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العلاقة بين التعددية الحزبية والوحدة الوطنية في العراق بعد عام 2003 == Relationship Between The Multi - Party System And National Unity In Iraq After The Year 2003

Author name: زهراء جبار رهيف دبيس الشويلي
Supervisor name: فاتن محمد رزاق الخفاجي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: لقد حاولت هذه الدراسة تحليل العلاقة بين التعددية الحزبية والوحدة الوطنية في العراق , وهو موضوع على قدر عال من الاهمية والحساسية لما له من تاثير كبير في المجتمع العراقي ذي التعددية الواضحة عليه.وان المشكلة الاساسية التي حاولت الدراسة طرحها هو التعددية ا | I have tried the study was to analyze is the relationship between the party pluralism and national unity in Iraq, which is the subject of the high degree of importance and sensitivity to the great impact. The Iraqi community of pluralism And that the basic problem of the study tried to put forward the party pluralism become a barrier to achieve Iraqi national unity because of the multiplicity of Loyalties affiliations away from national identity, must therefore be The emphasis on the achievement of national unity in this party pluralism of the priorities of the system Political, because without an Iraqi national unity cannot be the country to achieve their stability and development and This is not only if the recognition of all the components of the Iraqi people and other components Located in Iraq and respect privacy and respect their views. The study found that the parties must work law takes into account the reduction of many of the political parties and political movements by any strict legal rules setting conditions A little tough on the process of the formation of the party and Affiliate him and the nature of his participation in the political process, and this has nothing to do with dictatorship or restriction of Democratic Action, but is organizing a major Corner Of the pillars of democracy in order to operate properly meet Freddie domicile of the parties when they placed their trust in them and led it to power. In addition, the study found that observed in Iraq is a plurality of the leaders and personalities and political views, not partisan plurality , which in turn led to the creation of a conflict between these figures and those of the Iraqi citizen was killed and the Iraqi National Unity so should be the desire to achieve Iraqi national unity with real intent sincerity of good and optimism by catches of power in Iraq, which will be for the benefit of the Iraqi citizens to not be the preserve of one, or in favor of a class or a certain range, and this is achieved consciously and realize catches of power in Iraq and representatives political parties and the extent of their belongings and their love for their homeland and achieved by, preserving the independence and stability of Iraq and its national unity

مجلسي النواب العراقي والامة الكويتي : دراسة مقارنة في الصلاحيات واليات العمل

Author name: رغدة نبيل فوزي
Supervisor name: شوقي علي ابراهيم
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: العراق، احدى دول غرب اسيا المطلة على الخليج العربي يحدها من الجنوب الكويت والمملكة العربية السعودية، ومن الشمال تركيا، ومن الغرب سوريا والاردن، ومن الشرق ايران، تبلغ مساحته حوالي 435,052 كم2، ويقدر عدد سكانه ب 33,7 مليون نسمة بحسب تقرير التنمية البشرية ال | Iraqi political system in 1921 represents a parliament deputing system, at that period, the executive authority represented by king and government consider the powerful and dominated authority on the communist authority represented by Deputies Council. On July 1958, new stage from modern and contemporary history of Iraq began after declaration republican system by Abdul Karim Qassim, and in 1979 Saddam Hussien Took presidency after Ahmed Hassan Al - Baker demission from authority, therefore Iraqi political system building process passed by many stages on 9 April 2003 began with administration temporarily collision authority and then begin with process of writing permanent constitution of 2005 and poll on (15 September 2005) and stated that republic of Iraq is union state of complete sovereignty and ruling system there is deputing republican (parliament) democratic and process of building this system accompanied by many obstacles that effected on nature of this system and its work mechanisms especially legislative authority and relation between them and other authorities (executive and Judicial ) according to principle of differentiation among authorities. Most important obstacles is failure to reach to decide many laws that remained on roofs of Deputy Council such as oil and gas law, parties and infrastructure buildings. While what concerning with Kuwait, fellow for its history, finds that was a part of Ottoman empire before 1914, and after fell of Ottoman and dividing its possessions among alliances , Kuwait became subjected to Britain and gained its independence in 1961 and became first Arab gulf state depended constitution written in it 1962 as well as establishing in it also first elected parliament in 1963ruling system here is democratic ruling deputing system , characterized by parliament system and also presidency that indicated to embody the right democratic principles, from this point, ruling system in Kuwait depended on constitutional principle that disputing among authorities with its cooperation. Thus , this study investigated political system in Iraq and Kuwait at the same time to know nature of communist authority by detailed study on Iraqi deputies council and U'ma Kuwait Council and give details about validity and work mechanisms for both councils. According this, this addressed study ( Iraqi Deputies and U'ma Kuwait Council : comparative study in work permissions and mechanisms), divided into three main chapters as well as introduction and conclusion, first chapter is (general framework of political system in Iraq) and divided into two researches, first research is (general study on Iraqi political system) , while second research its title is (political system in Iraq after 2003). Second chapter is ( general framework of the political system in Kuwait) and contains two researches, first research (Kuwait political general framework establishment), second research (political system developments in Kuwait), while title of third chapter is (work permissions and mechanisms in both councils ) and includes three researches , first research title is (Iraqi deputies council - permissions and work mechanisms), second research (U'ma Kuwait council - permissions and work mechanisms), then third research (comparative faces between both councils ) This study ended by conclusion included most important results represented by contains for this study with all its chapters and researches.

النظام السياسي الجزائري في عهد عبد العزيز بو تفليقة == Algerian Political System Under Abdul - Aziz BoutEFLika

Author name: رعد فالح علي البهادلي
Supervisor name: احمد عبد القادر مخلص القيسي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: Dealt with the subject of study entitled (the Algerian political system under President Abdelaziz Bouteflika) the nature of the political system and constitutional powers of the President of the Republic Abdelaziz Bouteflika has given his president in the political system, presidential likeness of the constitutionality of broad powers led to the domination of the rest of the constitutional and political institutions, and made him axis of the system and the owner of the political role of influencing the rest of the system institutions, the study was divided in three chapters, the first chapter of political and constitutional developments for the period 1963 - 1996 which is divided into the first two sections of political developments for the duration of the second 1963 - 1996oualembges nature of the relationship between the legislative and executive branches, while the second quarter included democratization and its reflection on the political system, which included the first two sections multi - party system and the electoral process and the second on the political role of the military establishment, either the third quarter included the challenges of the presidential custody and achievements and be a chapter of the first two sections presidential term for Bouteflika 2004 - 2014 and the second topic of constitutional amendments and the future of the political system. The message has reached a number of conclusions, including the President of the Republic Abdelaziz Bouteflika enjoys wide powers through superiority over all state institutions by giving the Algerian Constitution to those powers enjoyed by the President and these broad powers have dropped Bdilalha on the nature of the relationship between the legislative and executive branches of during the acquisition of the executive branch over the legislative power since Algeria witnessed a political and constitutional important developments as a result of internal and external conditions, particularly the conflict between the military institution and the institution of the presidency, which was able to President Bouteflika to neutralize the role of the military from interfering in political affairs as well as external developments of the Arab spring, which saw the fall of many Arab regimes, where he was able Bouteflika generally those challenges and achieve some of the political stability and steadfastness

النظام الاتحادي الالماني : دراسة في توزيع الاختصاصات بين المؤسسات الاتحادية والمحلية == The German Federal System Study Of The Distribution Of Competences Between The Federal And Local Institutions

Author name: حسين علي حسين ابراهيم السعدي
Supervisor name: سعد علي حسين التميمي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: تناول موضوع الدراسة الموسومة( النظام الاتحادي الالماني دراسة في توزيع الاختصاصات بين المؤسسات الاتحادية والمحلية) توزيع الاختصاصات الدستورية بين الاتحاد والولايات في جمهورية المانيا، نظرا لما يتميز به موضوع توزيع الاختصاصات الدستورية من اهمية في النظام ا | Dealt with the subject of study entitled (the German federal system, the study of the distribution of competences between the federal and local institutions), the distribution of constitutional competences between the Union and the US in the Republic of Germany, due to the characteristic of the subject of the distribution of constitutional competencies of importance in the federal system, and that the fundamental idea upon which this system is a matter of the distribution of constitutional competencies between both levels (federal and state).The study she attended an introductory chapter and chapters three, as well as the introduction, as we dealt with in the introductory chapter, rooting theoretical study, and included the first chapter, the organization of the terms of reference of the Federal institutions, while the second quarter included the terms of reference of local institutions, while the third quarter included influencing variables in exercise terms of reference and the relationship between the institutions.The study found a number of findings, including that the federal system created in different ways, and as a result, the distribution of competence in the federal system the way vary from state to state, and in the Federal Republic of Germany has identified the basic law competencies Union and the rest goes to the US, with the definition of common terms of reference , It is characteristic of the German federal system is the duality of both the legislative branch and executive organization, the judicial institution is like an integrated judicial system that aims to preserve the unity of the law in the state, as the courts in various built - levels in a unified system and manages the US lower levels in this system, we can say that the application of the federal system in the Republic of Germany has achieved political stability that was missing before the adoption of this system.

