اجتماعية سياسية ازاحت الثقافة التقليدية وروابطها واعادت تشكيل بنية المجتمع على مفهوم المواطنة وروابطه والهوية الوطنية الجامعة لمكونات المجتمع المختلفة. ولم تمر الدولة العراقية منذ ولادتها عام 1921 بمسيرة تطور تكاملية المراحل ولم تعبر الدولة الناشئة عن مجتمعها المتعدد الاعراق والديانات والمذاهب والثقافات، وسادت حالة من القطيعة بين الدولة ومجتمعها، وقد وضعتها ظروف نشاتها والطبيعة المضطربة غير المستقرة سواء في داخلها، او في اقليم الشرق الاوسط في مواجهة تحديات داخلية وخارجية عجزت عن التعامل معها بسبب ضعفها النابع من ضعف ارتباطها مع مجتمعها التعددي المتنافر غير المندمج الذي فشلت كل الحكومات المتعاقبة في ادارة تعدديته، وعجزت عن خلق المجتمع المنظم الذي توحده الهوية الوطنية العراقية. واندلعت الصراعات والانقسامات الاجتماعية التي اخذت طابعا سياسيا بعد الاحتلال الامريكي عام 2003 بسبب ترسيخ سلطات الاحتلال للانتماءات والولاءات الفرعية عبر تشكيلها لمجلس الحكم الانتقالي على اسس المحاصصة العرقية والطائفية التي خلقت الطائفية السياسية واججت الصراعات والعنف والفوضى، وشوهت بنية الاحزاب ووظائفها السياسية والاجتماعية، وجاءت بدستور يعاني من عدم الوضوح والثغرات التي خلقت المشاكل والتوترات وستيعد انتاجها مستقبلا ان لم يعدل الدستور، او تعاد كتابته، وكان من نتائج الاحتلال الامريكي تحول العراق الى ميدان للصراع والتنافس الدولي، لادراك القوى الدولية للابعاد الجيوستراتيجية المترتبة على هذا الاحتلال الذي اخل بالتوازنات بين هذه القوى لصالح الولايات المتحدة في الشرق الاوسط، وانعكست تداعيات الصراع على استقرار العراق وامنه واثرت سلبا على عملية بناء الدولة، كما دخلت منطقة الشرق الاوسط والخليج العربي مرحلة اعادة ترتيب لادوار القوى الاقليمية ومجالات نفوذها ومصالحها وتداخلت هذه المجالات في العراق الذي اصبح ميدان تنافس وصراع بين القوى الاقليمية لتصفية الحسابات والاضطلاع بدور اقليمي اكبر وترك هذا الصراع بصماته على اوضاع العراق السياسية والاجتماعية والامنية والاقتصادية وغذى الانقسامات الاجتماعية مما اثر بشكل كبير على وحدة المجتمع وعملية بناء الدولة، ويتطلب التعامل مع التحديات بشقيها الداخلي والخارجي، واستكمال عملية بناء الدولة تبني استراتيجية للتنشئة الاجتماعية السياسية لاعادة بناء الفرد والمجتمع كخيار استراتيجي، وتبني خيار مرحلي بالاعتماد على النخبة من التكنوقراط لايقاف التداعي والانهيار وبناء دولة المؤسسات وتعزيز التماسك الاجتماعي والوحدة الوطنية، اذ ان المجتمع الموحد يمثل عمق الدولة الاستراتيجي ومرتكزها للتعامل مع التحديات وادامة عملية البناء والتنمية الشاملة، وتتكامل مع استراتيجية بناء الداخل استراتيجية كفوءة للشؤون الخارجية لتحقيق اهداف السياسة الخارجية وفي مقدمتها استعادة مكانة العراق على الساحتين الاقليمية والدولية . | The notion of state as immaterial factor integrated with state's geopolitical components, embodied in societies individuals unified goals, interests, and feelings of affiliation to their state, and recognition of its political system, respecting and follow its regulations, because it indicates them as citizens. In developed world states these elements have become a system of political, social, and economic interrelations rooted in society after series of evolutions and sociopolitical socialization process displaced customary culture,re - forming society structure around national identity and citizenship bonds to integrate society's divers constituent. Iraqi state hasn't witnessed these developments since its existence in 1921, and it didn't speak out on its divers society descents, religious, creeds, and cultures, moreover a condition of reclusion prevailed between the state and its society. The circumstances encompass its origination, besides the destabilized context wether inside Iraq or in the Middle East region put it in facing with challenges it failed to deal with, because of the weakness stem from the delicacy relations between the existed state and its diverse discordant society which indicated the deficiency to create organized society unified by Iraqi national identity. Conflicts and societal partition flared up after the American invasion of Iraq in 2003 took political form due to occupation authorities decision to form the interim governing council on racial and sectarian quota which ignited violence, twisted political parties structures, affecting their political and societal functions, besides producing an improper constitution experience ambiguity and crevasses, creating turmoil's and problems and will reproduce them in future unless constitutional amendment or rewriting take place. Iraq turned into international confrontation and competition arena after the American occupation in 2003, because of international powers realization of geostrategic impacts that would disrupt the balance among them in favor of the United States in the Middle East.These impacts reflected upon Iraq's security and stability and negatively affect the state building process, as the Middle East and Arabian Gulf region fall under a phrase of rearranging roles of regional powers and their spheres of influence and interests overlapped in Iraq due to its geostrategic importance. Thus Iraq has become the field of struggle between these powers for liquidation and taking over main regional role, which directly destabilized Iraqs political, social, security, and economic status. The aftermath of these variables interactions greatly acted upon society's unity and state building process in Iraq. The dealing with internal and external challenges, and the perfection of state construction require a sociopolitical socialization to rebuild individuals and society on democratic values as strategic option, and count on technocracy elite to put an end for disorder and downfall to establish Iraqi state on basis of establishment and promoting societal solidarity and unity, because society represents state strategic depth and pivot to tackle Challenges and maintain development Persistenncy. This strategy must be integrated with active foreign affairs strategy to achieve foreign policy objectives, endeavor to retrieve Iraqs prestige at both regional and international levels is on top. The study comprises an introduction, four chapters and a conclusion. The first chapter delt with Iraqi state historicity in two sections. The first section studies internal and external challenges facing the process of construction Iraqi state during monarchist era 1921 - 1958. The second section examines the challenges during republican era 1958 - 2003. The second chapter investigates state building internal challenge after 2003 in three sections. The first section studies legislations and political challenges, the second section examines security challenges, while the third one devoted to study the socioeconomic challenges. The third chapter puts under scrutiny the state building external challenges, the first section studies international challenges, and the second section investigates the regional challenges. The fourth chapter reviews in its first section the strategy of dealing with internal challenges, the second section examines the foreign affairs strategy required to deal with external challenges, The conclusion of the thesis includes a summary of the results reached to through the present study.

