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الاتحاد الاوروبي والعلاقات الدولية : دراسة في المقومات والدور == European union and international relations study about capabilities and role

اسم المؤلف: شهد حسن علي البهرزي
اسم المشرف: انس اكرم العزاوي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الدرجة: ماجستير
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:

التاثيرات السياسية والامنية لعسكرة المجتمع العراقي بعد عام 2003

اسم المؤلف: زيد حازم فرحان
اسم المشرف: خر عباس عطوان
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الموضوع الدقيق: العلوم السياسية
الدرجة: ماجستير
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:

الرقابة البرلمانية والاداء الحكومي في العراق للمدة (2006 - 2014) == The Parliamentary Oversight on Government Performance in Iraq (2006-2014)

اسم المؤلف: احمد عبد الجبار حميد
اسم المشرف: هشام حكمت عبدالستار العزاوي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الدرجة: ماجستير
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:

مستقبل الدولة القومية : دراسة تحليلية في اطار تطورات البيئة الدولية منذ بداية القرن الحادي والعشرين == Future of the nation state Analysis study in the farm of international environment developments since the beginning of the twenty one century

اسم المؤلف: مهدي عل مهدي
اسم المشرف: نادية عبد القادر المختار
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: مفهوم الدولة القومية واركانها | السلطة السياسية الحاكمة | نظريات نشوء وتطور الدولة القومية | التحولات العالمية منذ نهاية الحرب الباردة | الليبرالية الجديدة |تحول الوظيفة الاقتصادية لحدود الدولة القومية | التنميط الثقافي العالمي | العلاقة بين التكنولوجيا والتنميط الثقافي | ااشكالية الفاعلون الجدد وتحولات وظائف الدولة القومية | اشكالية الجدل بين القومية والهيمنة الامريكية |الهيمنة الامريكية والدولة القومية | الرؤية الكونية لتحولات الدولة القومية | The nation - state is characterized by the outcome of the historical development which gave it a realistic shape and helped it to establish the basic features as legal judgment shape and institutional is based on a specific geographic area recognized its citizens and other countries ,and citizens who live on this geographical area don’t consider nationals of government ,but in dead they are members formed in a political association , which is the state , and there are jobs on the state must to do , cant other social organizations to do .It has the right to practice distinctive specialization such as the imposition of laws and their application even under duress, as long as it take into account the special laws in this matter , Despite the development that the nation state could teach which still eyists today refers to the historical and political development of the country to feel that the reality and the future of country go in the which finely, direction expresses by historical path in which the state confined itself and its institutions of power and resources which led to many problems term of depletion of the power or depletion of the resources , and the state was the victim of society such as this attrition.on the other hand , the transformation of international environment and the accompanying technological and economic transformations and the emergence of new actors in world politics led to penetrate the sovereignty of the state make them doubt site in performing its functions and even its survival as an institution of governance.These transformations have become a matter of death among political scientists and the fate of the nation - state does the state loses its authority or not in the benefit of other players , the perspective of globalization of the economy will cause a weakening of the nation state ,or events and this will inevitably lead to the control of the economy on the process of reforming a government in , in a globalized economy the state would be unable to control , because it will be forced to adapt to economic and social policy with what the markets , the new system will not be printed , according to the character of the nation - state but the nature of organizations and interest groups cooperate and grappling it serves as a new feudal .in contrast , critics of globalization is believed that the state will exercise its authority as usual and to be the only institution in position to take over the administration and organization successfully , state can make sure of the effectiveness of its sovereignty and independence through the use of force to impose laws and their application and attention to the comfort of its citizens , to talk about the future of the nation - state is not modern thing it has century a political thoughts in the nineteenth century , when it allocated the debate on the subject of the end of the state and put in the framework of the hypothesis that the elimination of the state is as a political program appeared this argument in the form of saying the end of the nation - state and that who said this end is (Hegel) in the paragraph of his writings entitled " The older system for German idealism " says " what I want to draw attention is that in the human thought is no space for the thought of the state ,because it is a mechanical things ,it is too low to be the idea of automating it isn’t a theme of freedom considers an idea so we have to overcome the state ".Heels' analysis of the state meets with the theory of Marx and Engels they both consider the nation - state historical outcome they expected fall with the collapse of capitalism and the society without the rule , so the state is apparent that it is fair ,doesn’t follow the interests of capitalism class , it must be transformed by revolution the proletariat likes the public forum and instead of controlling the people , the rule of stuff administration .To present the issue of the end of the nation - state cannot be defended by Marxists and anarchists only ,but also theoreticians politicians fundamentalists and consider an order refers to the diagnosis of the time, political crises seen by many of people are the result of the crisis that the nation state passing by and carl Schmitt speaks at the time indicates that the governorship state to the end , which is considered as adopted by many later ,wihem Henke says" that the state in event of a miserable" there are also some political scientists called since the seventies of the twentieth century , state sovereignty at home and abroad ,because it has become restricted little by little old groups with interests and cannot resist the globalization of the economy and society and their impact than the national state has made in crisis by the loss of control and as a result to these exchanges at the level of the globalization of economy and society calls postmodern theorists to reproduce policy outside the existing state institutions , Especially that we are seeing a delaine in standards of this political incorporation and confirmed to the merging of the rapid developments in the world since then and the rise of excessive forces markets prompting many observes to report that this political form entered eventually disappearing inevitable and replace it with other organizational forms.The national state has become flowerless in this new horizon for immigration control movement ,and exchanges of goods and services , financial flows and the work of transnational companies , and more the national government has become in a competitive struggle with new non - international doors it has also become exposed to different flows (economic , social , cultural )of each hand that lead to lose the control and observation .This phenomenon generates a form of openness a political border , and in this framework the international organizations , and corporate transformation and non - governmental organizations form a new base forpublic space cross homelands knows no limits and threatens the political fortress of national states.The talk about the end of the nation state is associated with turn on the concept of the state and powers and can be understood within transformation that there has been on the state to be able to deal with the new things faces by . in spite of the challenges and transformation that the nation - state faces it stays the only institution is recognized as a collector formwork to citizens on the basis of constitutional rule but the unstable state situation imposed by the change in working methods and abandon the political monopoly of the executive party and the process on the other hand ,it cannot marginalize community to reach a form of communal harmony and successful communicate and in order to succeed in this nation - state needs a permanent change in the level of institutional structures and to develop frameworks interaction and the actors so cope with the international and domestic regional variable and those taking place in the sector those with individual tendencies and pluralism .so nation - state cannot be removed from where it is a collector frame based on multiple facts but surely it cannot continue on the form that it has known and on the same policies that it has followed, it needs to introduce new organization ways by depending on the dimensions of functionality and zonal differentiated based on reactive policy units in the state of multiple levels of governance . the shift in the work of the nation state means that the functions of the state doesn’t really go back exclusively to them but share them with new actors in the international politicians and as a result of this transformation in no longer the exclusive authority of the state , but differentiation with other sectors of the power that is known as the state of the retina or multiple levels .

الترتيبات الاقليمية والهيمنة الامريكية : جنوب شرق اسيا انموذجا == Regional Arrangements and American Hegemony Southeast Asia as a model