دور الحكومة في النظم البرلمانية : دراسة مقارنة ==The Role Of The Government In The Parliamentary System A ( Comparative Study ) == The Role Of The Government In The Parliamentary System A ( Comparative Study )

Author name: محمد عباس هاشم الفرطوسي
Supervisor name: احمد عبد القادر مخلص القيسي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: انطلقت الدراسة الموسومة ( دور الحكومة في النظم البرلمانية "دراسة مقارنة" ) من فرضية مفادها, ان اختلاف دور الحكومة في النظم البرلمانية على وجه العموم وفي النظم المقارنة على وجه الخصوص راجع الى التباين في اليات تشكيلها والصلاحيات الدستورية التي تمارسها, فضل | Our study titled under the name (The role of Government in the Parliamentary Systems : a Comparative Study). It relies on a hypothesis that the different role of government in parliamentary systems is due to the variation in the mechanisms of formation and constitutional powers exercised, as well as the nature of the relationship between the constitutional institutions. The study examined the mechanism of formation the government's constitutional powers in both Iraq and India, as well as other models. Due to the advantage of the government in terms of its broad powers, it becomes a core of the executive branch and the most influential power in parliamentary systems, compared with other contemporary political systems. The study has been divided into three chapters, in addition to introduction and conclusion. The first chapter is the theoretical and conceptual framework for the study, and was divided into two sections, the first section gave an integrated view of the government, including the concept and the mechanism of formation and powers exercised by it, while the second chapter we dealt with the structure and powers of the government in a public parliamentary models, including monarchical and republican models. This chapter was divided into two sections, the first one in which we dealt with the structure and powers of government in the United Kingdom, Kuwait, and the second we dealt with the structural and functional framework for the government of Germany and Italy, while the third has been allocated to stand on comparison of governmental structures in political systems of Iraq and India, and was divided into three sections, the first shed light on the government's role in the Iraqi political system, and the second topic was about the impact of the government in the Indian political system, while the third section devoted to the similarities and differences between the structures of governments in both systems. The study found a number of results, such as the disparity in the formation mechanism of the government and the powers exercised by the parliamentary systems in general, and a typical comparison in particular. the Indian government has practiced broader powers granted by the constitution of government powers, and this disparity in powers and the mechanism of formation has delivered a unique status in terms of the role and the nature of its relationship with the rest of the state institutions in both Iraq and India. In other words, they allowed the Indian government to practice wider role in comparison to the Iraqi government. Obviously, in spite of this variation in the terms of powers in these governments, we can say that the government in both Iraq and India possess broader powers than their counterparts in the mixed systems

دور الاحزاب الكردية في العملية السياسية في العراق بعد عام 2003 == The Role Of The Kurdish Parties In The Political Process In Iraq After Year 2003

Author name: هدى عبد الحسين فياض ناصر
Supervisor name: سعيد مجيد دحدوح
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: To study (the role of the Kurdish parties in the political process in Iraq after 2003) may require research in three chapters preceded by an introductory chapter on the concept of political parties and their importance in parliamentary systems and clarify the functions of political parties as well as the origin of the Kurds and their backs on the political scene BC.The search for the role of the Kurdish parties in the political process in Iraq after 2003 Drast history of Kurdish political parties and Nosasha and its role in the political process Vail in 2003 and came in the first chapter entitled (Kurdish political parties have arisen in Iraq) contains four sections, including the study of organizations, associations and political parties Kurdish in Iraq's history since the Ottoman occupation until the US occupation.And dealt with in the second quarter (the role of the Kurdish parties in the political process after 2003) chapter contains four sections, including the study of the Kurdish parties that participated in the political process after 2003 and the role of the Kurdish parties in the overthrow of the political system of the Baath Party in 2003 and the participation of the Kurdish parties in the political process after US occupation in 2003 and the relationship of the forces of the Iraqi Kurdish parties and political parties after 2003The third chapter was entitled (the role of the Kurdish parties in the political process after 2005) and contained a chapter on the three sections of the Kurdish parties addressed and the Constitution team in 2005 and the participation of the Kurdish parties in the federal state institutions after 2005 and the problematic relationship between the federal government and the Kurdistan Regional Government In Conclusion Find a researcher to a set of conclusions reached was the most important that most of the Iraqi political parties are parties fragile weak lack of democracy within it and with a weak organizational structures, does not have a program to build the state and lack of mutual trust between them and the absence of a culture of political participation and joint dialogue between the political forces and not to accept the other in the formation of the Iraqi government, which hampered the progress of the political process, prompting the political process that is weak and difficult decision - making and then the confusion experienced by the political process, a large part of it is the responsibility of those parties then reached a researcher to a number of recommendations

ظاهرة الفساد في العراق بعد التغيير السياسي : دراسة في اثر عدم الاستقرار السياسي == The Corruption Phenomenon In Iraq After The Political Change : A Study Of The Impact Of Political Instability

Author name: هديل ناصر جاسم
Supervisor name: ناظم نواف ابراهيم الشمري
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The corruption phenomenon is considered as one of the dangerous phenomena that faced the developing countries , most notably Iraq. This phenomenon began to necrosis the body of their communities , especially in the field of security and stability. The causes of corruption vary from one community to another as well as the effects and reflections that generated by this phenomenon. the corruption phenomenon also considered as the most important obstacle to development as well as the political system and the democratic process , especially in the field of weakening the government's performance and the implications of that in the manner of political instability.After the political change in Iraq in 09/04/2003 which is the subject of our study , Iraq has witnessed the growing of the corruption phenomenon dramatically and this may return to the nature of the circumstances in Iraq , especially the stage of the US occupation and the dismantling of the Iraqi state institutions as well as the historical roots of corruption that made up the first seed of the growing corruption after the 2003 and for different reasons that provided the appropriate environment to the increased rates of corruption and the growing of its problem.On this basis and in order to get out of the predicament Ivied by the Iraqi society and to contain this phenomenon , it is necessary to activate the official and non - official bodies in the fight against the corruption in Iraq after 2003 , including the three authorities which consist of the executive , legislative and judicial authorities and the Integrity Commission and the Office of Financial Supervision and the offices of the general inspectors and the civil society as well as the media

دور النظام الحزبي في النظام السياسي : دراسة مقارنة بين الولايات المتحدة والمملكة المتحدة == The Role Of The Party System In The Political System : A Comparative Study Between The United States And The United Kingdom