التعددية الحزبية والوحدة الوطنية في الوطن العربي The Plurality of Parties and National unity in Arab homeland

اسم المؤلف: ابتسام حاتم عـلوان الدليـمي
اسم المشرف: مها عبد اللطيف حسن الحديثي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2008
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: Plurality of parties and National unity in the Arab home land.The important of this subject, the balance nature between guarantee real plurality of parties and making this plurality mean to reserve the national unity and not disassembling it .The Majority of Arab nations in the Arab homeland especially those called for following the plurality of political parties are of formal polarity, they put group of obstacles and Restrictions for any real plurality of parties whether on the level of actual practice of arresting and others, or through constitutional obstacles restricted the party polarity and codification this plurality due to laws and restricted constitutions giving the ruling party the ruling party the extent in general to win the Elections and to guarantee keeping power due to formal and forged circulation of power. The Studies depend hypothesis Represented accelerated Relationship referred to the effect of political party plurality on the national unity in the country. The party plurality based on real democratic bases acts its Effective role to ensure the national unity in that society and to maintain the social adhesion in it, While the party plurality based on sectarian , race, and Ethnic bases to Effect negatively on the National unity for Disassembling society and Increasing chasm Between its Individuals this Necessity Putting forward group of questions. How the party plurality in the Arab homeland and what is the general Framework of plurality in the Arab homeland? And what are the reason behind the transformation to plurality in the Arab countries and what are their consequences ?What is the concept of National unity? And what is the party Plurality with the National unity? And What is the peaceful Circulation of power in the Arab homeland ? and how this circulation affects the National unity? Is there party plurality in Iraq, Egypt and morocco and how this affects the National unity considering them applicable pattern for this study?.The Structure of the study has distributed on four Chapters, Moreover, the Introduction and conclusion . The first chapter deals with the state in the Arab homeland and the third deals with the state in the Arab homeland and the second, the origination of the state in the Arab homeland and the third deals with the obstacles Faced the state in the Arab Homeland . The second chapter tries to study the party plurality in the Arab homeland and in three categories, the first one deals with explaining the general framework of party plurality in Arab society, While the second one studies the party Phenomena in the Arab Homeland and through two demands.The first Studies the appearance of party plurality in Arab homeland and the second one studies the Characteristics of these parties and the research pointed out to the Transformation Process from one party regime to party Plurality and through two demands, the First studies the Reason of transformation to party plurality and its Consequences and the second Referred to the reality of party life in Arab homeland, whole the third chapter studies the national unity and partiality on the level of concept in the first research, the Relation of Political Parties with the National unity, While the third Research deals with the Effect of Power in the Arab homeland on the National unity. The Fourth Chapter studies three Arab states, Iraq, Egypt and Morocco as applicable patterns of study and explaining characteristics of party plurality in each state and its Effect on the National unity. The Study has Reached that all the Parties Arab homeland have appeared in democracy absence Circumstances in these states and their appearance have expressed the social categorical and patriotic needs, they obtained Relative Unanimous then transformed in parties, Individuals and leaderships, The conflict is great among them and do not lead to social adhesion and Subsequently to achieve the National unity and this is has noticed in the applicable patterns where the party plurality, but they are of sectarian or Denominational Nature and that Effects Negatively on the National People unity

وضع الاقليات في الدولة الفيدرالية - ستراتيجيات التعامل وسياسة الاحتواء : دراسة مقارنة بين العراق والهند The Situation of minorities in the federal state : Coping Strategies and Policies of Containment a Comparative Study between Iraq and India

اسم المؤلف: علي جاسم عبد علي عبد الله
اسم المشرف: عامر حسن فياض
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2015
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: Those human groups that distinguish it from other citizens were not, have achieved a stable unrivaled referred to Mendez until they have suffered a lot of injustice and oppression, which is still suffering, even in some of the systems developed democracy, that these are distinct from the rest of the community groups dubbed minorities name and that and according to specific criteria applies these groups is consistent with the nature of the name, and it was the closest and most common is the standard numerical these groups, was launched researchers and specialists from several criteria to be called and the possibility of compatibility with the political systems in the countries in which they live and are considered citizens, since citizenship is the rights and duties , he must enjoy those groups full rights and a commitment to full duties, similar to the rest of the citizens of the state, but these rights and duties may encounter complexity depending on the nature of the political system and the extent of the enjoyment of democratic values. In systems where the central state is very strong almost disappear those privacy or even sometimes disappear , whether it be due to deliberate or extreme centralization by which leave no room for such groups to exercise self - rights, such as the use of language and the way of education and practice their own culture which is characterized by which keeps its part to revive that culture and conservation, therefore, we find that minorities in the central states can not full rights to enjoy, but the only commitment to their duties, which in this case has violated one of the pillars of citizenship, namely the rights, and remained live only on the second corner.In spite of the fact that a variety of Federal Regulations (Union treaty and the Union of personal Federation and the Federation of actual, and the confederation), the best one and the most coherent is the Federal Union, which is one of the more regulations efficacy in the management of the issue of minorities, but most effective, the state here with one political system and one flag and the policy of extra - one, but the terms of reference which are distributed between the capital and the so - called (center) and the regions or provinces by the Constitutional labels for the Constitution of the Federal State, and usually happens to these countries or States are gathering a result of a constant threat to its existence in the case of survival of individual, or the presence of common factors between population, which prompts them to integrate in one state while retaining some of