اسم المؤلف: فينوس غالب كامل السعدي
اسم المشرف: سرمد زكي الجادر
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الموضوع الدقيق: الدراسات الاستراتيجية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: This study has concentrated to search a phenomenon that has started to be emerged at the global level particularly since the end of World War II, namely the phenomenon of regional arrangements, which includes the contemporary history and containing the political literature many various experiments that aimed to establish regional arrangements, whether for security or political or economic one……etc. in various areas and are , all of them are suitable to extrapolate and take advantage with taking into account the differing circumstances and motives of power and interests of parties that were involved in.Amongst these experiments, the experience of regional arrangements is highlighted in the Southeast Asian region, which its importance is concentrated - among other related matters - as it is the first of its kind in the wake of the Second World War besides the emergence of the harbingers of a global system based on two poles,where the territory has witnessed many variables and associated with the great powers' struggles during the Cold War, extend their influence and spread serve the political, security and economic objectives using all methods to be achieved by growing arms race as well as by political instability that had happened in addition to the aspiration forces associated with great powers in political, security and economic to practice the role of regional powers on the South - East Asian countries, adding this to the internal divisions and problems that were experienced by countrieswhich led to the emergence of the experiences of economic integration, political and security integration so as to promote development and regional cooperation and expanding fields of cooperation and investment .These regional experiments were considered an index to the important steps that were taken by the countries of the region that the collective status at the International Labor has become the most influential of unilateral action which contributed effectively to the development of economic, political and security ties among countries of the region, and among the countries of the region and other international parties on the other hand.Focus of research in the Asian Regional Arrangements - particularly in South East Asia - in accordance to our point of views within the framework of the escalation of the importance of these arrangements in the face of challenges in international relations, especially economic challenge which imposed itself on the regional groups to re - examine many of the concerns and priorities toward cooperation and integration Under international situation that can no longer be dealt with in terms of small economic base represented by the State alone, despite the different area as evidenced by the efforts of even the first superpower - the United States - the creation of a set of regional arrangements revolve around, they set up a free trade zone for North America (( NAFTA)) and calls for the creation of a free trade area of the Americas, and the Pacific Ocean make it an extension of its regionally in order to enter into a conglomerate with Asian countries and Australia .The South - East Asia is considered an important region because of being one of the most areas and the fastest growing in the global economy, and with the direction to activate the role of the economic factor in international relations, that acquired by this region as an important dimension in international interactions in general and for the United States of America in particular.During the cold war era was the role the United States played in the South - East Asia of the most important roles in regional interactions affairs, it is true that this role has sought to contain communist expansion and influence the end of World War II , but to discharge the said planning and seeking to influence and domination, which United States to adopt many of the policies and alliances ways to make its role in the region is the most prominent through its involvement in all the alliances and agreements that occur in the region , on other hand , through affiliation of regional arrangements in the area, or through the twirl of bilateral and multilateral agreements with countries of the region or states surrounding the Kurdistan Region, which in turn is also trying to participate in the South - East Asia and the arrangements that is considered the importance of these arrangements for these forces .On the contemporary the Cold War period that witnessed patterns of bilateral cooperation between the countries of the region and the United States or the Soviet Union, and multilateral cooperation to build a multilateral regional arrangements , to ensure the security of the region, the period of post - Cold War saw the emergence of a new regional security environment has seen in some Business Continuity some aspects of the Cold War conditions, as well as the emergence of new arrangements for the countries of the region , that reflected the desire to find a suitable climate for dealing with data worsening regional situation and work to resolve those situations in which the Cold War left .This in turn led to the emergence of appearing and emerging voices from within the region demanding independence and away from the influence of this scalable American intervention in the region and arrangements of regional ready to conflict with the principles and rules ofAmerican hegemony, the United States of America as a single - polarization is keen to impose its views on the regional groupings around the globe.This is a fait accompli, but the gatherings and regional powers moving towards the development of their economic programs as well as the military, political and social, refers to the possibility of the emergence of a multipolar international system, then the United States realized the seriousness and sensitivity of the existence of regional groupings and arrangements to grow and develop in the geo - strategically and vibrant area surrounded by the electrodes Nuclear from each side that led to the desire to be a party to any regional alliance in the South East Asian region .So US strategy was keen to emphasize the need to prevent the emergence of any alliance in this region that can be directed against the United States and threatening to American interests through the formation of a security system to serve interests therewhere initiated maintains military alliances defense under the pretext of containing the threat of communism, and entered into a number of bilateral agreements with the countries of the region since 1951 and has entered into several agreements and security alliances within the region, which the United States made it possible to dominate for a long time on the Asian arena .Cosmic US strategy has remained during the Cold War period seeking to impose its hegemony on the Asian continent, to control and make it one of the fronts of confrontation with the Soviet Union, but in the wake of the Cold War , the United States began to rethink its security strategy in the region and to move towards a new strategy to be more compatible and closest with developments regional and international menu, where are the United States look at the South East Asian region as a source of security and economic challenges, where has made this area a greateconomic achievements broken which was by poverty and underdevelopment, which was characterized by the developing nations barrier, and have acquired certain features that have made them classified in the ranks of developed nations and became its own power and influence of an influence in the international arena.in addition to that , the economic growth has encouraged these countries to continue to update technological military operation and this portends a decline of US military prestige as a whole in the region and its role in the formulation of the balance of the region and its security, for these reasons, the United States was led to the thinking of the need to the creation of new security arrangements to be acceptable to the parties and regional president for the region and serve , as well , the interests of the United States and promote regional cooperation so as to achieve stability and security in the region .But what we observe today is so clear , that regional arrangements in the region now has a reaction towards the efforts of domination by the United States which is seeking to impose on them, and this is what was said the importance of the research topic being treated problematic relationship that was positive or inverse between American hegemony and American interests in the region and between regional arrangements in South - East Asia, additionally to that the topic is gaining great importance as well because of study of the nature of regional relations and annexed from economic and security as important as institutions (APEC) and (ASEAN) and (ASEAN Regional Forum) as well as the diverse relationships with the main parties , both in bilateral or multilateral within and outside the region alliances, and besides this is gaining study an important dimension in the study of the most important regional roles of major powers and efforts to rely on its regional way in supporting global roles basis in drawing policy world, which were emphasized by the ((China, Russia, Japan, India, the two Koreas, in addition to the United States of America)), and then it can be said that theregion attracts the attention of the most important international actors and efforts to monopolize hegemony over the region a path toward greater international role and more effectiveness .For the purpose of clarifying all of the above, the study is divided into four chapters as follows:Chapter I: The first chapter deals with the conceptual framework that is essential to any study in order to be the sound from the very beginning of the subject by clarifying the basic concepts in the subject Region, regional systems, and domination, in addition to the definition in South - East Asia in terms of geographical location and properties of the region.Chapter II: Chapter II specializes in addressing the most important challenges and problems that may be faced by the region, which resulted in the establishment of regional arrangements there, additionally to explain and brief explanation of the historical evolution that were experienced by these arrangements.Chapter III: Chapter III goes to show the selected models of regional arrangements in Southeast Asia, including the ASEAN, the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), and APEC.Chapter IV: Chapter IV, deals with introductions to American hegemony, as well as US interests in the Southeast Asian region, and clarify the roles allies and rivals of the United States of America in the regional arrangements for the South - East Asia, prevent clarify the most important future implications for American hegemony

الدور الدولي لحلف الناتو مكافحة الارهاب انموذج == International Role For NATO Anti - Terrorism as Model

اسم المؤلف: تقى اياد خليل القيسي
اسم المشرف: قحطان كاظم محمد الخفاجي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الموضوع الدقيق: الدراسات الاستراتيجية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The Saudi foreign policy has got great important for who deals with international affairs, it deals with politics events directly or indirectly; then its roll in most of the Arabic cases has showed clearly effected. Naturally the Saudi foreign policy interested in Arabic especially. The follower of the way to the development of Saudi politics to the age after the cold war towards Arabia ; find that it does not get away to the period that proceeded the cold war but continued to it. So the changes that happened to foreign and internal environments in last years of the 1980s and the beginning years of 1990s impost on the kingdom more interesting to the Arabian case. So at the time and after the gulf war the kingdom increased in power the military threat that the radical Iraqi regime was weaken another think the alliance with USA and the western that assured it the security. The vision that Saudi resemble towards the Arab - Israel conflict it is the dependent in the Arabic area.Although these good factors but they have become threat resources, the protection that US gives to kingdom has it paid in the economics problems that the kingdom faced after the second Gulf war directly in (1993,1994,1995).In addition of failure every tries to put combination that leads the Arabian interactive in 90s.The accusation of terror and the events of eleventh of September 2001 made the kingdom acting politics roll more actively towards the Arabic area cases.The invitation of the prince Abdullah for peace 2002 and to Syria to get back from Lebanon 2005 for that roll the appearance of Iran not only in Gulf but in Arabic as a competition.For the studying is enable to cover the important of the subject that it divided to introduction also two chapters the first search in variable effective the operation of making Saudi Arabia foreign policy . the second chapter studies the foreign policy behavior towards Arabic area since the end of the cold war.(chosen Arabic issue).The studying get many productions towards that issues.In gulf side : The kingdom insist on the necessary of the American existence in the area as an equal element for Iranian threat with assurance to find guaranty for gulf safety beside of that it tried to reduce the nervous centers and unstable in area. This clearly showed in the solving all the problems about the geographical boundaries with neighboring countries and refusing that Iran have had the nuclear weapons.In Iraqi side : With the growing of the Iraqi - American crisis and what the year 2002 has witnessed by increasing American military side to Iraq.The kingdom refused the military powers against Iraq and declared that it wouldn't allow using its grounds for shooting Iraq after the fallen of the regime in April 2003 kingdom was the first to invite the Arab counties to meet at council for searching the Iraqi development with the increasing of murdering and emigration the kingdom in Iraq assured the dissatisfaction of what is happening in Iraq and invite the necessary of policy sharing and welcoming with the Mecca policy that aimed to stop the violence in Iraq.In the Palestinian side : The Palestinian case formed an essential side from the external Saudi politics interests and it one of its standard that called to find a peacefully solution for this case by the decision of the legal international it assured that each sides of struggle should take care of the decisions of Madrid council for Pease 1991. And what it has signed in Oslo agreement 1993, so it faced against the Israel by the Palestinian side by its government and its people and it showed great interest by the great roll in this case and the invitation of prince Abdullah for peace 2002 for reaching to quiet peace between Palestine and Israel. But when the struggle has increased between Fateh and Hamas the kingdom has called for conversation in Mecca to put down these bloody wars in Palestine.In Lebanon side : From the principle of respect of the country the kingdom asked to get its army back from Lebanon lands and after the ex - president al - Hariry has been killed the kingdom asked to make international investigation to solve the problem. With the Israeli an attack for Lebanon in 2006 the kingdom called for stopping shooting although the criticisms that the kingdom put on Hizb Allah and its responsibility on what happened.In Yemen side : The kingdom insist in it refused position for entering Yemen to the cooperation gulf council nevertheless that Yemen announced that it transmit all obstacles that stand against of getting the membering.