Author name: جعفر عزيز محسن
Supervisor name: سعد علي حسين التميمي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: تناول موضوع الدراسة الموسومة بـ دور النظام الحزبي في النظام السياسي : دراسة مقارنة بين (الولايات المتحدة - والمملكة المتحدة), دور النظام الحزبي في كل من المملكة المتحدة والولايات المتحدة الامريكية, نظرا لما يتميز به النظام الحزبي من اهمية ودور كبير وفعال | The Addressed the subject of the study tagged (the role of the party system in the political system) : A Comparison of study between (United States - and the United Kingdom), the role of the party system in the United Kingdom and the United States of America, due to the characteristic of the party system of the importance of a large, effective and influential role in the stability of and the continuation of political systems whether the British parliamentary system, or whether the US presidential system since their inception until the present time. Includes the study is divided into three chapters, the first chapter, the theoretical framework of political and party system, the second chapters includes the role of the party system in the British political system institutions, and the third chapter included the role of the party system in the American political system institutions. The main findings of the study are The British prime minister has a way to control the behavior of the parliament, or more precisely to control the behavior of the House of Commons by dissolving the Council and calling for new elections. Conversely, the President of the United States through which the dissolution of the US House of Representatives and the call and the announcement of new elections, and vice versa, it is note that the bilateral party system contributes to the stability of constitutional institutions, and in creating a balance in political life, because it helps to achieve the process of rotation in power regularly, so rotate each of the Two parties competing for the exercise of power in the state, and this is what is happening in the United Kingdom (UK) and the United States of America

التكامل المؤسساتي في العراق على وفق دستور 2005 == Institutional Integration In Iraq According To 2005

Author name: تميم عماد صادق بني التميمي
Supervisor name: طه حميد حسن العنبكي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The study Dealt with (institutional integration in Iraq in accordance with the Constitution of 2005), the significance of integration in general within any system to lead the principle of consistency of work and that each component of the system component obligations towards that system, the institutional integration, which handles the political system of any country especially the Iraqi political system, which is the subject of Stna, as lead institutional integration division of labor constitutional institutions, consisting of the political system so that each institution perform its duties independently of the other with the establishment of cooperation with each other to achieve the principle of institutional integration, which provides political stability and societal demands, which is one of the Chiefs basic to the political system. The study was divided in three chapters : the first chapter, the nature of institutional integration, while the second quarter included, the structural and functional integration of the institutions of the Iraqi political system constitutional, while the third quarter included the institutional integration crisis in Iraq during the period of parliamentary sessions (2006 - 2016). The study reached a number of conclusions , the Iraqi political system is based on the distribution of competence and powers of the constitutional institutions of a parliamentary system and created a constitution case of co - operation among themselves on the structural and functional level, as the legislative branch consists of a bicameral parliament and the Federation Council, the executive institution made up of the Board Ministers (government) and the President of the Republic, and the parliamentary system properties, as they are forming structural through the election of the House of Representatives and the emergence of the President and government of the Council, and the existence of a relationship between them, and have proven experience Iraqi political system after 2005 failure, and for a number of reasons, including, modern political experience and the transformation of the political system of the unilateral system to a multi - party system, with the lack of a culture of election and the multiplicity of parties and the dispersion of the opinions of the Iraqi voters in the midst of the political parties and the similarity of electoral programs, in addition to the adoption of sectarian or partisan system helped the failure of the parliament and government in the performance of the duties specified

دور رئيس الدولة في النظم العربية الوراثية البرلمانية : دراسة مقارنة بين المغرب - الاردن - الكويت == The Role Of The Head Of The State In The Arabic Hereditary Parliamentary A Comparative Study Morocco, Jordan And Kuwait)

Author name: ايهاب رزاق عبد الحسين
Supervisor name: ناظم نواف ابراهيم الشمري
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: تناول موضوع الدراسة الموسومة(دور رئيس الدولة في النظم العربية الوراثية البرلمانية : دراسة مقارنة بين المغرب - الاردن - الكويت), الصلاحيات الدستورية لرئيس الدولة, نظرا لما يتميز به من صلاحيات دستورية واسعة, جعلت منه محورا للنظام السياسي, وصاحب الدور الفاعل و| Dealt with the subject of study entitled (the role of head of state in the genetic Arab systems Parliamentary : a comparative study between Morocco, Jordan and Kuwait), the constitutional powers of the king, because of the characteristic of the king in the parliamentary system of constitutional powers and wide, made him the focus of the political system, and his active and influential role on other institutions, official and semi - official both types, compared with the other parliamentary systems, this distinction enjoyed by the kings since the start of the treaties contract between the rulers and the authority of the pre - colonial independence, and then it was constitutionally entrench after independence. The study was divided into three quarters, introductory chapter first the genetic system in the Arab kingdoms, while the second quarter included the constitutional authority of the king in Morocco, Jordan, Kuwait, and the third quarter compared to ensure the King's role in the parliamentary system in the same countries. The study found a number of results, including the convergence of the constitutional powers of the King (Head of State) in the parliamentary system of these countries, we find that the constitutions gave the king a strong powers exercised in normal and exceptional circumstances, and these circumstances do not remember the nature but to leave the king discretion identified, and this what made him to exploit this aspect in consolidating his power and devoted constitutionally, and the liquidation of liabilities opponents to the authority of the monarchy, but after that the heads of these countries found recognition of all political parties to the primacy of the Royal institution and Her Highness, they give the largest space in the political practice of the various political forces in the country, with sufficiency framing the role of political action in the country, and to exercise the role of arbiter between the state institutions as long as the Royal institution enjoys superiority formal and objective. There is variation in the characteristics of each system, with characterize the role of the King from the other system also observes, In Morocco, the King granted the authority of Commander of the Faithful and the Supreme Representative in the country, which would make it tamper some constitutional provisions as strengthens the authority, and in Jordan is set to the Senate by the King, exercise the powers equal to the authority of the council elected directly by the people, and Kuwait's sovereign government and its ministries, the preserve of the royal family, it is not a vote of confidence by without the approval of the Prince.

اشكالية التحول نحو النظام الفيدرالي في العراق بعد عام 2003 م == Problem Of Trans Formation Federal System On Iraq After 2003

Author name: احمد عامر كاظم
Supervisor name: ابتسام حاتم علوان الدليمي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: تتكون هذه الرسالة فضلا عن المقدمة والخاتمة، من اربعة فصول وفي كل فصل يوجد مبحثان، وفي كل مبحث يوجد مطلبان حيث خصص الفصل الاول للبحث في الاطار النظري للفيدرالية. في حين تم مناقشة تطبيق النظام الفيدرالي في العراق في الفصل الثاني. اما الفصل الثالث فقد تناول | The present paper includes four chapters in addition to introduction and conclusion ; in every chapter , there are two parts , each part includes two units. The chapter one is assigned for theoretical framework of Federalism, while it has been discussed the federal system in Iraq in the chapter two. The chapter three where the researcher deal with bases of establishing new territory in Iraq added to Kurdistan territory. In chapter four the researcher has alluded to obstacles. The thesis aims at : What are the Factors motivated to establish new territory in Iraq? What are obstacles ? These problems excite another set of questions including - What is the theoretical framework for Federal State? - What is the legal framework for federalism in Iraq? - How has federalism been applied in Iraq? Hypothesis : Iraq adopts federalism quickly and under difficult conditions and unnatural conditions. At the same time , federalism is a culture and needs to awakened political elite and this is unavailable in Iraq. Thus , the researcher does not expect to form new territories in a definite period of time , if establishing these territories , it will be in a hurry and by an external interference. Consequently, it will form a danger on the unity of Iraqi State in future. The thesis includes a set of conclusions : 1st : In respect to Federalism 's theoretical framework : The state is simply included people ( people is a set of individuals either ; territory has boundaries and transparent signs. People live under political system that manages their life and their conditions. The federal state consists of people and political system; the difference between the usual state and federalism is that , the political system concedes part of its powers for the benefit of governments formed inside the state and managing some states and territories. Secondly : Federalism in Iraq between Theory and applicationKurdistan territory has been established in 1992 ; federalism application has been expanded as to include all Iraq according to the law of Iraqi state for the transitional stage for 2004 and Iraqi constitution for 2005. Years following the enacting of the permanent constitution have not witnessed forming any new territory in Iraq and Federalism has thus remained merely materials in the constitution. Thirdly : Forming New territories in IraqDespite there are justifications motivated toward forming a new territory in Iraq including social, political, economic , external , territorial and international justifications, but there have obstacles having internal and external dimensions ( Territorial and international) If we want to scale to what extent these factors motivated toward forming territory , we will find that these factors calling for forming the territories are more larger than those standing against them. Recommendations the thesis suggests are : 1st : Doing Cultures for Federalism : Previously, the federalism is a culture , the more the people and the governing political elite have endowed with this term , the more success will be gotten. Thus the researcher see that it is necessarily to have campaigns for culture and awakening either by the people or political elite. 2nd : Preparing for applying Federalism Federalism is part of all and it is not away from other economic , social and political obstacles the state lives under. The more opportunities are available , the more success will be there. On this basis , it should depend on removing obstacles standing before the application of federalism and achieving integration , building federal state in a correct way, forming a federal council and then we could form new territories in Iraq. 3rd : Federalism could have been not imposed from outside Iraq, but rather it ensued from the people. This basis is applied on Iraq. If the political system could not cease external interferences ( international and territorial) , the federal experience will remain suffering from problems and defects. Thus the important step is to cease external interferences before establishing territory.