its terms of reference and this is according to the nature upbringing in which they arise federal state, The way growing up control of the capture of the powers broader and be specific powers, the federation as a solution to countries in which the plurality of linguistic minorities exist, ethnic or religious, can through the way the administration which is characterized by granting powers to manage own affairs similar to what is in being an independent state, there is a constitution and the authority of the legislative and executive authority private regional as well as judicial, and assume that the management areas Affairs authorities in line with the aspirations of the citizens of those regions and who are, in turn, the citizens of the State of the Union as a whole, but this organization and this administration is not absolute and not subject to the decisions of the center fully and absolutely, they first must take into account the age of the laws and legislation, the Federal Constitution, which is the cornerstone in this union the main pillar in it, as well as to not be the of those Territories mostly authority in the field of relations Foreign conclude agreements or enter into treaties as the continued federal State province, but the important thing here is that this system gives broad powers in the management of private affairs of the citizens of the province and who are often distinct from the rest of the citizens of the state, either linguistically or religiously or ethnically ... etc. of distinctions human, as well as allowing those regions the possibility to participate in political decision - making at the federal level, any internal autonomy in the management of private affairs, as well as participation in the central authority in the management of public affairs, any participation in the two levels of government, federal level Federal and level the other the regional level, Here you find minorities match in achieving stability and administration to its affairs that can not be obtained in other systems, it is worth mentioning the federal could go back Soaking up the majority in that State, The vast could have divided themselves on a geographical basis for the enjoyment of the powers granted in the Federal Constitution.In this federal place systems to become the world's safest communities unique, as it is through the powers it recognizes mainly the existence of discrimination within the geographical boundaries of that State, and also through his powers can these groups to exercise their culture and use their own language and legislation of laws fits (harmonious condition with the Constitution), and also Through its powers are both pillars of the pillars have achieved citizenship (rights and duties), so the sense of citizen full rights and sense not to threaten the group to which he belongs, as well as his sense of caution state parent so to speak, as a state sponsor of his presence and keep it, so his response positive and trying to bring himself second pillar of citizenship, namely the duties that fall upon himself, the state federalism, if what has been applying its own rules correctly, it keeps its unity and integration within distinct communities, saved breed has a desire to perform basic duties, and culture of others is prohibited and the recognition of uniqueness, generate the desire to stay and integration in that State, however, to predict human destiny remains under different systems of the imagination, the final We are studying and dealing with human hearts which is to change the earliest of stability, states and even the federal ones seen some internal vibrations which generated violence that left hundreds but thousands of the dead, but of course, the federal system is the most flexible in absorbing these vibrations and over her response to them.And it is through the foregoing are seeking through this research is to reveal the power of the federal systems in the containment and to deal with these groups and the possibility of maintaining the entity external unified state divided constitutionally internally, and also touched on the strengths and weaknesses in those systems and which could lead to a demand for secession or destabilize threat to internal stability and security of the state.It seeks this research is to clarify the concept, characteristics and models of the federal state, and the extent of the success of countries that adopted and what are the strengths and weaknesses, and go into the details of these points necessitated a theoretical framework to explain the reasons behind the adoption of some States federal model.the importance of studyingMinorities have become since for quite some time, one of the reasons for the spread of the phenomenon of instability, another reason for the intervention of foreign countries in the affairs of the countries where minorities live, and those countries Iraq, and the problem of minorities in Iraq problem back to the genesis of the Iraqi state, and that is the capacity of the subject and the possibility of stand on the achievements of this model in the management of the issue of minorities, we had to search in the federal which absorbed more different communities and differentiated, namely India and of pluralism, linguistic, religious and ethnic, and the possibility of description of these solutions to the case of Iraq and take advantage of how to survive one country for more than seven decades with all What content of pluralism and differences, and whether that Iraq, after less than two decades, could be his rein in Kurdish minority of separation, through integration into a federal state, but it remains to be said here to the actual application of this system and how growing up, this system has met success and acclaim in the States, and troublesome in other countries, including reflected recently on the level of acceptance or rejection of the idea of federalism in modern by the two countries, and therefore we dealt with this subject in detail together with the Indian model and compare it to Iraq, with the difficulty of comparison in terms of the size of the state and the nature of the population linguistic and religious and ethnic differences, but the foundation is how to manage diversity In the federal state.The study hypothesisOff thesis from the premise that, that minorities if they have been dealt with according to respect its presence and recognition, they will be a factor of stability and not a threat factor, and here the hypothesis started from the fact that the best systems for the management of internal diversity is the federal regulations, they provided the flexibility and capacity for absorption through and means available, to contain and to deal with these groups, policy, and who are, in turn, citizens where, here the basis of stability in the multi - religious countries and languages due to the federal system, which contained in those states internal differences, but this model is applied in a country without the benefit of Past experience in the federal rule, that makes this state is weak in the face of problems that may arise in the future, which makes these groups demand the right to secede from the body of the state, and thus its weakness and inability to remedy the other detachable demands, and it Federalism has the ability to full body politic to keep State if applied properly by the parties to form government (federal and regional).