مكانة ايران الاقليمية في ظل المتغيرات الجديدة بعد 11 ايلول 2001 : دراسة الابعاد السياسية والاقتصادية == Iran's regional position in the light of the new changes after 11September 2001( the study of the political and economic dimensions)

اسم المؤلف: نسرين فالح حسن
اسم المشرف: عبد علي كاظم المعموري | سرمد زكي الجادر
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: Iran has gotten strategic importance which its being located between the most important strategic territories in the world. Due to its privileged position which is connection point between three Asian areas ( west Asia, middle Asia, and south Asia), so there are other additional strategic features like its located on supply routes of international trade and oil wealths and it's have basic factors that qualifies it to perform prominent regional role and promoting regional position. Iran's strategic importance is coming from correlation depth of its history with Intellectual culture, which have cultural and civilized legacy as well as its rich heritage,and gives it the ability to maneuver in many areas and stability in the event center, and can play a crucial role in its policy towards the neighboring countries of the border regions (the Arab Gulf States, Iraq, Turkey, Pakistan, and Central Asian States), also it adopted a multilateral strategy to build regional relationships that is an option for expansion of bilateral, regional and global cooperation. The Iranians through the generations have a unique sense to their history and the greatness of their culture, and strength, although evanescence of Persian culture because prevalence of Western traditions the most tempting are, without affecting the sense of self - esteem and exaggerated look to Iran, and Iranians believe look closely to their history, grandeur of their civilization and necessity to own their regional leadership. Iran's regional composition has granted the ability to play a prominent role in the Middle East makes it one of the largest regional countries, which have an essential ingredients, it has big human mass and strategic geographical location, deep historical background, and continuous moral influence on neighboring countries geographically. These ingredients actuated to be as part in regional equations. On the other hand, Iraq's invasion and occupation was a reason for the escalation of Iran's regional influence under the unstable regional environment outputs, whether in the Middle East or Central Asia, under the occupation of Afghanistan and Iraq, backed up by conventional military capabilities as well as the cultural, political, economic and religious influence which is rising and growing. The vast effect that Iran has to attain high rank as major regional power, can use it to explain the development of the military, nuclear and technological fields, and impact it on the other countries. Perhaps, the most prominent signs are growth of Iran's regional stature, constant pursuit to avoid any tensions with the total adjacent countries, and the tendency of Iran for reconciliation gradually with the international environment and it does not use the sectarian dimension of its foreign policy. The importance of change in Iran's strategy due to a change in the perceptions for special causes with the transformations that taking place in the Iranian regime's strategy, the Iranian president, "Hassan Rowhani," he wrote his article published by the newspaper "Washington Post", about the evolution of Iran's status, saying "what Iran is trying to do today is to transform threat that surrounds it on all sides to opportunities, and its employ for this the competition and cooperation in multilateral conflict fields, which Iran is now a major player in it. Iran follow the example of Russia to exert a show of strength and influence, and the Syrian arena it is only just a chessboard for Iranians with a warning the consequences bypassed in arrangements of resolving the crisis." There are limits to idea of Iran's regional status through play strategic alternative role, Iran is a partner to the Arabs according to historical connections, geographical neighborhood, and demographic interference. It the only state non - Arab which overlooks on the Gulf, while other states who overlooking on the Gulf are Arab states. At the time when the Gulf was the only maritime outlet for Iran, which is main crossing for about 80% of its oil exports,The Iranian - Arab relations are gaining special importance, as result of the Iranian - American conflict over Iran's nuclear program, Iran is not a main strategic alternative for Arabs in security issues currently, especially if the Arabic strategy is for peaceful settlement of Arab - Israeli conflict, but it is important alternative if this strategy is about the resistance, and therefore Iran remains a strategic alternative in the long - term. It has made those goals flowing together for Iran's supreme national interest , and its recognition as a regional power in the area, it has clout and influence like any other regional powers. It can contribute to impede the interests of many countries including United States, also it can not be excluded when discussing any special arrangements as being counterweight through what it prepares for the foreign policy and national security which is following it in the Gulf region. The study focuses on the aspiration of Iran to expand its regional and international status, although it is depending on the human, economic, military bases and even scientific - technological, as well as geopolitical importance that enjoy it, but this aspiration faces by United States and its Arab allies in the region through rejection and obstruction and international sanctions and trapping and even a media war. So we shall begin from Iran's attempt to promote its regional and international status by employing all the capabilities that enjoy it, which makes its reality in tune with the Iranian self - feeling in its rightful status under regional and international environment that is very complicated through a combination of pragmatism and some of ideological rationality

انتقال الفكر المؤسساتي من المحلية الى العالمية ودوره في تحقيق التنمية سياسيا واقتصاديا == transition The institutionalism Thought from local to global And its role in the achievement of political and economic development

اسم المؤلف: مصطفى حسين عبد الرزاق
اسم المشرف: عبد علي كاظم المعموري | احمد شهاب الحمداني
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: واجه الفكر الاقتصادي الكلاسيكي العديد من الانتقادات من مدارس فكرية عديدة لاسباب كثيرة، وتعد المدرسة المؤسساتية واحدة من اهم تلك المدارس، واكتسبت اهميتها لسببين : الاول : نجاحها في جعل المؤسسات السائدة احدى المتغيرات التي يعنى بها البحث الاقتصادي في عالمنا المعاصر، ورفض الفرضيات الكلاسيكية المسلمة بجودة المؤسسات، والتي تفضي الى افتراض مثالية الاسواق، ورفض فرضيات رشد المستهلك، والسعي الدائم للافراد نحو المنافع المادية، وتوفر المعلومات المجانية وغيرها من الثوابت الكلاسيكية. الثاني : تنامي الاهتمام بالمؤسساتية من قبل جيل جديد من المؤسساتيين، من خلال الاقتراب من الفكر الاقتصادي السائد ذا الجذور الكلاسيكية والانتقال من النقد بسبب اهمال الجانب المؤسسي، الى الدعوة الى ادخال العوامل المؤسسية وجعلها جزء من النظريات التنموية، اذ بدراونالد كوز بفكرة تكاليف الصفقة عام 1937، وبين ان بسببها تنشا وتتوسع الشركات الكبيرة على حساب المشاريع الصغيرة، لان الاخيرة تعتمد على الية السوق، فاذا ما كانت السوق غير فعالة (مكلفة)، تضطر الاطراف الى الدخول في شراكات تعاقدية لتجنب هذه السوق التي تعاني من التذبذب، والغموض (قلة المعلومات والشفافية)، وعدم الامان (حماية الملكية من المصادرة ومن المزاحمة الحكومية) ...الخ. اصبحت معظم الكتابات والدراسات والتقارير الاقتصادية - بما فيها تلك الصادرة عن المنظمات الدولية - تتفق على صحة الاطروحات الفكرية التي تولي اهمية كبيرة الى المؤسسات التي تمثل النظام السياسي والاقتصادي السائدين في بلد ما، وظهر اجماعا متزايدا على ان جودة النظام المؤسسي يعد اهم العوامل التي تساعد او تعيق التنمية الاقتصادية، وبعبارة اخرى، فان النظام السياسي الذي يحدد ملامح (المؤسسات) القواعد المنظمة للحياة السياسية والاقتصادية والاجتماعية، ومن ثم ايجاد سوق فعال، يعد اليوم عاملا رئيسا في تحقيق التنمية والرفاه للمجتمعات، ما دفع الكثير من المنظمات الى وضع معايير يمكن من خلالها تقدير مؤشرات كمية تعبر عن جودة المؤسسات، والقيام ببحوث تستخدم تلك المؤشرات لقياس اثارها، ورسم مسارا للتنمية يعتمد على التحسن في المؤسسات لاسيما الرسمية، من خلال جذبها لرؤوس الاموال المحلية والخارجية.ومع تعدد المؤشرات التي يمكن استخدامها للدلالة على جودة المؤسسات، فان المؤشرات الاكثر استخداما هي مؤشر سهولة الاعمال الذي يصدره البنك الدولي، ومؤشر الحرية الاقتصادية الذي يصدره معهد فرايزر (في كندا)، ومؤشر الديمقراطية الذي يصدره وحدة الاستخبارات الاقتصادية، ومؤشر الحكم الصالح الذي يصدره البنك الدولي، ويتضمن كل مؤشر عددا من المؤشرات الفرعية يعبر كل منها عن جانب من جوانب المؤشر.وعند قياس اثر جودة المؤسسات بالاعتماد على كل مؤشر على حدا، وبناء انموذج قياسي لكل منها بالاعتماد على بيانات مئة دولة لعام 2011، تبين الاثر المعنوي للاداء المؤسسي، وكان مقداره متباينا حسب المؤشر المستخدم، كما تبين من جميع النماذج ان مسار العلاقة بين الاداء المؤسسي والنمو غير خطية، ما يعني ان التحسن في جودة المؤسسات لا يحقق نموا اقتصاديا الا بعد بلوغ درجة معينة تتحدد حسب نوع المؤشر المستخدم، وفي ضوء المقارنة بين اثر المؤشرات تبين لنا اولويات الاصلاح المؤسسي الواجب اتباعها، استنادا الى نتائج كل مؤشر، فجاء في المقدمة الحكم الصالح، اذ بلغ معامل التحديد (R2) لانحداره البسيط (من الدرجة الثانية) (81%)، يليه سهولة الاعمال الذي بلغ معامل التحديد (R2) لانحداره البسيط (من الدرجة الثانية) (61%)، ثم الحرية الاقتصادية الذي بلغ معامل التحديد (R2) لانحداره البسيط (من الدرجة الثانية) (59%)، وجاء اخيرا مؤشر الديمقراطية الذي بلغ معامل التحديد (R2) لمعامل الانحدار (من الدرجة الثانية) (52%). | The classical economic thought subjected for many criticisms from many schools of thought because of many reasons, Institutional school one of the most important of these schools, It importance has gained for two reasons : First : its success in making the prevailing institutions, one of the variables that must be concerned economic research in the contemporary world, and rejection of the classical hypotheses in Ideal of institutions, Which leading to the assumption of perfect markets, and rejection the other its hypotheses such as Consumer rationality, make constant efforts to individuals about the Material benefits, and provides free information and other classic constants.Second : growing the interest in Institutional by a new generation of institutionalist, through closer to the mainstream economic thought a classical roots and the transition of Criticism due to the neglect of the institutional variable, to call for the introduction of institutional factors and make it part of the developmental theories, Ronald Coase began the idea of transaction costs in 1937,He indicate that large companies will arise and expand at the expense of small businesses account, because the latter rely on the market mechanism. If the market was not effective (inexpensive), the parties have to enter into contractual partnerships to avoid this market is experiencing volatility, and uncertainty (lack of information and transparency), and lack of safety (protection of property confiscated from the government and from Crowding in - out) ... etc.Most of the economic Scripts, studies and reports, - those issued by international organizations - agree on the validity of intellectual theses that attaches great importance to the institutions that represent the political and economic regime that prevailing in the country, and the back of a growing consensus that the institutional system quality is the most important factors that help or hinder economic development, in other words, the political regime that determines the features to regulation rules (institutions) of the political, economic and social life, and then find an effective market, is today a major factor in the development and prosperity of the communities, prompting many organizations to develop criteria by which to estimate the amount indicators reflect the quality of institutions, and carry out research using those indicators to measure their effects, and draw a path of development depends on improvement in the institutions Especially the formal institutions, through attracted local and foreign the capital fundsWith so many indicators that can be used to indicate the quality of institutions, the most widely used indicators is Doing business issued by the World Bank index, the Economic Freedom Index published by the fraser institute (Canada), the Democracy Index which published by the Economist Intelligence Unit, and the Good Governance index which is issued by the world bank, each index includes a number of sub - indices, each of which reflects an aspect of the indexWhen measuring the impact of the quality of institutions depending on each indicator separately, and make econometric model for each of them based on one hundred countries for the year 2011 data, shows the Significant impact of institutional performance, whereof mixed by user index, as shown by all the models that the relationship between institutional performance and growth path non - linear, which means that the improvement in the quality of the institutions does not achieve the economic growth only after reaching a certain degree determined according the user index type, and in comparison light of the impact of the indicators, show us the priorities of institutional reform must be followed, based on the results of each indicator, so came in the introduction of good governance, when reached the coefficient of determination (R2) of it in simple regression (Quadratic equation) (81%), followed by Doing business which reached the coefficient of determination (R2) in simple regression (Quadratic equation) (61%), then economic freedom which reached the coefficient of determination ( R2) in simple regression (Quadratic equation) (59%), and finally came Democracy index, which reached the coefficient of determination (R2) in simple regression (Quadratic equation) (52%).