دور المعاهدات في تحقيق التوازن الدولي : معاهدات تخفيض الاسلحة الاستراتيجية انموذجا == Role Treaties In Achieving International Balance Treaties Strategic Arms Reduction

Author name: وليد عبد الخضر محمد المعموري
Supervisor name: ملوك حميد محمد
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The subject of the study "The Role of Treaties in Achieving International Balancing : Strategic Weapons Reduction Treaties Typical" is an important topic of international policy debate. The growing problem of strategic arms limitation and its danger is compounded by the long term destructive capabilities of strategic weapons Relations between the United States and the Soviet Union after the Second World War were characterized by turmoil, tension and a lack of cooperation for a relatively long time. This cooperation was confined directly to the strategic treaties. To the remarkable events in the evolution of US - Soviet relations since the sixties of the last century and called the era of reconciliation between the two superpowers. The first treaty was signed in 1972, which was called the (Salt 1) Treaty, which established the foundations of strategic stability between the United States and the Soviet Union by putting an end to the arms race. The talks continued between the two sides. The outcome of the talks was the signing of the (Salt II) Treaty of 1979, and the 1987 Treaty on the Removal of Rocket. Cold War strategic treaties have been used to reduce strategic weapons to the principle of equal security for the two sides in order to maintain parity in strategic stability, in particular by putting an end to the arms race between the two sides and to establish a stable and open and predictable relationship between the United States and the Soviet Union. A new era of talks appeared between the United States and the Russian Federation the legitimate of the Soviet Union in order to achieve a greater reduction in strategic weapons. The Treaty of (STARTI) was signed in 1991, this treaty was an extension of previous treaties. Until the held of (START II) Treaty in 1993. Following the September 11, 2001, talks between the two sides continued until the Treaty of (Sort) was signed in 2002 to strengthen the position of cooperation and partnership of the two sides and their stance against terrorism. After the entry into force of the Treaty of (Surat) in 2009, the new (START) treaty was signed in 2010, The treaty further co - operation and joint leadership between the United States of America and the Russian Federation. The strategic treaties after the Cold War have been positive for the United States, recognizing the strategic superiority of the United States of America over the Russian Federation. For the Russian Federation, strategic treaties after the Cold War satisfy their desires at that stage in achieving international peace and security. In the strategic balance and tend to balance the forces in favor of the United States of America, but the alternative to the treaty either surrender or return to an arms race is not strong by the Russian Federation. The study summarized the future visions of the strategic treaties to two scenes. The first is the retreat of the role of strategic treaties and their erosion because of the withdrawal of the United States of America and the Russian Federation from the obligations imposed by the strategic treaties, which in turn may lead to a return to a new arms race. The second scene is weapon of strategy cooperation and partnership in the fight against terrorism, one of the pillars of Russian - US cooperation. It has always been one of the issues that the visions of the two countries are fully compatible with and the two side’s efforts to preserve their national security

واقع ومستقبل الصراع الايراني الصهيوني واثره على المشرق العربي

Author name: وسام شاكر مطشر السراي
Supervisor name: سعيد مجيد دحدوح
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The conflict Iranian Zionist of the most important topics in the Middle East, since this conflict Amtdadt historic preceded the Islamic revolution in Iran, which has changed the face of the region, and that the conflict Iranian Zionist input many of them entrance ideological where the conflict between the ideology of Islamic Iran and the ideology of Zionism Zionist entity, either entrance geopolitical as a result of the conflict in the area ideological difference in the geopolitical interests of the parties resulted in the violent conflict in this area, which led to a state of military rivalry between the two parties Bbaadih conventional and nuclear, as it sees each party's military capabilities party Alakharbanha against him necessarily, as that Iranian Zionist struggle for regional and international dimensions of a complex, which created a state of polarization of regional and international aims of which each party to isolate and marginalize the other party in order to Alqzae attic, so they took the regional and international powers and influence Ottather this conflict.The Levant region, geographical area of major conflict Iranian Zionist, as each side tries to combine these countries to the axis led by Islamic Republic of Iran is seeking to engage these countries to "axis of resistance" while seeking the Zionist entity to be attached to the "axis of moderation" which led , but this has swept the region phenomenon attracting unprecedented between the two parties, particularly in Palestine, which is Qzih conflict central as it took place there wars many between the Zionist entity and the Islamic resistance, as well as in Lebanon, where it has been able Islamic Resistance backed by the Islamic Republic of Iran to liberate its territory and defeat the Zionist entity, as well as the Syrian mission in the balance of power Iranian Zionist as it seeks the Zionist entity to decode Syrian - Iranian alliance or topple Syria through its support for some terrorist organizations, while seeking the Islamic Republic of Iran to support the Syrian state, either Iraq tries each party after the change attached to the axis that led, while remaining in the Arabian Gulf region Gioboltkih importance to both sides of the conflict, particularly the Islamic Republic of Iran prepared by its vitalAs the future possibilities that are ambiguous and controversy, especially after the escalation of the conflict to the extent some expected of a war between the two sides, but the brakes this possibility is more opportunities supporting him, but this suggested this study the possibility of soft war between the two parties as a result of a preponderance of chances supportive and lack of brakes obtrusive, We did not overlook the study also weighed the possibility of deterrence between the two sides after one of the most important Ctmalaiat that can evolve towards the Iranian Zionist conflic

العلاقات الكويتية - الايرانية بعد عام 1990 == Kuwaiti - Iranian Relations After 1990