العراق ما بعد الاحتلال وتاثيره في الامن الخليجي SECURITY IN THE GULF AND THE IMPACT OF POST - OCCUPATION IRAQ

اسم المؤلف: عامر حسن ثابت
اسم المشرف: محمد كريم كاظم
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: Intellectual interest in the Gulf security is well - established. Very few studies, ‎however, have been conducted on the impact of post - occupation Iraq on the Gulf security arrangements. ‎The main objectives of this research are to highlight the threats and challenges facing the Gulf ‎region after the occupation of Iraq in 2003, and to address the post - occupation Iraq issue as an ‎important factor in restoring stability and security in the Gulf region. ‎Many factors and variables have contributed to the importance of the Gulf region as a key ‎arena for regional and international politics. Domestically, there is both the wealth of the Gulf ‎Cooperation Council states and strategic location of the Gulf itself, the continued internal and ‎regional threats the GCC states are facing, and, lastly, the increasing global demand for the ‎Gulf’s oil and gas. ‎The subject of this research is a highly complex subject of study. This difficulty is very much ‎manifest in appreciating and applying the most suitable analytical approach. As such, this ‎research has adopted a multi - level and multi - causal analytical framework. The researcher ‎believes that such a framework will not only lead to a more nuanced analysis, but also to a ‎richer understanding of the topic.‎ The results of this research are consistent with its hypothesis; it proves the following : Firstly, ‎there is a concrete link between the occupation of Iraq and its impact on the broader security ‎of the Gulf. Secondly, that Iraq can play a positive, balanced and durable role in the Gulf ‎security. This is particularly relevant because of the many factors linking Iraq with the ‎GCC states. Thirdly, in terms of security, that there is need for a new strategy consistent with ‎the national interests of all actors involved in the Gulf region, as well as the security ‎requirements of the region, in order to restore stability and security, and to save the Gulf ‎region from a fourth destructive war. ‎The US - led invasion of Iraq in 2003 is considered to be a major event, which has had a lasting ‎impact on the ‎security regime in the Gulf region ‎. Earlier, what was dubbed Operation ‎Desert Storm’ ‎in 1991 marked the beginning of the disturbance of the strategic balance ‎that ‎had been unique to the Gulf region. The subsequent invasion and occupation of Iraq by the ‎United States further disturbed that balance, affecting not only Iraq but the whole region. ‎The ‎dramatic changes that took place on the ground following the occupation in 2003 testify ‎to this. These changes rapidly redrew the features of the Gulf security and ‎caused an ‎impact on every state in the Gulf, without exception, in terms of security and stability.The United States’ invasion of Iraq, coupled with its considerable presence in the Gulf region, ‎revealed ‎unprecedented facts regarding security matters, not only in Iraq, but in the Gulf ‎region as a whole. This has necessitated a comprehensive assessment of the security regime ‎that ‎prevailed in the Gulf region prior to the war in 2003 in the light of the events that took ‎‎place afterwards. The elimination of Iraq from the equation, coupled with the unfavorable ‎developments in the state of Iraq ‎since 2003, could have possibly turned Iraq into a security ‎threat to the region on account of its attraction to proponents of extremism, ‎violence, and ‎terrorism.‎The nuclear activities of Iran, in light of the continuous tension in the US - Iran relationship, ‎‎also constitute a main feature of the new security regime in the Gulf region. Moreover, the ‎United States ‎has redeployed its troops so that they are now based in Qatar, Kuwait and ‎Bahrain.‎In light of the above, it has become necessary for the Gulf States to consider a new ‎security ‎system to cope with the post - Iraq - occupation stage, as the security issue has become an obsession for these states. In the meantime, in order to resolve the security question, a security ‎formula should be reached between them. However, to reach that end, a number of ‎conditions need to be satisfied. These include an end to ‎the United States’ occupation of Iraq, and bringing about stability and reconciliation between the Iraqi people. ‎Another issue is the United States - Iran conflict and the provision of security guarantees to small ‎countries so that those countries do not need to seek external alliances to protect their national ‎security. This is not to mention making appropriate arrangements for securing oil production in ‎the region, which implies coordination with the major oil consuming countries to set the balance ‎right in the interests of both producers and consumers. However, satisfying those conditions, in ‎addition to the reservations of the United States on any new security arrangements in the region - given that ‎the United States is a major player in current events - constitutes a main challenge.‎The establishment of a regional security arrangements based on the resolution of all bilateral conflicts, ‎setting a common stage for cooperation and coordination between the states in all areas, and ‎the continuation of internal political reforms is in the interest of all states in the region ‎including the GCC. Furthermore, bringing stability and security to the Gulf region is in ‎the interests of the international community, particularly the United States.The fall of Saddam Hussein’s regime in 2003 could have been a dream - at least, for the decision - ‎makers in the state of Iran. This might have been particularly so in light of the fact that ‎Iraq had been a stumbling block in the course of Iranian policy in the Gulf region for decades. But, as of ‎yet, the Iraqi occupation has not proven good news for Iran. This is for the simple reason that decision - ‎makers in Iran have become aware of the fact that they may be the next target for the United States. For ‎this reason, they tried to exhaust United States forces in Iraq, not to mention the efforts they made to ‎dominate the internal scene in Iraq by any and all means.