الاستراتيجية الروسية حيال اقليم القوقاز : جورجيا انموذجا == Russian strategy towards the Caucasus region (Georgia model)

اسم المؤلف: كرار عباس متعب فرج المسعودي
اسم المشرف: لبنى خميس مهدي الربيعي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الموضوع الدقيق: الدراسات الاستراتيجية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: Poses province Caucasus General Georgia Especially Focus Interesting (historic And the political, geographic, economic, military) Parties International And regional since long time ago Even Time Presently, the form Stations Attract Empires Great Empire Mogul The Persian The Ottoman And Romania And Historic stations (Russia Tsarist After that Empire Russian And from Then Soviet) was Station Interest And attracting From empire The other On Power All Empire, and also she was Focus Conquests Islamic On hand Rightly Adults (RIP), but Narrative Date Caucasian We find Mostly from him He Under Influence And domination Russian Starting From Russia Tsarist Empire Russian Soviet and, if We reviewed Date Russian We find it's a Replete To dominate The presence at province Caucasus Nor drifting away about him And so The importance of Territory Historically And politically Russia, as Form Focus Starting Caesars Russians And private Kaiser (Peter Older) and campaigns And expansions in it and since Collapse Empire Tsarist And the advent of Empire Russian Which she was Subject province Caucasus General Georgia Especially to her Which Collapsed On hand Revolution Bolshevism In 1917, which On Impact Began Empire Soviet Take shape The Its leader Vladimir Lenin And from Then Joseph Stalin Effect Of at formation the Union Soviet In 1921, as subject province Caucasus (Northern And south) under Domination Soviet despite Happening Tensions Here There From Yup Coup The escape about him But Domination Soviet she was more powerful From So, while Georgia heart that Region ( the focus The study) was heart Concerns And interventions From Before Empires Previous And private From Before Russia Tsarist Empire Russian And Soviet And so Its importance strategically And its location at heart Territory The Affected Conquests Islamic Georgia Also, consider the Union Soviet (former) to Georgia On It a key province Caucasus So Make it Spin at Its orbit Strategic Nor Deviate about him despite change The transfiguration Circumstances And leaders the Union Soviet (former) and even After Collapse the Union Soviet (former) and independence Republics Soviet Previous about him And private at province Caucasus And private Georgia Form Territory General Georgia Especially Focus interest Strategic Russian Most Threw down several Strategies On Different Stages Ago Collapse Even Time the present Which she was Changed at All Stage But Target Strategic for every Stage Imperishable and he make Georgia No Deviate About Astronomy Strategic Russian The remaining Under Look Strategic Russian. Either geographically in the form of the territory of the territory of the Caucasus mountain constitutes isthmus stretching from the Caspian Sea to the east and the Black Sea to the west and north of the Russian Federation and to the south, and is a link between the continents of Asia and Europe and offers his views most easy and less expensive to Europe and is a territory of the Caucasus depth Geographical Strategic Russia Across Date And Russia Federal at Time the present Because Wall Separation About Threats Foreign There Allow Any Case From Conditions From the approach Of which The threat, either Georgia heart that Territory The point And private it's a Poses Location passage most Pipe Transfer Fulcrum energy From Area Sea Caspian to me Europe So See Russia at that Security Economic And a threat Pipeline Transported Energy if What It was the control On Georgia and this is What No Accept It. As for What Posed province Caucasus General Georgia Especially From Importance Economic Van Territory He Focus For most Resources energy at the world And private at Azerbaijan And as well About What It was Mentioned From it's a Poses As well as About Signed Geographical And strategic It constitutes status Economic strategy For most Countries the world And private Russia Federal And his heart Georgia (State of Traffic) for most Pipeline Transfer Energy, as well as About Neighborhood Area Sea Caspian Region Rich Powered or What it's called ( Gulf Arabi II) in Signal Of the bay Arabi the first the rich Energy, and this What Earns Importance strategy For the region Georgia To Russia Federal Which No Accept Non Role Dominant it . As for Military Importance The territory Caucasus General Georgia Especially Stems From Subscriptions Military Russia Across Date To Russia Federal After Collapse the Union Soviet (former) as Form Territory Point Fulcrum Rules Military Russian And private at Georgia After Eviction Military Russian Its rules at Georgia Kept Russia Federal Troops at Regions Georgia Separate By (Ossetia South, Abkhazia) as well About Troop save Peace International Which most of it Russian, this Subscriptions Military Russian Due The importance of province Caucasus General Georgia Especially militarily Russia Federal And security National Even No Stay Free And fill From the West And private the states United Of America. Increase from Importance Subject The study (Georgia) Heart province Caucasus He Strategies Russian Ago Collapse the Union Soviet (former) 1991 Even Time the present Which despite They change From Stage to me Stage Except It Confirms That Georgia Should that Stay at Astronomy Strategic Russian Nor Deviate Him. Event essential The importance of province Caucasus General And Georgia ( the focus The study) private And they form Importance strategy Russia Federal And she Line red The equation Zero Calculated Favor Russia Federal He War of 2008, which Proved Russia Federal Georgia And from Support Georgia at this the war Ban Russia Federal No Can Play with her at Neighborhood near And private province Caucasus And his heart Georgia was replayed decisive response reflects restore power and glory again. So problematic Our study starts From what province Caucasus And heart Territory Georgia (the focus The study) form Across Date The limit Time the present Location compete between most Empires Previous International And regional Surrounding Region Georgia Especially, What constitutes From Importance strategy and on all levels (historical, political, geographic, economic, and military), which End Parties International And regional After that From Try Permanent To access For the region Georgia Especially, the head this the parties Russia Federal which she was Historically Focus Seen And influence Like Continuous Territory And private Georgia And trying to Always Pursuit And domination On Territory And private Georgia And not Allow Parties International Regional From Access For the region Georgia Which Prepared Neighborhood near And her garden the background And scope Vital, but After Collapse the Union Soviet In 1991 form Territory And Georgia (the focus The study) region Location More Competitive between the parties International And regional From Side And Russia Federal From Side Other Outs The loose this Regions Georgia about him Any Case From Case, which Trying to Russia Federal Across Its strategy Multiple that Dominate On Regions Georgia Private . So In brief Location province Caucasus General Georgia Especially Poses Importance strategy Seriously And Pursuit Russian Permanent To dominate On Territory General And Georgia (the focus The study) private Across Strategies Multiple With Existence the parties International And regional Seeking To access For the region Georgia Especially And domination They Also, here Focus Problematic Study. From Case, which Trying to Russia Federal Across Its strategy Multiple that Dominate On Regions Georgia Private . So in brief Location province Caucasus General Georgia Especially Poses Importance strategy Seriously And Pursuit Russian Permanent To dominate On Territory General And Georgia ( the focus The study) private Across Strategies Multiple With Existence the parties International And regional Seeking To access For the region Georgia Especially And domination They Also, here Focus Problematic Study. The hypothesis The study Kicks off From Follows (form province Caucasus General Georgia heart Territory Especially Importance strategy Seriously Russia Federal Ago Football Even Time the present and on all Levels (historic And political The geographical And economic And the military, and that the Strategies Followed After Collapse the Union Soviet (former) in 1991 to Time the present she was The On make Georgia Preoccupied Always And Stable in order to No Trying to that Ever - About Astronomy Strategic Russian Nor Deviate about him The remaining at Scope Bio And her garden the background And support Russia at that Environment Interior Stable Politically And economically And militarily And future Strategy Russian About Georgia He Domination Them. For the purpose of Proof hypothesis studying Requires It Answer On Questions The following, namely: 1-What he province Caucasus (historically politically, geographically, economically, militarily) and how It was interest Strategic Russian with it 2-What she Georgia (historically and politically, geographically, economically, militarily), and how It was interest Strategic Russian Out 3-What she Strategies Russian Followed Ago Collapse the Union Soviet (former) in 1991 to Time the present And how I worked On Containment Georgia 4-What she Variables Interior And external Affecting at Strategy Russian about Georgia 5-What He future Strategy Russian about Georgia As for Subject studying divided to me an introduction and four Chapters and a conclusion: The Entrance and address: the importance Strategy The territory Caucasus Georgia It includes Two topics he searches the first The importance of province Caucasus at Strategy Russian It includes Four Demands, demand the first Importance Historical Political, and demand The second Importance Geographic, and demand the third Importance Economic, and the fourth It Importance Military, The Section The second It Importance Georgia at Strategy Russian Guarantees the Four Demands, first Importance Historical And political, either demand The second It Importance Geographic, The demand the third It Importance Economic, and the fourth It Importance Military, as well as About summary Of the season. As for the season The first Is entitled: Evolution Strategy Russian About Georgia (1991- Even Our time Present) guarantees the Two topics the first Strategy Russian About Georgia Phase (1991- 2008) and included Two demands, demand the first Strategy Russian About Georgia Phase (1991- 1999) The demand The second Guarantees the Strategy Russian About Georgia Phase (1999- 2008), The Section The second Strategy Russian About Georgia Phase (2008- Even Our time Present) guarantees the Two demands, first Strategy Russian About Georgia Phase (2008-2012) The demand The second Strategy Russian About Georgia (2012- Even Our time Present), as well as About summary Of the season. As for the season the second Is entitled: variables Affecting at Strategy Russian About Georgia Guarantees the Two topics the first Variables Interior Affecting at Strategy Russian About Georgia Guarantees the three Demands, first variable Politician As for The second variable Economic As for the third It variable Military, either Section The second It Variables Foreign Affecting at Strategy Russian About Georgia Guarantees the Two demands, first Variables Regional (Iran - Turkey) and the second Variables International (US United US - Europe), as well as About summary Of the season. As for the season the third It is entitled: The Future Strategy Russian about Georgia guarantees the Two scenes: the first Scene continued dominance Russian about Georgia, The The second It Scene Retreat dominance Russian About Georgia, as well as About summary Of the season. Finally, the very fact researcher From that province Caucasus General And Georgia ( the focus Study) and the heart Province Especially Constitute the strategic importance Parties International And regional And private Russia 's historic all stations (Tsarist Russian Empire, Soviet) and Russia Federal Ago The collapse of the Union Soviet 1991 Until the present time and at all levels (historical, political, geographic, economic, and military), and that the Russian Federation since the collapse of the Soviet Union up to the present raised several strategies towards Georgia From strategy the support Continued And continuing To provinces Georgia Claim Secession to me strategy Intervention Military Direct to me strategy Cooperation And openness Limited Mutual between Parties Russian The Georgian And Which It was Goal He make Georgia Spin at Astronomy Strategic Russian To Athid about him gesticulate Support That Strategies He stability environment Interior Russia Federal (politically, economically Militarily), as well as what it has been said of the strategic importance of the region of the Caucasus and Georgia , the heart of that territory, either the findings of the researcher about the future of Russian strategic about Georgia researcher and threw down the first two scenes scene Russian continued dominance over Georgia put the chances And ballasts check This Scene, a What Agreed With him researcher And so to prove the hypothesis study, what a scene the second a sight decline of Russia 's strategic dominance over Georgia, a money consistent with the researcher