Author name: هارون موسى حسين
Supervisor name: شوقي علي ابراهيم
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: Historically, the relations between the countries is not without the problems and crises in spite of the existence of cooperation and understanding between them, so we cannot predict this stable relationship on one of these two methods in absolute case, as well as cannot reach the breaking point of their relationship because they lead to a crisis and turn up to case of conflict.In the Kuwaiti - Iranian relations obviously, it does not carry an exception. They are acting in foreign relations, in accordance of their national interests through the political leadership of this interest.As long as they belong to the Arabic Gulf region with its east and west coast ,its strategy importance stems from being first (location),second (wealth), the ancient geography of the fact , and the second contemporary economic fact have been compounded by two facts together to impress them of this importance.In addition, Iran and the Arabic Gulf countries except Iraq, they act the two columns, which is based on them western presence in this vital region.Geopolitical location of the two countries, despite the significant difference between them as population ,and area are considered the most important of the Arab Gulf countries to enjoy it from this important site because they are located in the strategic triangle that include them with Iraq in the region to meet with an island (Musandam).They also considered the main corridor logistical for any ground force heading to and from the region of the heart, and they constitute the first land port and facilities for the logistics of any naval force if it wants to dominate the (Eurasia) or the heart area, so they conflict center not on the Gulf land alone, but to hold on and control of the heart of the world, then control the destinies of the world, also featured its importance within the Gulf region because of its proximity to middle Asia, a vital region both from a strategic point of economic or security, this is the first subject of the first chapter, where bilateral relations continue through political, economic, cultural and security motives in the second subject of the first chapter in the mentioned period of the Shah's rule since (1941) until the year (1979), which was a (West policeman) in the Arabian Gulf region. The bilateral relations in the Gulf region publically are in favor of the Shah's Iran by seeking obviously to control the west coast, which includes six countries , in addition to Iraq and Yemen, especially the Gulf region has become a milky cow like India previously for United States and Western Europe, as well as it was considered as a first line to confront the Soviet Union and its vital scope in the region for the benefit of the Western camp.The fall of the Shah in 11/2/1979 led to the collapse of one of the dominant western presence in the region and the collapse of the east west gate columns led to an imbalance in the Gulf region after the Islamic revolution in Iran, which has sought to exit the west from this region that the United States is considered by (the Great devil) who must fight it and away from the region and its strategic security.The United States has sought to strengthen its ties strong bonds through its military presence and its alliances with the west coast countries, and limit the spread of the principles of the Islamic revolution and its ideology, which culminated in a year (1980) Gulf war first (Iran - Iraq war), followed by the establishment of cooperation of Arab Gulf Countries Council in (1981 ), which Iran is considered as the arrow directed against it by military force named (Island shield).Second chapter deal with the duration of the (1990 - 2000) and search within them the most important variables in the Gulf region and nearby it as an Iraqi invasion of Kuwait in (1990) ,and the Second Gulf War in 1991 and the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 and the disintegration of it countries , followed by influence motives of these variables that have occurred in the mentioned period.Third Chapter deal about the changes that have occurred in the period (2000 - 2015) which events (11 / September / 2001) then the US invasion of Afghanistan in the same year ,followed the US invasion and occupation of Iraq (2003), and put Iraq under seventh item , then the problem of Arabic revolutions or the so - called (the Arab spring) , All these revolutions and changes in the mentioned period caused by direct impact or indirectly on the Kuwaiti - Iranian relations in the first section, while emerged directly impacts on these bilateral subject, through the Arab regional way and non - Arab, as well as the international influence on these relations, while fourth chapter looking dispute between the two countries especially the political, ideological and cultural sides ,but the determinants continue to impact on the bilateral relations. The fourth chapter of the second subject was ended by its future vision through continuity in the classic track or retrogression of relationships by rule or acting of the regional and international impacts ,but not to finish it.Then search pre - last paragraph (Conclusion) the existence of conclusions through analysis and personal vision of the researcher.Furthermore, the resources was fixed at the end of the thesis

العلاقات المصرية ـ السعودية بعد الحرب الباردة == Egyptian - Saudi Relationship After Cold War

Author name: نور سبع خميس علي الزيدي
Supervisor name: ميادة علي حيدر الخالدي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The theme study tagged with (Egyptian - Saudi relationship post ــ Cold War) the nature of the relations between the two historical roots as well as the main factors influencing these relations and areas of political, economic, military and cultural relations between the two countries to cooperate with the included futuristic vision of what will be the relationship.The study was divided into four chapters, as well as introduction and a conclusion, the first chapter dealt with the Egyptian - Saudi relations historical context, while touched second chapter of the factors influencing the Egyptian - Saudi relations and ensure Chapter III areas of the Egyptian - Saudi relations fourth chapter discuss the future of the Egyptian - Saudi relations.The study found a number of results, notably the Egyptian - Saudi relations have passed multiple historical phases dominated by cooperation at times and marred by rivalry and tension and conflict in other times.Also, issues of regional and international presence and its direct impact on the Egyptian - Saudi relations, positively or negatively, For the regional issues have coincided visions of the two countries on each other while differing on others, as it has totally positions of the two countries on the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait in 1990 came the participation of Egypt actors on the political and military levels in the war to liberate Kuwait to confirm the compatibility and harmony, also coincided Egyptian visions and Saudi Arabia on the Palestinian issue and the Arab - Israeli conflict, and was manifested in their attempt to try to reach a settlement between the Palestinian and Israeli sides and Tosthma in the Palestinian internal differences.But the Egyptian visions and Saudi Arabia differed with regard to the Syrian crisis and the Russian intervention, Saudi Arabia stands out strongly against Russia's policies in Syria, unlike Egypt, which has become since the revolution of June 30, 2013 is closer to the Russian position in the vision of the Syrian issue, at a time when Saudi Arabia focused on the need for the departure of Assad , Cairo shrugged off talk on the subject of the fate of Assad, but it is the preservation of Assad's regime in line with the need to preserve the old Arab order. As for Yemen's file and the control of rebels on the situation in Yemen in January 2015, it can be said that there is an Egyptian Saudi agree on this issue is based on the need to preserve the interests of the Egyptian and Gulf of Alhothin control of the Bab al - Mandab Strait and the Suez Canal.As for the position of Iran, there is a consensus about the relative Egyptian Saudi relations with Iran, after the revolution of January 25, 2011 shares of a rapprochement Egyptian Iranian noticeable in the decline of the Egyptian - Saudi relations, though this is the Egyptian position of Iran changed after the fall of the Muslim Brotherhood, to comply with the Saudi position on condition the passage of Egyptian relations with Iran across the Gulf.Internationally lost US rapprochement led with Egypt and Saudi Arabia to strengthen relations between the two years and paid to cooperation and convergence on some things, such as the fight against terrorism, but for the Russian Federation, there are differences evident in the position them particularly with respect to intervening in the Syrian crisis, at a time when Supports Egypt Russian policy in Syria, Saudi Arabia questioned in those policies, prepared by the interference in the region's affairs.Despite the difference on some issues and crises in the region, but this did not significantly impact on the Egyptian - Saudi relations in all political, economic, military and social fields as those relationships are strong and well - established and sustained by being reinforced by the exchange of diplomatic missions and mutual visits of top leaders of the two countries and cooperation backed economic agreements and the exchange of investment and trade as well as the Egyptian - Saudi cooperation in the military sphere and the fight against terrorism, as well as the entrenched cultural relations between the two countries.Also, despite the fact that the Egyptian - Saudi relations are well established and ongoing, the relationships there are many obstacles that stand in the stability and continuity, and this with regard to the Syrian crisis and file of the Muslim Brotherhood and the economic situation of the Egyptian, which is the improvement, it will be led to dispense with Saudi money and therefore not obey behind its policies in the region

السياسة الخارجية التركية اتجاه المشرق العربي في عهد حزب العدالة والتنمية == Turkish Foreign Policy Trend Arab Mashreq In The Era Of The Ruling Justice And Development