‎Through its policy in Iraq, Iran aimed at becoming a main player in the regional game, an issue ‎which had been beyond the understanding of the United States decision - makers. In all likelihood, they were not ‎aware, beforehand, regarding the extent of Iranian involvement in the new Iraq, so that the United States ‎and Iran found themselves facing each other in the post - Saddam Iraq. Nonetheless, the fact of the ‎matter is that the new Iraq has become a common ground for interaction between the United States and ‎Iran, in which both parties need each other equally. It seems that the Americans are becoming ‎aware of the extent of that game, which, we believe, it is in their interest to do so. That could be ‎so even if that leads to more Iranian domination in Iraq as a secondary outcome - as the rules of ‎the game may dictate. The simple fact is that these rules are irreversible as long as the state of ‎Iraq remains disunited, and part of the country keeps the same distance from both ‎Washington and Tehran : i.e., remaining outside of the interaction between the two countries.‎The new equation in which Iraq became an important variable in the resultant Gulf - Iranian ‎relationships caused the Arab neighbours of Iraq to raise the question of how they should ‎handle their relationships with the new Iraq that has become a battle ground for American ‎and Iranian domination at the same time. In the meantime, regional alliances in the Gulf ‎were being reviewed to cope with the new regime.‎The foregoing would require a study for discussion and analysis, as well as a reading of the reality of ‎the various events involving the Gulf region, and the most important problems that ‎constitute an impediment to the security and stability of the region and to the efforts of the ‎international actors in the region. In addition, the outcome of the post - Iraq - occupation stage from ‎April 2003 has led to the deterioration of the internal condition in Iraq, such as a lack of security in ‎the event of increasing terrorist activities, and increasing violence, which could be due to ‎internal, regional or even international causes. This is not to mention the mass killings and ‎displacements which affected the people’s morale and state of mind, blocking the development ‎process in a broader sense. Given the close links between states in the region, the impact of the ‎outcome has gone beyond the borders to include neighbouring countries.‎The fact of the matter is that the Gulf region is experiencing a real security crisis which has more than one ‎cause, from the changes that have taken place in Iraq, to the intervention of some regional powers, ‎particularly Iran, in attempting to dominate the whole Gulf region, and ensuing disputes between those powers ‎and the US. This is not to mention the positive or negative impact of these facts on other local states in ‎terms of political and economic interests. This current crisis could have unfathomable effects on ‎the realities and future of the region and the GCC states will definitely be affected most. Given ‎its geopolitical regime, Iraq will influence and become influenced by the neighboring states - ‎particularly the GCC states - given the common factors and interests between the people ‎of those countries, most importantly their common language, culture, history and the economic ‎interests that link all Arab states in the Gulf. Yet, in the aftermath of its occupation, Iraq has ‎changed its regional role in favour of Iran. So, the disturbance of the balance of power in the ‎Gulf region has opened the door for Iran to increase its grab on power in the region.‎The United States, on the other hand, may be able to play a greater role in setting the balance of power right in ‎the Gulf region. This will only happen should the United States succeed in closing the gap that has resulted ‎from its occupation of Iraq in getting rid of the negative effects that the occupation has had on the country and its neighbours in the Gulf. Moreover, the United States will need to play its role as a ‎superpower and its capacity to make an impact on the Gulf region in terms of security and ‎stability as part of its commitment to the international community.‎Generally speaking, this thesis features an analysis of the reason behind the United States’ ‎occupation of Iraq, and the deployment of the United States’ troops in GCC states. The researcher also ‎investigates the reason behind the security crisis in the region, which could be explained by the ‎United States’ notion that military power always proves the right option for achieving goals. This notion, ‎however, does not pay attention to the fact that, although military force can allow for victory on ‎the battleground, or remove an unwanted regime, it cannot guarantee political and ‎security stability.‎As far as Iraq is concerned, political stability and security remain a long - term goal since the ‎occupation. That could be due to the complex regime both locally and regionally, as well as ‎internationally. Due to this complexity, and the wide gap between the people and ‎rulers in most of the states in the region questioning the legitimacy of those rulers, any stability ‎in the region is of a fragile nature. This is not to mention the lack of mutual trust between various ‎states in the region. From this, it could be concluded that the security issue remains a major ‎dilemma at this current stage and will probably remain so for a long time to come.‎Much has been written about the Gulf region from different perspectives. But relatively little has been written about the orientations and policies of post - occupation Iraq towards the region, especially after its occupation in 2003.This statement is confirmed by the results of the researcher’s on - going survey of the Arabic and English literature on this topic. Many factors may account for the scarcity of this topic in the literature, including the impact of the prevailing internal situation in Iraq and its foreign policies towards the Arab Gulf states. Needless to say, Iraq is an important factor in the Gulf region and as such, continuity or change in its foreign policy may either enhance stability or encourage conflict in the Gulf.In this A thesis, I allocate to : In draft,deals with the significance of the Gulf region and the history of the region – ‎politically; economically; militarily – since the end of the Second World War. This includes ‎the 2003 invasion. The significant relevance of oil production is also discussed, as is the ‎notion of the six GCC countries.Chapter One; examines important challenges facing security in the Gulf region, specifically ‎with respect to demographic issues, and the importance of the increasingly foreign workforce, ‎in the context of globalization. Finally, the issue of terrorism is presented. The first section is ‎devoted to analysing the Gulf’s demographic imbalance which constitutes a serious challenge ‎for policymakers. On the one hand, immigration into the region is indispensable for the ‎process of vital economic development, but on the other hand immigration constitutes a ‎serious challenge given its unfavorable effects on the demographic structure and the labor ‎market. This has an additional impact on social and cultural values, particularly at this current ‎stage of globalization.