تحديات بناء الدولة العراقية بعد عام 2003 : دراسة جيوستراتيجية == The Challengs of Iraq's State Building After the Year 2003 (Geostrategic Study)

اسم المؤلف: علي حسين احمد
اسم المشرف: قاسم محمد عبيد الجنابي | عامر حسن فياض
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الموضوع الدقيق: الدراسات الاستراتيجية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: يتكامل مع المقومات الجيوبولتيكية للدولة مقوم معنوي هو فكرة الدولة التي يجسدها شعور افراد المجتمع بوحدة الاهداف والمصالح والانتماء للدولة التي تعبر عنهم، واقرارهم بنظامها السياسي واحترامه وامتثالهم لقواعده القانونية، والدولة في العالم المتقدم منظومة علاقات سياسية واجتماعية واقتصادية تتماهى الدولة من خلالها مع المجتمع وتتجذر فيه، ولم يتحقق ذلك الا بعد مسيرة تطور وعملية تنشئه اجتماعية سياسية ازاحت الثقافة التقليدية وروابطها واعادت تشكيل بنية المجتمع على مفهوم المواطنة وروابطه والهوية الوطنية الجامعة لمكونات المجتمع المختلفة. ولم تمر الدولة العراقية منذ ولادتها عام 1921 بمسيرة تطور تكاملية المراحل ولم تعبر الدولة الناشئة عن مجتمعها المتعدد الاعراق والديانات والمذاهب والثقافات، وسادت حالة من القطيعة بين الدولة ومجتمعها، وقد وضعتها ظروف نشاتها والطبيعة المضطربة غير المستقرة سواء في داخلها، او في اقليم الشرق الاوسط في مواجهة تحديات داخلية وخارجية عجزت عن التعامل معها بسبب ضعفها النابع من ضعف ارتباطها مع مجتمعها التعددي المتنافر غير المندمج الذي فشلت كل الحكومات المتعاقبة في ادارة تعدديته، وعجزت عن خلق المجتمع المنظم الذي توحده الهوية الوطنية العراقية. واندلعت الصراعات والانقسامات الاجتماعية التي اخذت طابعا سياسيا بعد الاحتلال الامريكي عام 2003 بسبب ترسيخ سلطات الاحتلال للانتماءات والولاءات الفرعية عبر تشكيلها لمجلس الحكم الانتقالي على اسس المحاصصة العرقية والطائفية التي خلقت الطائفية السياسية واججت الصراعات والعنف والفوضى، وشوهت بنية الاحزاب ووظائفها السياسية والاجتماعية، وجاءت بدستور يعاني من عدم الوضوح والثغرات التي خلقت المشاكل والتوترات وستيعد انتاجها مستقبلا ان لم يعدل الدستور، او تعاد كتابته، وكان من نتائج الاحتلال الامريكي تحول العراق الى ميدان للصراع والتنافس الدولي، لادراك القوى الدولية للابعاد الجيوستراتيجية المترتبة على هذا الاحتلال الذي اخل بالتوازنات بين هذه القوى لصالح الولايات المتحدة في الشرق الاوسط، وانعكست تداعيات الصراع على استقرار العراق وامنه واثرت سلبا على عملية بناء الدولة، كما دخلت منطقة الشرق الاوسط والخليج العربي مرحلة اعادة ترتيب لادوار القوى الاقليمية ومجالات نفوذها ومصالحها وتداخلت هذه المجالات في العراق الذي اصبح ميدان تنافس وصراع بين القوى الاقليمية لتصفية الحسابات والاضطلاع بدور اقليمي اكبر وترك هذا الصراع بصماته على اوضاع العراق السياسية والاجتماعية والامنية والاقتصادية وغذى الانقسامات الاجتماعية مما اثر بشكل كبير على وحدة المجتمع وعملية بناء الدولة، ويتطلب التعامل مع التحديات بشقيها الداخلي والخارجي، واستكمال عملية بناء الدولة تبني استراتيجية للتنشئة الاجتماعية السياسية لاعادة بناء الفرد والمجتمع كخيار استراتيجي، وتبني خيار مرحلي بالاعتماد على النخبة من التكنوقراط لايقاف التداعي والانهيار وبناء دولة المؤسسات وتعزيز التماسك الاجتماعي والوحدة الوطنية، اذ ان المجتمع الموحد يمثل عمق الدولة الاستراتيجي ومرتكزها للتعامل مع التحديات وادامة عملية البناء والتنمية الشاملة، وتتكامل مع استراتيجية بناء الداخل استراتيجية كفوءة للشؤون الخارجية لتحقيق اهداف السياسة الخارجية وفي مقدمتها استعادة مكانة العراق على الساحتين الاقليمية والدولية . | The notion of state as immaterial factor integrated with state's geopolitical components, embodied in societies individuals unified goals, interests, and feelings of affiliation to their state, and recognition of its political system, respecting and follow its regulations, because it indicates them as citizens. In developed world states these elements have become a system of political, social, and economic interrelations rooted in society after series of evolutions and sociopolitical socialization process displaced customary culture,re - forming society structure around national identity and citizenship bonds to integrate society's divers constituent. Iraqi state hasn't witnessed these developments since its existence in 1921, and it didn't speak out on its divers society descents, religious, creeds, and cultures, moreover a condition of reclusion prevailed between the state and its society. The circumstances encompass its origination, besides the destabilized context wether inside Iraq or in the Middle East region put it in facing with challenges it failed to deal with, because of the weakness stem from the delicacy relations between the existed state and its diverse discordant society which indicated the deficiency to create organized society unified by Iraqi national identity. Conflicts and societal partition flared up after the American invasion of Iraq in 2003 took political form due to occupation authorities decision to form the interim governing council on racial and sectarian quota which ignited violence, twisted political parties structures, affecting their political and societal functions, besides producing an improper constitution experience ambiguity and crevasses, creating turmoil's and problems and will reproduce them in future unless constitutional amendment or rewriting take place. Iraq turned into international confrontation and competition arena after the American occupation in 2003, because of international powers realization of geostrategic impacts that would disrupt the balance among them in favor of the United States in the Middle East.These impacts reflected upon Iraq's security and stability and negatively affect the state building process, as the Middle East and Arabian Gulf region fall under a phrase of rearranging roles of regional powers and their spheres of influence and interests overlapped in Iraq due to its geostrategic importance. Thus Iraq has become the field of struggle between these powers for liquidation and taking over main regional role, which directly destabilized Iraqs political, social, security, and economic status. The aftermath of these variables interactions greatly acted upon society's unity and state building process in Iraq. The dealing with internal and external challenges, and the perfection of state construction require a sociopolitical socialization to rebuild individuals and society on democratic values as strategic option, and count on technocracy elite to put an end for disorder and downfall to establish Iraqi state on basis of establishment and promoting societal solidarity and unity, because society represents state strategic depth and pivot to tackle Challenges and maintain development Persistenncy. This strategy must be integrated with active foreign affairs strategy to achieve foreign policy objectives, endeavor to retrieve Iraqs prestige at both regional and international levels is on top. The study comprises an introduction, four chapters and a conclusion. The first chapter delt with Iraqi state historicity in two sections. The first section studies internal and external challenges facing the process of construction Iraqi state during monarchist era 1921 - 1958. The second section examines the challenges during republican era 1958 - 2003. The second chapter investigates state building internal challenge after 2003 in three sections. The first section studies legislations and political challenges, the second section examines security challenges, while the third one devoted to study the socioeconomic challenges. The third chapter puts under scrutiny the state building external challenges, the first section studies international challenges, and the second section investigates the regional challenges. The fourth chapter reviews in its first section the strategy of dealing with internal challenges, the second section examines the foreign affairs strategy required to deal with external challenges, The conclusion of the thesis includes a summary of the results reached to through the present study.