Author name: مروة علي حسين الزاملي
Supervisor name: عبد الامير محسن جبار الاسدي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: تهدف هذه الدراسة الى تسليط الضوء على طبيعة السياسة الخارجية التركية اتجاه المشرق العربي في عهد حزب العدالة والتنمية، فمنذ تسلم حزب العدالة التنمية السلطة في تركيا عام 2002، حدث تغيير في التعاطي تجاه تلك العلاقات، وذلك نتج عن تغيير جملة من الاساسيات والمعط | This study aims to shed light on the nature of Turkish foreign policy direction of the Levant in the era of the AKP , since the receipt of the ruling Justice Development Authority in Turkey in 2002, there is a change in dealing toward those relationships, and that resulted in changing the number of the basics and the data upon which the Turkish politics , there was the work of justice and Development Party since he took power, the events of changes in Turkey's policy of internal and external enabled him to highlight Turkey as a regional power large influential in the regional arena and international , which carry the ruling Justice and Development projects can Turkey play the role of a regional effect on regional and international levels , through disclose a policy to solve the chronic problems encountered at both internal and external, ratio to his domestic policy action to try to solve the internal problems that hinder the emergence of Turkey as an influential work of reducing the influence of the military establishment , which has long had a role influential in Turkish life and the reduction of its influence, through the support of reforms and legislation to curb the powers of the institution under the pretext of meeting the criteria Copenhagen, which called for the European Union Turkey to be applied in order to complete the process of accession to the European Union , and thus were able to justice and Development Party through the pairing between politics internal and external , so were able through his foreign policy solution is an internal issue has always been a factor highly effective in Turkish political life and decisions of Foreign Affairs, also sought to develop a solution to the issue of freedoms and the rights of minorities and the development of the Turkish economy , and thus were able to cross these tools to promote the Turkish model Islamic democracy, which aims Turkey promoted in the region.Through follow a foreign policy based on several pillars which is trying to solve problems the relationship between Turkey and its neighbors, ie the so - called ( policy Tsfiralamchklat ) and thus remove Turkey from the image of the country surrounded by problems with the rest of the country to the image of the country with good relations with all regional and international parties , and this Mamnh foreign policy Turkish great ability to maneuver.As well as the adoption of the ruling Justice and Development Policy multidimensional and routes , so Maihol Turkey into a center of attraction contributes to the establishment of world peace and regional levels, as well as the transmission of Turkey's policy Albulomaseh rigid to perpetual motion in communication , through reliance on the power of the diplomatic initiative ( soft power ) to participate in try to resolve regional issues affecting , and has embodied this policy through the initiative of Turkey, the idea of a meeting of geographical proximity to Iraq, 2003, in an attempt to prevent the outbreak of the war and also through the efforts of Turkey after the war to find a consensus between the parties to the Iraqi political process , and play the role of mediator in a number of Arab issues affecting the region. reflected through mediation between Syria and Israel and its quest to contribute to finding a solution to the issue of the Arab - Israeli conflict.As well as the work of the Justice and Development Party , in addition to political method has also adopted the policy of economic and cultural active with the Levant. Through promoted the principle of reconciliation with Turkey 's Ottoman legacy.After all ml progress This study attempts to highlight the dramatic shift in Turkish foreign policy towards the Levant after the arrival of the AKP through four main chapters forks including several Detectives covering aspects of the study , the first chapter handing the nature of Turkish politics Foreign direction Levant, through to highlight the nature of the internal politics and their interactions and their impact on foreign policy since the era of the sixties until the arrival of the justice and development Party.The second chapter deals with the internal factors affecting the foreign policy of Turkey and through four Detectives dealing with more factors that have a direct impact on the political Turkey direction of the Levant which ( the Kurdish question and the issue of water and the military establishment and the economy) and the impact in politics, Turkey's foreign toward the Levant.As for the third chapter examines external factors regional and international organizations in Turkey's foreign policy deals with this topic relations between Turkey and the U.S. and their impact in the decision and policies of Turkey's foreign and relationship with Israel over the effect of improving these relations soured on the deal of Arab States with Turkey and also the relationship of Turkey with the European Union and the the impact of the issue of joining the European Union in Turkey 's efforts to strengthen its regional presence , finally addresses Turkish relations - Iran and the impact of competition between them in the Arab region.The fourth chapter deals with the nature of the Turkish political direction of the Levant and the extent of the change that has occurred since the Justice and Development Party to power in Turkey in these relationships through highlighting the relationship of Turkey with the Levant through four Detectives first talk about the relationship of Turkey with Iraq, the impact of the policy of the party justice and Development on these relationships , while the second talks about Syria's relations and the impact of file PKK and the issue of water on the relations between the two countries and the third deals with relations between Turkey and the Palestinian and how to use Turkey with the Palestinian issue and Turkey's attempts to find a solution to settle the Arab - Israeli conflict. The fourth deals with the nature of Turkish relations with the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council , and how the adoption of Turkey's economic relations with these countries in order to strengthen its regional influence in the region.As Turkey has worked on a quest in several magazines in order to develop and activate its regional presence influential , in an attempt to make Turkey a stronger regional state poignant , which strengthens its international and especially its position on the issue of joining the European Union , and provide them with alternatives in case of non - acceptance of Turkey's accession.Thus, we conclude that Turkey has been able to under the rule of Justice and Development Party , to maintain its balanced approach towards all neighboring countries , despite the contradictions acute among these countries , as they maintained the approach moderate , prompting the U.S. administration to be the first visit abroad for Barack Obama dedicated to Ankara, which broadcast messages to the Arab and Muslim world , and those of Turkish politics was able through diplomacy soft to build confidence was able to be a broker convincingly between all parties to the conflict in the region, as happened in Alosatadtha between Israel and Syria during Israel's war on Aziza.

دور المملكة العربية السعودية في امن الخليج العربي منذ عام 2003 == The Role Of Saudi Arabia In The Arabian Gulf Security Since 2003

Author name: مروان حميد محمد العيثاوي
Supervisor name: عبد الامير محسن جبار الاسدي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The subject of the study marked "the role of Saudi Arabia in the Persian Gulf security since 2003," one of the important subjects, which raises controversy in academic and political circles, because of the Gulf region of great strategic importance on the regional and international level, the significance make it an arena for competing regional and international, which led to live this region of instability in the security, because of vulnerability to the policies of regional countries and international, The variables in the region since 2003, imposed new elements of threat and instability in, Which led the states in the region to pursue policies that fit with the size of the threats facing the security of the Gulf region, led by Saudi Arabia, Those existing policies on the basis of the act and the initiative about the issues that affect the security and the security of the Gulf region in general, the US occupation of Iraq in 2003, the issues of terrorism and the proliferation of terrorist groups, and the issue of Iran's nuclear program, and the change in the Arab region in late 2010 and early 2011, and the repercussions that still to this day, all of those issues have had a direct impact on the security of the Gulf region, so the back of the Saudi role in a manner strikingly, in terms of becoming a, in order to commensurate with the size of the influential threats in Saudi Arabia's security, especially the security of the Gulf region in general.Therefore, the study came to approach this role, through two pillars, namely : What are the internal and external factors that have had a significant impact on the Saudi role in the Middle East region in general, and the Gulf region in particular, what are the variables that had a direct influence in the Arabian Gulf security and how these variables affected the Saudi role in maintaining that security. So; it has been study is divided into four chapters, each chapter inbuilt many detectives and paragraphs, as it included the first chapter : Internal factors affecting the Saudi role, and was divided this chapter into two sections; the first includes physical factors (fixed), the geographical location, The population factor, and economic and military; the second section included moral factors (changing), Saudi Arabia's political principles like the religious factor. Chapter II also went to identify the external factors influencing the Saudi role, which has been divided into two sections also namely, First : the regional factors affecting the Saudi role (Gulf Cooperation Council countries, Iran, Turkey, and Israel), while the second topic : international factors affecting the Saudi role, which we dealt with it all of (the United States, the Russian Federation and the European Union). The third chapter was addressed to the variables that affected the security of the Gulf since 2003 and the Saudi role in those changes, as it has been divided into three sections, which included the first topic : the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, which dealt with the repercussions of the invasion of the Arabian Gulf security, position Saudi invasion, as we discussed in the second section : Iran's nuclear program, as it has been identified on the developments of the nuclear program after 2003, and how they impact on Gulf security and what is it the position of Saudi Arabia; The third section went away to study the emergence of terrorist organizations and the war on terrorism, as it has been identified the concept of terrorism, and the impact of terrorism in the security of the Gulf and the Saudi role in the war on terrorism. Therefore, it is in the fourth quarter has been studying and analyzing the impact of the change in the Arab region in the Gulf security and the future of the Saudi role, as it has been this chapter is divided into four sections, the first : the causes of the phenomenon of the popular movement in the Arab region, and the second was addressed to the Arab States of the change, the third : the popular movement in the Gulf, the impact of security, while the fourth section scram study the future of the Saudi role in the security of the Arabian Gulf.