‎Section two analyses the challenges facing the Gulf region from terrorism, and seeks to ‎answer the following questions : Why is there diversity in the definition of terrorism? What ‎determines who is a terrorist? What are terrorist goals and what are the means by which they ‎decide targets? What is the nature of the hostilities committed by and the means of support ‎received by terrorist groups? Why should the phenomenon of terrorism be studied and what ‎are the benefits envisaged from these studies? What is the relationship between the media and ‎modern communications and the phenomenon of terrorism in the Gulf region after the ‎occupation of Iraq? ‎Chapter Two; highlights Iranian policy in the face of the concept of Gulf security arrangements in ‎two main sections. The first describes and analyses the historic background of the present ‎issues, and Iranian perspectives on the notion of Gulf security. The second discusses Gulf ‎security in light of Iran’s nuclear program. Iran is considered to be a main player in the ‎Gulf region, in terms of its population as well as its military and economic might compared ‎with the other Arab Gulf states. The importance of their own security policies (including the ‎nuclear program) and the response to those policies on the part of the other Gulf States is ‎also considered, which encompasses a discussion of various key relationships (between the ‎Arab States, Gulf States, Iran and the US)‎.Chapter Three; examines the impact of post - 2003 Iraq on the security arrangements within ‎the gulf region. Firstly, the factors that have, and continue, to influence post - 2003 Iraq are ‎explored. Subsequently, both the influence of Iraq and the areas of influence exerted by Iraq ‎on the security arrangements of the Gulf are considered. Finally, the perspectives of the main ‎powers in the region with regard to Iraq’s influence on the Gulf security arrangements are ‎presented. The impact, in particular, of the Iranian nuclear program is also discussed, before ‎the conclusion of the chapter.‎Chapter Four; examines whether Iraq will have a substantial impact on Gulf security in the ‎medium - term future, and what aspects have made and may make Iraq influential in this ‎respect. The prospects of Iraq in this regard will consider the connection between the two, ‎and Iraq’s future prospects; the Gulf security issue is also considered in the wider respect of ‎Arab links, the isolation of Iraq from its Gulf surroundings, and the reality of Iraq as a ‎battleground for regional confrontation.‎

ظاهرة فراغ السلطة في دول عالم الجنوب الاسباب والنتائج The authority absence phenomena in the Southern Countries World Causes & Results

اسم المؤلف: اسراء علاء الدين نوري
اسم المشرف: مها عبد اللطيف حسن الحديثي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2007
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: مما لاشك فيه ان كل ظاهرة من ظواهر الحياة انما تكون عرضة لمؤثرات داخلية وخارجية في نفس الوقت ، وقد تتفاعل هذه المؤثرات فيما بينها لتشكل حالة واضحة من التاثير تجسد طبيعة هذه الحالة واتجاهاتها الرئيسية ، واذا ما طبقنا هذا الكلام على طبيعة النظم الاجتماعية والسياسية فاننا نجدها عرضة وبصورة دائمة لهذه المؤثرات والمتغيرات ، ودول عالم الجنوب تقدم لنا نموذجا واضحا لمدى قوى وحجم تاثير المتغيرات الداخلية والخارجية في طبيعة نظمها السياسية ، ومنذ مدة طويلة ابتدات من المرحلة الاستعمارية وفي جوانبها السياسية والاقتصادية والاجتماعية .واتجهت الانظمة السياسية في دول عالم الجنوب نحو السلطوية وتركيز السلطة في يد فئة صغيرة ونمو نفوذها وممارستها مع تطور هذه الانظمة في بناء السلطة السياسية ، والتي من ابرز مظاهرها قمع القوى السياسية الساعية اليها وتصفية وجودها على ساحة العمل السياسي او تحجيم تاثيرها في الحياة السياسية ، واجهاض مطالب المشاركة السياسية ، والاعتماد على العنف السياسي في تصرفات السلطة السياسية تجاه مجتمعاتها .وان ما دفع لاحتكار السلطة في يد فئة صغيرة في هذه الانظمة هو الاطار الذي جرى بموجبه ممارسة السلطة السياسية ، وطبيعة التنظيم الدستوري الذي تم اقراره للسلطة ، حيث تعززت مكانة القابضين على السلطة ومركزها السياسي ومع تطور البناء الدستوري لهذه الانظمة ، حتى وصلت الى موقعها السياسي والدستوري القائم في هيئة الانظمة السياسية وفي نطاق الحياة السياسية لدول عالم الجنوب بشكل عام .ومع التطور التدريجي لمكانة الفئة الحاكمة ونمو تاثيرها وسلطانها السياسيين في هياكل وبنى ومؤسسات هذه الانظمة واساليب واليات عملها ، وبالتالي اكتسابها النفوذ المطلق والسلطات الواسعة وحصولها على التفوق التام على جميع المؤسسات السياسية سواء كانت الحكومية او التمثيلية او الوسيطة ، ثم التحول الكامل لهذه الانظمة صوب الشخصانية في الحكم والتي من شانها نفي ومصادرة اي شكل من اشكال الممارسة السياسية من جانب القوى والتنظيمات السياسية في الحياة السياسية . وتقترن بالسلطة السياسية في دول عالم الجنوب بعدد من الممارسات السلطوية في الحكم ، منها : 1. الهيمنة الكاملة على العملية السياسية بانفراد الرؤوساء بعملية اتخاذ القرارات السياسية وتقرير السياسات .2. عدم بناء المؤسسات السياسية والتقليل من اهمية المؤسسات السياسية القائمة وتجاوزها من اجل استمرار الهيمنة الشخصية للرؤوساء والمحافظة على نفوذهم .3. الارتكاز والدوران في دائرة العلاقات الشخصية في عملية صنع القرارات السياسية والسياسات العامة .4. اشاعة ثقافة الخضوع وتنمية الشعور بالتبعية لدى المواطنين بدلا من المساهمة النشطة في ادارة شؤون الحكم والسياسة .5. الاستخدام الواسع للعنف والقوة في مواجهة القوى والتنظيمات السياسية الساعية الى المشاركة والممارسة السياسية .6. اغفال قواعد الشرعية الدستورية واللجوء الى الممارسات الشخصية في الحكم والسلطة .وتعاني دول عالم الجنوب من ظاهرة فراغ السلطة والتي من اهم اشكالها وصورها مشكلة بناء الوحدة والوطنية والتكامل القومي ، وعدم شرعية النظم السياسية ، وانتهاكات حقوق الانسان ، والحروب الاهلية والاعتماد على العنف والعنف السياسي من جانب السلطة والشعب ، وهذه القضايا كلها مترابطة بحيث ان بعضها هو سبب لقضايا وازمات ومشاكل اخرى . وان هذه المشاكل والازمات التي تعيشها مجتمعات دول عالم الجنوب تؤدي الى العنف السياسي والنقمة وحروب العصابات التي تجد لها ارضا خصبة في مثل هذه الاوضاع ، مما يسهم في خلق اجواء غير طبيعية تعيق عمل المؤسسات السياسية بل تشلها احيانا ، وهذا يؤدي الى ان تكون الدول ضعيفة وغير قادرة على ايجاد الحلول اللازمة لمثل هذه المشكلات والازمات . وهكذا عندما تعجز السلطة السياسية عن حماية المجتمع والدولة من التفكك وتلبية احتياجات مجتمعها ، تكون قد فقدت اسس وجودها ، حيث ان القابضين على السلطة يعملون على التحكم بها وتحقيق مصالحهم وغاياتهم الخاصة ، وترك واهمال مصالح الافراد في المجتمع ، واستخدامها لاليات القمع والعنف ومحاولة قمع اي نوع من المعارضة لها ولوجودها ، وهذا من جانبه يؤدي الى استخدام واعتماد مجتمعات هذه الدول الى الوسائل غير السلمية باستخدام العنف ( الثورة ، الانقلابات ، الاضطرابات ... ) كرد فعل على سياسات الدولة ، وهذا يؤدي بالتالي الى ظاهرة فراغ السلطة .