العراق ما بعد الاحتلال وتاثيره في الامن الخليجي == SECURITY IN THE GULF AND THE IMPACT OF POST - OCCUPATION IRAQ

اسم المؤلف: عامر حسن ثابت
اسم المشرف: محمد كريم كاظم
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: Intellectual interest in the Gulf security is well - established. Very few studies, ‎however, have been conducted on the impact of post - occupation Iraq on the Gulf security arrangements. ‎The main objectives of this research are to highlight the threats and challenges facing the Gulf ‎region after the occupation of Iraq in 2003, and to address the post - occupation Iraq issue as an ‎important factor in restoring stability and security in the Gulf region. ‎Many factors and variables have contributed to the importance of the Gulf region as a key ‎arena for regional and international politics. Domestically, there is both the wealth of the Gulf ‎Cooperation Council states and strategic location of the Gulf itself, the continued internal and ‎regional threats the GCC states are facing, and, lastly, the increasing global demand for the ‎Gulf’s oil and gas. ‎The subject of this research is a highly complex subject of study. This difficulty is very much ‎manifest in appreciating and applying the most suitable analytical approach. As such, this ‎research has adopted a multi - level and multi - causal analytical framework. The researcher ‎believes that such a framework will not only lead to a more nuanced analysis, but also to a ‎richer understanding of the topic.‎ The results of this research are consistent with its hypothesis; it proves the following : Firstly, ‎there is a concrete link between the occupation of Iraq and its impact on the broader security ‎of the Gulf. Secondly, that Iraq can play a positive, balanced and durable role in the Gulf ‎security. This is particularly relevant because of the many factors linking Iraq with the ‎GCC states. Thirdly, in terms of security, that there is need for a new strategy consistent with ‎the national interests of all actors involved in the Gulf region, as well as the security ‎requirements of the region, in order to restore stability and security, and to save the Gulf ‎region from a fourth destructive war. ‎The US - led invasion of Iraq in 2003 is considered to be a major event, which has had a lasting ‎impact on the ‎security regime in the Gulf region ‎. Earlier, what was dubbed Operation ‎Desert Storm’ ‎in 1991 marked the beginning of the disturbance of the strategic balance ‎that ‎had been unique to the Gulf region. The subsequent invasion and occupation of Iraq by the ‎United States further disturbed that balance, affecting not only Iraq but the whole region. ‎The ‎dramatic changes that took place on the ground following the occupation in 2003 testify ‎to this. These changes rapidly redrew the features of the Gulf security and ‎caused an ‎impact on every state in the Gulf, without exception, in terms of security and stability.The United States’ invasion of Iraq, coupled with its considerable presence in the Gulf region, ‎revealed ‎unprecedented facts regarding security matters, not only in Iraq, but in the Gulf ‎region as a whole. This has necessitated a comprehensive assessment of the security regime ‎that ‎prevailed in the Gulf region prior to the war in 2003 in the light of the events that took ‎‎place afterwards. The elimination of Iraq from the equation, coupled with the unfavorable ‎developments in the state of Iraq ‎since 2003, could have possibly turned Iraq into a security ‎threat to the region on account of its attraction to proponents of extremism, ‎violence, and ‎terrorism.‎The nuclear activities of Iran, in light of the continuous tension in the US - Iran relationship, ‎‎also constitute a main feature of the new security regime in the Gulf region. Moreover, the ‎United States ‎has redeployed its troops so that they are now based in Qatar, Kuwait and ‎Bahrain.‎In light of the above, it has become necessary for the Gulf States to consider a new ‎security ‎system to cope with the post - Iraq - occupation stage, as the security issue has become an obsession for these states. In the meantime, in order to resolve the security question, a security ‎formula should be reached between them. However, to reach that end, a number of ‎conditions need to be satisfied. These include an end to ‎the United States’ occupation of Iraq, and bringing about stability and reconciliation between the Iraqi people. ‎Another issue is the United States - Iran conflict and the provision of security guarantees to small ‎countries so that those countries do not need to seek external alliances to protect their national ‎security. This is not to mention making appropriate arrangements for securing oil production in ‎the region, which implies coordination with the major oil consuming countries to set the balance ‎right in the interests of both producers and consumers. However, satisfying those conditions, in ‎addition to the reservations of the United States on any new security arrangements in the region - given that ‎the United States is a major player in current events - constitutes a main challenge.‎The establishment of a regional security arrangements based on the resolution of all bilateral conflicts, ‎setting a common stage for cooperation and coordination between the states in all areas, and ‎the continuation of internal political reforms is in the interest of all states in the region ‎including the GCC. Furthermore, bringing stability and security to the Gulf region is in ‎the interests of the international community, particularly the United States.The fall of Saddam Hussein’s regime in 2003 could have been a dream - at least, for the decision - ‎makers in the state of Iran. This might have been particularly so in light of the fact that ‎Iraq had been a stumbling block in the course of Iranian policy in the Gulf region for decades. But, as of ‎yet, the Iraqi occupation has not proven good news for Iran. This is for the simple reason that decision - ‎makers in Iran have become aware of the fact that they may be the next target for the United States. For ‎this reason, they tried to exhaust United States forces in Iraq, not to mention the efforts they made to ‎dominate the internal scene in Iraq by any and all means.‎Through its policy in Iraq, Iran aimed at becoming a main player in the regional game, an issue ‎which had been beyond the understanding of the United States decision - makers. In all likelihood, they were not ‎aware, beforehand, regarding the extent of Iranian involvement in the new Iraq, so that the United States ‎and Iran found themselves facing each other in the post - Saddam Iraq. Nonetheless, the fact of the ‎matter is that the new Iraq has become a common ground for interaction between the United States and ‎Iran, in which both parties need each other equally. It seems that the Americans are becoming ‎aware of the extent of that game, which, we believe, it is in their interest to do so. That could be ‎so even if that leads to more Iranian domination in Iraq as a secondary outcome - as the rules of ‎the game may dictate. The simple fact is that these rules are irreversible as long as the state of ‎Iraq remains disunited, and part of the country keeps the same distance from both ‎Washington and Tehran : i.e., remaining outside of the interaction between the two countries.‎The new equation in which Iraq became an important variable in the resultant Gulf - Iranian ‎relationships caused the Arab neighbours of Iraq to raise the question of how they should ‎handle their relationships with the new Iraq that has become a battle ground for American ‎and Iranian domination at the same time. In the meantime, regional alliances in the Gulf ‎were being reviewed to cope with the new regime.‎The foregoing would require a study for discussion and analysis, as well as a reading of the reality of ‎the various events involving the Gulf region, and the most important problems that ‎constitute an impediment to the security and stability of the region and to the efforts of the ‎international actors in the region. In addition, the outcome of the post - Iraq - occupation stage from ‎April 2003 has led to the deterioration of the internal condition in Iraq, such as a lack of security in ‎the event of increasing terrorist activities, and increasing violence, which could be due to ‎internal, regional or even international causes. This is not to mention the mass killings and ‎displacements which affected the people’s morale and state of mind, blocking the development ‎process in a broader sense. Given the close links between states in the region, the impact of the ‎outcome has gone beyond the borders to include neighbouring countries.‎The fact of the matter is that the Gulf region is experiencing a real security crisis which has more than one ‎cause, from the changes that have taken place in Iraq, to the intervention of some regional powers, ‎particularly Iran, in attempting to dominate the whole Gulf region, and ensuing disputes between those powers ‎and the US. This is not to mention the positive or negative impact of these facts on other local states in ‎terms of political and economic interests. This current crisis could have unfathomable effects on ‎the realities and future of the region and the GCC states will definitely be affected most. Given ‎its geopolitical regime, Iraq will influence and become influenced by the neighboring states - ‎particularly the GCC states - given the common factors and interests between the people ‎of those countries, most importantly their common language, culture, history and the economic ‎interests that link all Arab states in the Gulf. Yet, in the aftermath of its occupation, Iraq has ‎changed its regional role in favour of Iran. So, the disturbance of the balance of power in the ‎Gulf region has opened the door for Iran to increase its grab on power in the region.