السياسة الخارجية القطرية اتجاه التغيير في المنطقة العربية بعد عام 2003 == Qatari Foreign Policy Towards The Change In The Arab Region After 2003

Author name: ليث علاء خضير عباس الجنابي
Supervisor name: فاطمة حسين سلومي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: Through different historical stages represented a diameter less in the States effective and influential in the Arab world because of the geographical area and population and military capabilities, Ltd. as well as its regional mediating actors such as Iraq, Iran and Saudi Arabia, but that position changed after the internal political transformation in Qatar in 1995 as it tried to rely heavily on the innovative foreign policy based so the money flags and especially Al - Jazeera tools and became a Qatari media tool implementation of foreign policy, as Qatar has moved on a much broader view of their own space was the reign of Prince (Hamad bin Khalifa) of the most political covenants that saw diagonally interference in the internal affairs of the Arab, to the degree to which Qatar has become one of the regional countries are active on the regional and international arena and one of the most important countries that have authorized the use of its territory to facilitate the task of the work of US forces that exist to protect the interests of the Americans in the Gulf as well as their projects preaching democracy.With that Qatar has identified some of the basic pillars of the constants that consisted of trying to follow the good passport policy with its neighboring countries, and the establishment of relations with Iran, as well as the implementation of its obligations towards the Arab Gulf states and linked to relations with the informal movements such as Hezbollah and Hamas.It should be noted that the last year of the first decade of the atheist and the twentieth century led to significantly change the shape of the external behavior of Qatar and content that emerged after the popular protests in the Arab region, which contributed to the emergence of Qatar and try to exclusivity in the leadership of the Arab change so began to act freely almost absolute and the exercise of influence in dealing with crises and the direction that is consistent with the interests and became a special role to play than others in the Arab region.And by virtue of the trends that have taken place at the country's foreign policy after 2003 was that policy significant effects on the Arab region. Therefore, the search in the Qatari behavior towards making a difference in the Arab region and of the occupation of Iraq and the Palestinian issue and the crises of the Lebanese and Sudanese in internal and events of the Arab protests shows us the level of Qatari influence in the Arab causes in lost leadership of Prince (Hamad bin Khalifa al - Thani) and his son Prince (Tamim) if we look at this country move, we find that what was done in order to have a say in regional events and be in a position to become a true partner in the events, and an influential party in the Arab world

التاثيرات الاقليمية والدولية في عدم الاستقرار السياسي في لبنان بعد الحرب الباردة == Regional And International Influences In The Political Instability In Lebanon After The Cold War

Author name: علـي حسـن هويـدي العبادي
Supervisor name: ميادة علي حيدر الخالدي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: Opinions differ about the history of the past to Lebanon, including the magnitude of the wars and conflicts of civil and chaos of that which tries to some parties and groups sectarianism and some intellectual currents Hide disputes and objectives and strategies in order to take root in the arms of a new type of governance in order to take a later international legitimacy and when passing the civil war of Lebanon in 1975, their causes, we find that most of these reasons were not sectarian only political, but also social, cultural, political, regional and international, overall these reasons have contributed to Lebanon's political stability on the grounds that the Lebanese civil war, caught within the logic of escalating social crisis in the country and here appeared territorial dispute factors role detonator the bomber of the war.As part of the transformation of Lebanon into an arena attraction and a clash about his identity, whether it is a country that belongs to its Arab environment (, Muslims and Christian) or is it part of a Western influence leads the purposes of foreign interference in the region and keep it vulnerable to the adverse effects of instability. Where it was the paradox of governance and government in Lebanon that led astray captivated benefits imminent often do not have the power and no strength and Okherha funding of the killers of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri court Lebanon estimated to remain in contact with a range of issues up often to the level of crisis. But what soon came to the Taif Agreement that characterized Balbrgmatah and presented the best chance to move Lebanon from chaos and war and economic collapse to the peace phase and the rebuilding of state institutions and the installation of a central authority, constitute a new opportunity for coexistence among the Lebanese is based on the same admissibility of balance does not abolish political sectarianism, but restores the drafting of inter - communal relations on the basis of greater participation of Muslims in power at the expense of what he enjoyed the privileges of Christians, particularly the Maronites of them.So that the Lebanese issue, historically linked to the Middle East issues and chronic problems, and remained a loophole through history performs them freeloaders to blow their struggles and ambitions on the land of Lebanon

مواقف الدول العربية من المتغيرات السياسية في العراق بعد عام 2003 == Attitudes Of Arabic Countries Toward Iraqi Political Variables After 2003

Author name: صالح غانم حسين شذر
Supervisor name: عبد الامير محسن جبار الاسدي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: لقد كان للغزو والاحتلال الامريكي للعراق بمثابة تجربة قاسية تعرض لها العراق وشعبه، فعلى الرغم من تشكيل الحكومات العراقية المؤقتة والانتقالية والدائمة، وعملية النهوض والبناء الديمقراطي الجديد بعد الاحتلال، الا ان المخاطر لاتزال تحدق بالعراق، فالعملية السياس | The study is on attitudes of arabic countries to ward Iraqi political variables after 2003.Iraq has withessed occupation by the united states , that occupation has left negative conseauences, despit of forming temporal and permanent governments, and development operation after the occupation. Iraq is still suffering form enormous difficulties, that is to say the political opertion is ineffective, and national conciliation has to facemany challenges, also the war againts extemist is need more to get it done, especially in the course of arabic contradictory policies.studing arabic attitudes is significant in international velations, which included peace, cooperation, get rid of war, and respect others soveringnty.Arabic attitudes to ward Iraq was compound of cooperation and confict befor 2003, these attitude were in favour of Iraq during its war agains Iran, but these attitudes had changed after 1991,arabic countries contributed of collapsing Iraqi political regime in 2003. more over these attitudes have becom against Iraq after the occupation, so we set this topic as problematic of our study to examine the causes of discrepancies.the study rely on ahypo thesis that there change in political operation in Iraq after 2003, so arabic attitudes must be cooperative to ward Iraq.the study has divided in to three chapters besides introduction and conclusion. the first chapter discusses political variables in Iraq and arabic attitudes until 2003, the second spot lights ( polictical variables in Iraq and arabic attitudes after 2003. and the third high lights arabic attitudes to ward Iraqi variables after 2003.

مكانة المانيا الاتحادية في النظام الدولي

Author name: صابرين قاسم عبد
Supervisor name: مصطفى جاسم حسين البهادلي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

الاهمية الاستراتيجية لمضيق هرمز في الادراك الاستراتيجي الايراني == The Strategic Importance Of The Strait Of Hormuz In The Iranian Strategic Perception

Author name: زمن كريم علي طهماز
Supervisor name: موسى محمد ال طويرش
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: تناول موضوع الدراسة الموسومة (الاهمية الاستراتيجية لمضيق هرمز في الادراك الاستراتيجي الايراني) الموقع الجغرافي لمضيق هرمز ومميزاته الجيوبوليتكية واهميته الاقليمية والدولية وكذلك بكونه الممر الحيوي للنفط والتجارة العالمية، واثر المضيق في سياسة ايران الخار | I Deals with the subject of study entitled ( Strategic importance of the strait of Hormuz in Iran`s strategic perception) the geographical location of the strait of Hormuz and features of the geopolitical and regional and international importance , as well as being a vital corridor for oil and global trade and the impact of the strait in Iran`s foreign policy. The study divided into four chapters ; the first chapter, the geographical location of the strait of Hormuz and the importance of political and strategic strait , The secod chapter , about the regional importance of the strait of Hormuz for each of the Gulf states and Asia , Third chapter deal with international importance of the strait of Hormuz in terms of being important to both the united states and the European union , Russia and the federal , and the Fourth chapter included the impact of the strait of Hormuz in Iran`s foreign policy , which focuses on Iran`s economic and military capabilities and the dispute over Alomartah islandes and the Iranian nuclear program and the possibilities of strategic situation of the strait of Hormuz. The study found number of conclusions including the persion Gulf and the strait of Hormuz site is a link between the East and the west , that the discovery of the road leading to the persian Gulf and the strait of Hormuz since ancient times to open the wide range of western countries to the conflict in order to extend its influence and ambitions to the persion Gulf and control its wealth and its economy has evolved its importance of the strait of Hormuz after the discovery of oil which is the base engine to the wheel of the global economy ; The strait of Hormuz being represents the bottleneck of the bay , which is on the import and export its way , as well as through which to connect to the Gulf states regional and international world if dependent Asian countries including ( Japan , China , India and south korea) heavily on imports , which come about from the export of goods to the Gulf states , which represents the foundation supplier to these countries as well as on imports from the (oil) which represents the lifeblood of these countries. In addition to the Arabian Gulf and the strait of Hormuz area it represents a central point in united state policy and strategy for the provision of its control over the middle East and curb Iran`s role in the Gulf region ; If the united states is trying to confront Iran through its bases stationed in the Gulf waters and monitoring Iranian moves and play in the development of its nuclear program and military capabilities thus increase the sanctions in place and try to fixed within their borders. From here we can say that geography has provided service to the Islamic Republic of Iran to defend themselves and stand a gainst ambilions in the region , which is trying to contain Iran and weaken the power of.