ومن اجل القضاء على ظاهرة فراغ السلطة في دول عالم الجنوب ، فاهم المعالجات والسياسات التي يجب اتباعها هي تحديد اسس تداول السلطة ، فيجب ان تكون هذه الاسس سلمية كوجود احزاب وهيئات وانتخابات ووجود حرية الصحافة والاعلام ، واحترام الدساتير ، ويقف على راس كل هذه الشروط شرط الوحدة الوطنية الذي لا يمكن ان يتنازل عنه باي حال من الاحوال . وكذلك قيام السلطة السياسية بانتهاج سياسات عدة كانتهاجها لسياسات اقتصادية ايجابية على النحو الذي تجعل المواطن يثق تماما من ان هذه السياسات هي لصالحه اولا واخيرا ، الامر الذي يوفر جوا يحفز المواطنين عامة والاقليات القومية والدينية خاصة وصهرها في بوتقة واحدة ، وكذلك فتح القنوات التي يمكن ان يعبر المواطن عن رايه وبطريق سلمي وفي كافة المستويات وبالشكل الذي يوفر مناخ الاصوات المتعددة بدلا من صوت السلطة الواحدة . وان تحقيق هذه التعددية والحرية يتحقق ليس عبر القرار الرسمي السلطوي فقط ، بل عبر تفاعل ما بين القرار والقاعدة الشعبية بين المواطن والسلطة . ويحدث ذلك عبر ما يلي : 1. الاتجاه نحو بناء مؤسسات سياسية راسخة وثابتة تشكل العماد الاساس لاي نظام سياسي ، هذه المؤسسات تعتمد في قيامها وادائها على حاجات الشعب ، بعيدا عن حالة الاستئثار بالسلطة .2. ان عملية البقاء هذه لا يمكن ان تتحقق الا من خلال اشاعة الوعي السياسي وانفتاحه ، والاستناد الى التعددية السياسية والحرية القائمة على اساس التعددية في الراي والحرية في التوجهات .3. بناء قاعدة اقتصادية متينة تقوم على اساس التعامل مع التكنولوجيا الحديثة والاستغلال الامثل للثروات الاقتصادية وتعبئة هذه الثروات والموارد لتحقيق التنمية الاقتصادية ورفع المستوى المعيشي للفرد والذي سيؤثر بدوره في حل ازمات ومشاكل تعاني منها مجتمعاتها .4. التعامل مع حالة التعددية على انها تمثل مطلبا شعبيا داخليا ، ولذلك يجب توفير المستلزمات الاساسية لنجاحها ، من خلال رعاية هذه المطالب الشعبية والتعامل معها بصدق واضح ، حيث ان التعددية عملية مشاركة الاحزاب والمؤسسات والقوى الوطنية بصورة واسعة وفعلية وهي تتطلب قدرا من الحرية والارادة الحرة للشعب .5. ان النجاح في رسم مستقبل قائم على الحرية والاستقرار ونبذ العنف بكافة اشكاله في المؤسسات السياسية لدول عالم الجنوب ، يتوقف على مبدا اساسي ومهم ، هو تداول السلطة بصورة سلمية وعلى وفق انتخابات حرة ومباشرة ومنتظمة .6. ان النظم السياسية في دول عالم الجنوب اصبحت تواجه في ظل الاوضاع الدولية الراهنة مزيدا من التحديات التي تعصف بها ، ولكي تنجح هذه النظم في مجابهة هذه التحديات فلابد من معالجتها بشكل منطقي ، ويبرز موضوع الوحدة الوطنية من بين هذه التحديات فهناك ضرورة لصيانتها والحفاظ عليها ، بل اصبح هذا الموضوع المفتاح الذي تمسك به القوى المتنفذة لفتح ابواب دول عالم الجنوب والدخول اليه ، لذا يجب الانتباه جيدا لاهمية هذه المشكلة من خلال تعزيز الوحدة الوطنية ودعم ورعاية حقوق الاقليات واحترام حقوق الانسان وتحقيق التنمية بكل اشكالها وارساء دعائم المشاركة السياسية للجميع دون استثناء او تمييز والعمل على جعل المصلحة العليا هي الهدف الاسمى . | It includes the role of the authority in Southern World Countries , this authority seems weak and absent , because of many local and foreign causes , like weak political participation and the continuous changes of the constitutions , and the political authority has used ampeause against the people …ect .This study is divided in to five chapters : Chapter one includes an explanation of the political phenomena , the authority and political authority , and the meaning of " Southern World Countries " , and the phenomena of " absence of authority " .Chapter two discusses local causes of authority absence phenomena .Chapter three discusses foreign causes of authority absence phenomena . Chapter four discusses results of authority absence phenomenain detail . Chapter Five discusses some solutions of the problems of the political authority .

الدبلوماسية الشعبية الجديدة لادارة اوباما والدولة العربية The New public diplomacy Obama administration and the Arab state

اسم المؤلف: ضمير عبد الرزاق محود
اسم المشرف: نادية عبد القادر المختار
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The new public diplomacy, in its general framework, is understood as the process of communication done by states with peoples of other states without the knowledge of the latter's governments, in an attempt to move them in a way that serves the interests of the former states and achieves their goals in different fields. According to this understanding, the new popular diplomacy is, in normal conditions, one of the tools of foreign policy which can be adopted in achieving goals. In abnormal conditions, new popular diplomacy can work away from foreign policy, so that each one of them can achieve its goal, provided that the sum of their goals goes with the general American strategy. Thus, it is unnecessary that the foreign policy consists with the new popular diplomacy in achieving goals, yet each one of them can work in different conditions and environments.The new American public diplomacy started to activate its governmental and non - governmental programs and its technological tools in an attempt to encompass the peoples of the Arab states through intercommunication via civil society organizations, opposition forces, political parties, media men, and other different and wide sectors. It gave thousands of them the opportunity to visit the United States of America to participate in the programs of grants, symposia, and conferences. The common thing among these activities was talking about democracy, elections, human rights, minorities, and political participation. At the same time, satellite channels started focusing on presenting the shortcomings of regimes and showing their defects, in addition of attempting to present the problems of minorities and displaying their representatives and leaderships and working on the non - presence of government voice. Moreover, it employed the sites of socialbetworks for communication and creating societal opinions that stand opposite to the governing regimes' trends. All these and other activities were a preparation stage for the coming transforms.The outbreak of the peaceful popular uprisings in some of the Arab states during the first term of president Obama was a turning point in highlighting the role of the new Americanpublic diplomacy in the political developments resulting from the attempt to control these uprisings and direct them to serve the American interests. It worked from the outset through its tools on expanding the range of demonstrations and raising the level of demands and concentrating on the behavior of the security forces towards the protesting people, a matter that limited the regimes' capability of tackling the situation in a coercive manner, moreover, foiling the effect of banning the world wide web by those regimes and succeeding to transmit the developments of events live all over the world. The tryout of the American popular diplomacy in Egypt was the most significant and the most effective one on the other tryouts, playing a role which could not be achieved by the American foreign policy due to its professional commitments or the nature of its bilateral relations with the regime of president Hosni Mubarak, in addition to the different nature of the tools and means used .