‎The United States, on the other hand, may be able to play a greater role in setting the balance of power right in ‎the Gulf region. This will only happen should the United States succeed in closing the gap that has resulted ‎from its occupation of Iraq in getting rid of the negative effects that the occupation has had on the country and its neighbours in the Gulf. Moreover, the United States will need to play its role as a ‎superpower and its capacity to make an impact on the Gulf region in terms of security and ‎stability as part of its commitment to the international community.‎Generally speaking, this thesis features an analysis of the reason behind the United States’ ‎occupation of Iraq, and the deployment of the United States’ troops in GCC states. The researcher also ‎investigates the reason behind the security crisis in the region, which could be explained by the ‎United States’ notion that military power always proves the right option for achieving goals. This notion, ‎however, does not pay attention to the fact that, although military force can allow for victory on ‎the battleground, or remove an unwanted regime, it cannot guarantee political and ‎security stability.‎As far as Iraq is concerned, political stability and security remain a long - term goal since the ‎occupation. That could be due to the complex regime both locally and regionally, as well as ‎internationally. Due to this complexity, and the wide gap between the people and ‎rulers in most of the states in the region questioning the legitimacy of those rulers, any stability ‎in the region is of a fragile nature. This is not to mention the lack of mutual trust between various ‎states in the region. From this, it could be concluded that the security issue remains a major ‎dilemma at this current stage and will probably remain so for a long time to come.‎Much has been written about the Gulf region from different perspectives. But relatively little has been written about the orientations and policies of post - occupation Iraq towards the region, especially after its occupation in 2003.This statement is confirmed by the results of the researcher’s on - going survey of the Arabic and English literature on this topic. Many factors may account for the scarcity of this topic in the literature, including the impact of the prevailing internal situation in Iraq and its foreign policies towards the Arab Gulf states. Needless to say, Iraq is an important factor in the Gulf region and as such, continuity or change in its foreign policy may either enhance stability or encourage conflict in the Gulf.In this A thesis, I allocate to : In draft,deals with the significance of the Gulf region and the history of the region – ‎politically; economically; militarily – since the end of the Second World War. This includes ‎the 2003 invasion. The significant relevance of oil production is also discussed, as is the ‎notion of the six GCC countries.Chapter One; examines important challenges facing security in the Gulf region, specifically ‎with respect to demographic issues, and the importance of the increasingly foreign workforce, ‎in the context of globalization. Finally, the issue of terrorism is presented. The first section is ‎devoted to analysing the Gulf’s demographic imbalance which constitutes a serious challenge ‎for policymakers. On the one hand, immigration into the region is indispensable for the ‎process of vital economic development, but on the other hand immigration constitutes a ‎serious challenge given its unfavorable effects on the demographic structure and the labor ‎market. This has an additional impact on social and cultural values, particularly at this current ‎stage of globalization.‎Section two analyses the challenges facing the Gulf region from terrorism, and seeks to ‎answer the following questions : Why is there diversity in the definition of terrorism? What ‎determines who is a terrorist? What are terrorist goals and what are the means by which they ‎decide targets? What is the nature of the hostilities committed by and the means of support ‎received by terrorist groups? Why should the phenomenon of terrorism be studied and what ‎are the benefits envisaged from these studies? What is the relationship between the media and ‎modern communications and the phenomenon of terrorism in the Gulf region after the ‎occupation of Iraq? ‎Chapter Two; highlights Iranian policy in the face of the concept of Gulf security arrangements in ‎two main sections. The first describes and analyses the historic background of the present ‎issues, and Iranian perspectives on the notion of Gulf security. The second discusses Gulf ‎security in light of Iran’s nuclear program. Iran is considered to be a main player in the ‎Gulf region, in terms of its population as well as its military and economic might compared ‎with the other Arab Gulf states. The importance of their own security policies (including the ‎nuclear program) and the response to those policies on the part of the other Gulf States is ‎also considered, which encompasses a discussion of various key relationships (between the ‎Arab States, Gulf States, Iran and the US)‎.Chapter Three; examines the impact of post - 2003 Iraq on the security arrangements within ‎the gulf region. Firstly, the factors that have, and continue, to influence post - 2003 Iraq are ‎explored. Subsequently, both the influence of Iraq and the areas of influence exerted by Iraq ‎on the security arrangements of the Gulf are considered. Finally, the perspectives of the main ‎powers in the region with regard to Iraq’s influence on the Gulf security arrangements are ‎presented. The impact, in particular, of the Iranian nuclear program is also discussed, before ‎the conclusion of the chapter.‎Chapter Four; examines whether Iraq will have a substantial impact on Gulf security in the ‎medium - term future, and what aspects have made and may make Iraq influential in this ‎respect. The prospects of Iraq in this regard will consider the connection between the two, ‎and Iraq’s future prospects; the Gulf security issue is also considered in the wider respect of ‎Arab links, the isolation of Iraq from its Gulf surroundings, and the reality of Iraq as a ‎battleground for regional confrontation.‎

الدبلوماسية الشعبية الجديدة لادارة اوباما والدولة العربية == The New public diplomacy Obama administration and the Arab state

اسم المؤلف: ضمير عبد الرزاق محود
اسم المشرف: نادية عبد القادر المختار
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The new public diplomacy, in its general framework, is understood as the process of communication done by states with peoples of other states without the knowledge of the latter's governments, in an attempt to move them in a way that serves the interests of the former states and achieves their goals in different fields. According to this understanding, the new popular diplomacy is, in normal conditions, one of the tools of foreign policy which can be adopted in achieving goals. In abnormal conditions, new popular diplomacy can work away from foreign policy, so that each one of them can achieve its goal, provided that the sum of their goals goes with the general American strategy. Thus, it is unnecessary that the foreign policy consists with the new popular diplomacy in achieving goals, yet each one of them can work in different conditions and environments.The new American public diplomacy started to activate its governmental and non - governmental programs and its technological tools in an attempt to encompass the peoples of the Arab states through intercommunication via civil society organizations, opposition forces, political parties, media men, and other different and wide sectors. It gave thousands of them the opportunity to visit the United States of America to participate in the programs of grants, symposia, and conferences. The common thing among these activities was talking about democracy, elections, human rights, minorities, and political participation. At the same time, satellite channels started focusing on presenting the shortcomings of regimes and showing their defects, in addition of attempting to present the problems of minorities and displaying their representatives and leaderships and working on the non - presence of government voice. Moreover, it employed the sites of socialbetworks for communication and creating societal opinions that stand opposite to the governing regimes' trends. All these and other activities were a preparation stage for the coming transforms.The outbreak of the peaceful popular uprisings in some of the Arab states during the first term of president Obama was a turning point in highlighting the role of the new Americanpublic diplomacy in the political developments resulting from the attempt to control these uprisings and direct them to serve the American interests. It worked from the outset through its tools on expanding the range of demonstrations and raising the level of demands and concentrating on the behavior of the security forces towards the protesting people, a matter that limited the regimes' capability of tackling the situation in a coercive manner, moreover, foiling the effect of banning the world wide web by those regimes and succeeding to transmit the developments of events live all over the world. The tryout of the American popular diplomacy in Egypt was the most significant and the most effective one on the other tryouts, playing a role which could not be achieved by the American foreign policy due to its professional commitments or the nature of its bilateral relations with the regime of president Hosni Mubarak, in addition to the different nature of the tools and means used .