السياسة الخارجية العمانية اتجاه الولايات المتحدة الامريكية في عهد السلطان قابوس بن سعيد == Oman'S Foreign Policy Toward The United States Of America In The Era Of Sultan Qaboos Bin Said

Author name: رؤى بديوي حمزة عبيد
Supervisor name: نوار محمد ربيع الخيري
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The Oman's foreign policy towards the United States of America, historical and distinct return to 1832 despite years of decline and dropout, but it's returned to the interaction and communication in the era of Sultan (Qaboos bin Said) in 1970 and it's characterized over the years of his era by Stability ,and perhaps this is because of shared visions and attitudes towards a variety of situations and regional and international issues and because of the multi shared cooperation between two countries and that's back for the due to the presence of several motives stir the Omani foreign policy direction towards the United States of America and these motives are the main reasons for the trend of Oman's foreign policy toward the United States of America because Sultanate of Oman seeks to achieve its national interests. these motives revival the cooperation between the two countries, the cooperation has included many fields and these are political ,economic, security and military cooperation. Sultanate of Oman has reported of the total areas of cooperation with the United States in develop itself on the level of security and economic.Abstract bSeveral regional and international issues have affected the Omani foreign policy towards the United States of America and push for strengthen the cooperation between the two countries and maintain its continuity. We found that Oman's foreign policy in the era of Sultan (Qaboos bin Said) has been able to achieve the purpose and the goals of the orientation towards the United States of America

الاهمية الجيوبولتيكية لليمن في الصراع الاقليمي == Geopolitical Importance Of Yemen In The Regional Conflict

Author name: حسن كريم محمد الشمري
Supervisor name: موسى محمد ال طويرش
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: Yemen, a country located in the south - west of the continent of Asia, and very Gioboltkih position on the regional and international level as overlooking the front freely, and around 2400 km stretch south of the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden and the Indian Ocean and the Arabian Sea, as well as governed by the entrance to the Strait of the strategic Bab al - Mandab, which enhances the its importance and makes it a strategic objective for the forces of greedy regional and international as well as possession of Yemen to the large number of sawmill islands in the Strait of Bab el Mandeb, the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean that their impact on the supervision and control of the international shipping because it is a cross between the east and west region and its proximity to the Horn of Africa, and the proximity of the two Arab countries important and two members of the Gulf cooperation Council (Saudi Arabia - Oman).Al gioboltkih value of Yemen has increased the size of interference and external interests them, as passed to Yemen many external attacks throughout the ages, seeking to get a foothold in, and the Yemeni resistance has succeeded to bring the British occupiers and got Yemen gained independence in 1967 after a resistance that Really wonderful revolutionary movement of Yemen.Characterized Yemen sizeable area of the rugged terrain and the difficulty of its territory and the large number of its population made it a sprawling state is difficult for the state to control and so, mainly because of the heavy historical legacy of internal and external conflicts, as well as the weakness of the Yemeni economy and the lack of raw, agricultural and industrial resources and dependence on foreign aid, as well as the adoption of a large number of Yemenis on remittances of Yemeni workers in the Gulf countries, and strained state budget military armament, which weighs from placed upon it, popped to us some of the phenomena in Yemeni society Kproz the phenomenon of terrorism in some southern and eastern provinces or the emergence of the phenomenon of piracy near the coast of Yemen in the Gulf of Aden and the ocean Indian.vdila for the emergence of some of the armed movements in the north and separatist movements in the south than in a state of political and security stability to Yemen to make way for foreign intervention in the internal affairs and generated a number of results, including the spread of poverty, unemployment and disease among the citizens is spreading fear and murder, became some areas a safe haven for murderers and fugitives and terrorists, and the absence of the power of law and order and rampant chaos, tribal, and took the feuds, the economic downturn and technological, educational, health, corruption of government departments and the spread of corruption prevalent in most aspects of the state, forming a bloc to oppose its goal the removal of the political system.The reasons and the results reported in the case of non - Yemeni political stability, as well as external factors, among which was the spark of the Arab revolutions are the main reasons that toppled the Yemeni political system and the revolution of February 11, 2011.It sought the Gulf Cooperation Council states, led by Saudi Arabia to set the tone for the political landscape of the Yemeni and control of the situation by offering a Gulf initiative to resolve the crisis and exit the outputs of the planned national dialogue that includes all the main Yemeni parties representatives and form a government in line with the visions Gulf and Saudi Arabia, but did not succeed contain the scene because of the failure to provide basic services to citizens and gave legal immunity to the former President and his aides, so some of the anti - Saudi parties and worked for this initiativeThis agreement to launch a new agreement called for ((peace and national partnership)), and announced to impose their control over the capital, Sanaa, and bring people who are competent in the government, which led to Ataad Saudi Arabia and do Arab and Muslim alliance.To change the course of political life in Yemen, and that they might hit the interests in Yemen and the control of the parties not to reconcile with her, as Saudi Arabia is that it weakens the regional authority and the growing presence of rival states in Yemen, Iran is a model for a foothold near and the Strait of Bab el Mandeb , so it launched operations on behalf of the (storm packets), followed by the process as the (restore hope), in order to return to work outcomes Gulf initiative and the national dialogue and resulted with him, but the Yemeni situation has witnessed the ebb and flow, as witnessed new alliances enemies of yesterday are friends today, and the conflict is still heated between wanted a different outcome dead and wounded and houses destroyed and people displaced circuits Off despite mediate Kuwait and Oman, but failed in mediation and come up and stop the fighting and the conflict, the next period could see the entry and mediations on the larger level invite the rival sides to sit down to dialogue and exit agreement satisfies table All parties under the UN auspices and the intervention of the UN security Council and the closest scenario to reality, because such cases do not end by zero theory, but the course of events ends to the theoretical non - zero Finally these words of mine and Praise be to Allah, ask Almighty and in order to enjoy security and the security of the country Yemen brother and bring him back to the country Happy Yemen

الصراع العثماني - البريطاني في منطقة الخليج العربي 1871 - 1914 == Ottoman - British Conflict In The Region Of Arab Gulf 1871 - 1914

Author name: شذى منعم خلف الوائلي
Supervisor name: عبد الامير محسن جبار الاسدي
General topic: History
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: نظرا للاهمية الكبيرة التي تتمتع بها منطقة الخليج العربي، فقد قام المؤرخون والباحثون بدراسة تاريخ تلك المنطقة على نحو واسع، ولكن لم يسلط الضوء بشكل منفرد على الصراع القائم انذاك بين بريطانيا والدولة العثمانية، لكونهما تمثلان احدى القوى السياسية في الخليج ا | This thesis has showed, how the strategical position of Arab Gulf had made it a polestar for European countries and Ottomans Empire, especially for Britain. With the marching of these competitive and greedy forces in this region, Arab Gulf has become a field to a serious conflict between these forces.The Ottoman existence in Arab Gulf had begun at the mid of the 16th century, their proclaimed goal was to confront the Portuguese and defeat them from Holly Mecca. Their occupation to Basrah in 1546 was to take it as naval base to impose their sovereignty on the region, but deficiency in their naval forces. The tug had impact for the Ottoman's sovereignty to be extend on Hasa in 1871, which led them to be encountered with the British interests. As a result of that, Britain had considered that as a real danger threatening their existence in the region. The worry of British politicians was the return of Ottomans activity to events field, the British authorities had used any chance to weaken Ottoman's in the region by sending and selling the weapons to Arabic tribes to resist the Ottoman's. The weakness of Ottomans in confronting British influence was evident in London convention of 1913, which reinforced the British role in the region of Arab Gulf, that had not been executed. In questionless, that was a British - Ottoman conflict, using the states of the region as tools in this bloody fight, and the victim was the Arabic nation, who suffered a lot, because of their abusive policy
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