الدور الاقليمي لمصر في الاستراتيجية الامريكية بعد احداث 11 ايلول 2001 EGYPT,S REGIONAL ROLE IN AMERICAN STRATEGY AFTER 11 SEPTEMBER 2001

اسم المؤلف: صبحي فاروق صبحي
اسم المشرف: صالح عباس الطائي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2009
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: It is obvious through the progress of all the political, economical and military operation at the Middle East, that Egypt did regional roles in the strategic domains which done by the United States in the Middle East, As an example the changes of administration rules of the Arabic - Israelean conflict issues and it is the same with all Egyptian roles in most instances of the regional stability cases. After 11th of September, 2001 The American United Stated had a necessity to intervene as an active part in the rearrangement of the events and reactions of this region, and its futuristic possibilities, in as much as the violence works in USA done by persons from this region. And to confirmation its new strategic roles at this region , Egypt had a necessity to dependence on regional parts to facilitate strategic succeeding ways with all means ; democracy publicity , struggle what is called ( terrorism ), The Islamic severity , the political reformation , Teaching System reformation , The Economic Liberty and Women's Liberation . So USA found in Egypt apart had a preparedness to make interior responses and regional roles which harmonize with required USA strategy. Today the regional role of Egypt in American Strategy after 11th of September, 2009 became to overcome a lunge importation not just for the importation of both sides in this relation. whereas the first one ( Egypt ) with its strategic position and humanic , cultural , civilizational , gravity at the Arabic , Islamic and African environment Egypt became one of the keys of the great countries to enter the Middle East or influence on it . The other USA represent the greatest power of the world and having exclusive possession of the international decision which made a great countries like Russia , China and other European countries want to improve ,their relations with USA and make this point one of their national priorities, passing all the political conflicts even the strategies . In additional to this power has benefits at the Middle East and sometimes they become an active part in the region interactions. In the study & following the regional Role for Egypt in the American Strategy after the events of 11th. - Sept.2001 has a great benefits, so that we can through this continuously stand on multy of reasons so we can understand the conversions which is take place on this role&that represent one of our inducement to choose that subject beside the other urges, the more importance is : - 1 - The subject is by virtue of importance of both countries, Egypt is an effective &Islamic region .Therefore the regional part of Egypt was one of the important constant in the regional relationship always. On the other hand the United State of America which is the first global power in the world, it should be an effective relationship between American - Egyptian in the region.2 - To know the nature of the relationship between the aims which Egypt want to establish through the parts that it takes in its relationship with the United State of America & between the resource ,abilities available to it. 3 - The desire of understanding following to how far there is specific constants control dynamic regional Relationship &countries parts.According to the above, the thesis is divided to five chapters : - Chapter one takes the theoretical frame of the terms which has been used in the core include the part, territorial, regional part, strategic & effectiveness. - Chapter two, It takes the American look to Egypt& what it make United State Of America to give An important &concentrate specially to Egypt through forming & implementation its strategy in the Middle East region. - Chapter Three, takes the two issues : constituent supports of Egypt parts in its region, the second issue is to define that surroundings of Egypt movement which the thesis has named it Egypt regional circles Movement. - Chapter Four, it goes to proof ambushes & the appearances of effectiveness in which United State affected through it to Egypt regional parts & make it respond to some of strategic needs. - Chapter five, it concentrate on brought up responsibilities for responding Egypt parts to American strategies in the Middle East region.The thesis has achieved that is the stability of the relation between the two variables of the study is one of the following : 1 - Continuity (remaining the effect of the American variable in the regional of the Egypt parts.2 - Independency in the regional of Egypt parts (diminish of the American variable Parts.

ادراك التهديد واثره في ادارة الازمة الدولية : دراسة في العلاقات الامريكيةـ الايرانية Threat perception and its Influence In International crisis’s Management Study In American - Iranian relations

اسم المؤلف: شيماء معروف فرحان
اسم المشرف: منعم صاحي حسين العمار
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2007
الموضوع الدقيق: الدراسات الاستراتيجية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الكلمات الدلالية:
  • ادراك التهديد
  • الازمة الدولية
  • ادارة الازمة الدولية
  • العلاقات الامريكية الايرانية
  • ازمة البرنامج النووي الايراني
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: Searching in threat perception is on of the most important variable in international crises and in its management, it’s the most difficult and sophistication factors with strategic perceptions, thus threat perception is related with international security, regional security and all forms of interests. It does not concern with special state but it includes all states, which represent support or threat so that threat phenomena takes a great interest rather than others, there’s no state can lives in this world with out the use of threat because this state represent support or threat. In order of all this factors, this study concerned with the analysis of threat as concepts and process by knew its shapes and its similarity and differences with other concepts and what it is includes of action and reaction, which differs in its degree because of the differences in the distribution of states power.This study tried to prepare the student by offering an overview of major International crises, which represent the crisis of Iranian nuclear programs.The study also dealt in the first part with the theory o threat as concepts and we try to realize it from another concepts such as security and challenges.Part two of the study focused on threat perception and its concerned with the concepts of perception and later we focused on threat perception and the most important factors, which influence this process such as ability and capability, armament, action. Etc.Third part of this study is concerned with historical background to the development of Americans - Iranian relations after the second world war and we tried to analyzed the nature or Iranian position in the united states of America strategy after this war and finally we focused on this relation between 1979 - 1988 and the period between 2000 - 2003.Part four of study goes to search on the development of Iranian nuclear program by studying the cases behind created this program and its aims and the situations of each Irain and the united states of America from this crisis.In part five of this study we deals with the international treads management of this crisis so they concerned with Iranian management to this crisis and European management and finally we focused on United States of America management to this crisis by dealing with different strategies such as the use of military forces or going to the negotiation and diplomacy solution and all this facts will depend upon the nature of the changes which happened in the united states of America strategy towards Iran specially .
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