اثر الديون الخارجية على حقوق الانسان الاقتصادية والاجتماعية بعد الحرب الباردة : دراسة مقارنة (ماليزيا واليمن) == The impact of External debt on economic and social human rights after the Cold War comparative study (Malaysia and Yemen)

اسم المؤلف: رائد سامي عباس العبيدي
اسم المشرف: احمد الحمداني | عبد الصمد الشمري
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: وتستعرض هذه الدراسة السياق التاريخي لمشاكل الديون الخارجية التي تواجهها بلدان عالم الجنوب وما يترتب على تخلف البلدان المتضررة عن تسديد ديونها من اثر سلبي على قدرتها على النهوض بحقوق الانسان ، وتحديدا انموذجي ماليزيا واليمن ، وخاصة بعد ان وضع المجتمع الدولي العديد من المبادرات وبذل الكثير من الجهود سعيا منه الى ايجاد حل لمحنة الديون التي تعانيها بلدان عالم الجنوب او الى التخفيف من وطاتها مؤقتا على الاقل ويتحمل كل من الدائنين والمدينين المسؤولية فيما يتعلق بسوء ادارة المعاملات الخارجية وكما هو الشان بالنسبة لاعمال حقوق الانسان وتعزيزها، فان المسؤولية الرئيسية في الادارة الجيدة للديون واستخدام الموارد الخارجية على نحو يتسم بالمسؤولية تقع على عاتق الحكومات الوطنية. ومن العوامل التي اسهمت في تراكم ديون هذه البلدان عوامل خارجية مثل صدمات اسعار النفط وانخفاض اسعار السلع الاساسية ،وارتفاع اسعار الفائدة في السبعينات والثمانينات، وحفاظا على ميزان المدفوعات،رفعت البلدان الاقتراض من الخارج لتعويض تدهور شروط التبادل التجاري حيث عرفت اسعار السلع الاساسية انخفاضا حادا في مطلع الثمانينات، وقد لجات بعض البلدان الفقيرة بشكل متزايد الى قروض جديدة لرد خدمة ديونها، وحددت الشروط من جانب المؤسسات المالية الدولية ، مؤدية الى الحد من النفقات العامة وفرض برامج التكييف الهيكلي للتقليل من الاعتماد على القروض الخارجية مما ادى الى انعكاسات سلبية على حقوق الانسان الاقتصادية والاجتماعية والثقافية .لقد تم تقسيم الدراسة على اربع فصول . اذ تناول الفصل الاول : اطار نظري عام عن الديون الخارجية لدول عالم الجنوب الذي تضمن مبحثين هما : 1 - المبحث الاول : مفهوم الدين الخارجي - النشاة والاسباب.2 - المبحث الثاني : مبررات وانواع ومؤشرات الدين الخارجي. اما الفصل الثاني : فركز على حقوق الانسان والمؤسسات المالية الدولية المانحة من خلال مبحثين هما : 1 - المبحث الاول : حقوق الانسان النشاة والتطور.2 - المبحث الثاني : المؤسسات المالية الدولية المانحة(البنك وصندوق النقد الدوليين).اما الفصل الثالث : فركز على ، الديون الخارجية وسياسة التكييف الهيكلي وانعكاساتها على الحقوق الاقتصادية والاجتماعية والثقافية، وذلك من خلال مبحثين هما : 1 - المبحث الاول : الحقوق الاقتصادية والاجتماعية والثقافية2 - المبحث الثاني : الديون الخارجية وسياسة التكييف الهيكلي وانعكاساتها على الحقوق الاقتصادية والاجتماعية والثقافية.اما الفصل الرابع : فقد تناول دول العينة المختارة مقارنة بين( ماليزيا اليمن) وقسم الفصل الى ثلاث مباحث وهي : 1 - المبحث الاول : النظام السياسي ولاقتصادي واثر الديون الخارجية في ماليزيا .2 - المبحث الثاني : النظام السياسي والاقتصادي واثر الديون الخارجية في اليمن .3 - المبحث الثالث : الاثر المتحقق للديون الخارجية في ماليزيا واليمن | This study reviews the historical context of the external debt problems faced by the countries of the Global South and the consequent failure of the affected countries to repay their debt from negative impact on their ability to promote human rights, specifically the prototypical Malaysia and Yemen, especially after the international community to put several initiatives and make a lot of efforts in an effort to find a solution to the plight of debt experienced by the world of the South or to reduce temporarily the brunt at least and each of the creditors and debtors responsibility for bad foreign transaction management and as is the case for the realization of human rights and promotion, the main responsibility in the good debt management and use of resources Foreign responsibly lies with national governments. Among the factors that contributed to the debt of these countries external factors accumulation such as oil price shocks and declining commodity prices, and rising interest rates in the seventies and eighties, and to preserve the balance of payments, borrowing countries increased from abroad to compensate for the deterioration of terms of trade as commodity prices known as a sharp decline in the early eighties, and some poor countries have resorted increasingly to new loans respond to service their debt, and set conditions on the part of international financial institutions, leading to the reduction of public expenditure and the imposition of structural adjustment programs to reduce the dependence on external loans, which led to negative repercussions on the rights and economic rights and social and cultural study. We have been divided into four chapters.If the first chapter dealt with : a theoretical framework for external debt in the Southern world, which included two sections, namely : 1. Section I : The concept of external debt - Origin and causes.2. The second topic : the rationale and the types and indicators of external debt. The second chapter : focused on human rights and the international financial institutions and donors through two sections, namely : 1. Section I : Growing human rights and development.2. The second topic : international financial institutions and donor (Bank and the International Monetary Fund).The third chapter : focused on, external debt and structural adjustment policy and its impact on economic, social and cultural rights, and through two sections, namely : 1. Section I : economic, social and cultural rights2. The second topic : foreign debt and structural adjustment policy and its impact on economic, social and cultural rights.The fourth chapter dealt with selected sample comparison between countries (Malaysia, Yemen) and the Department of separation into three sections, namely : 1. First topic : the political system and the economic impact of external debt in Malaysia.2. The second topic : the political and economic system and the impact of external debt in Yemen.3. The third topic : the realized impact of external debt in Malaysia and Yemen. At the end ،the study reached numerous of conclusions

السياسة الروسية تجاه المشرق العربي بعد عام 2000 == Russian Policy Towards Arab Levant After Year 2000 A.D

اسم المؤلف: بلال طلال حمد ال جوادي
اسم المشرف: خضر عباس عطوان
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The international system has seen the end of the Cold War, the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the emergence of Russia as a state and heiress to him late in 1991, a turning point and the transition from the bipolar system to a unilateral system Polar, which became the United States dominated in which the course of events in the international arena without competition from any Other countries, including Russia, that have passed through the nineties of the last century political and economic crisis made it focuses most of its concerns on internal affairs, and prevented them from restoring the greatness of the Soviet Union and appearing as an influential on the international scene ends with the US hegemony over the course of international events, and change the order forminternational unilateral system of polar to multi - polar system. But with the beginning of this century and the arrival of (Vladimir Putin) to the presidency of the Russian Federation, the president sought driven by his personality and leadership inception military to restore the glories of the Soviet Union and the emergence of Prussia powerful and influential state is not on the scene regional, but also on the international arena, and work to weaken US hegemony around the world and the formation of the international system again be to Russia as a great role to end the unipolar system and announce multi - polar system appearance, in order to achieve this goal has issued the Russian president in late 2000 and document the basic principles of Russian foreign policy, which determines orientations of this policy, and also determine theways and means available to move Russia into a major force in the international arena, and among the listing matches this document reorientation of Russian foreign policy towards all regions of the world, without exception - and not restrict the countries of the Russian neighboring republics of the Soviet Union quoted above, particularly those that were linked with the Soviet Union and a close and solid relations, was the area Levant regions which Russia has worked to re - activate its relations with it, that poses this region of the importance of strategy in international politics, and because of their geographical location privileged, resources and potential economic, as it is an extension of the region of Central Asia and the former Soviet republics and therefore this region affect national security and Russian interests, either directly or indirectly, and that the US considered this region a zone of influence them, and so the Russian trend towards strengthening relations with the countries of this region will reflect thestrength of Russia's return to the international arena and the stability of its position in making Russia a pole of the lords of the international system, which plays a large and influential role in the course of events in it.Importance of the study : - It lies the importance of the study to identify the phases of Russian foreign policy toward the Levant region, which is of the most important strategic areas in determining the forces on the international arena and the motives of this policy, as well as to identify the nature of the events and issues experienced by this region in this important period that is recast the nature of the international system and the Levant, and how to interact with the Russian, and stand on the nature of the qualifications, tools and factors affecting this interaction.roblematic of the study : After the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the emergence of Russia as a successor state to him, Russian politics has seen a decline in the trends at the global level throughout the nineties as a result of internal crises, the state is moving made it globally, but the inauguration of President Vladimir Putin for the presidency and his attempt to restore the greatness of Russia and its strength globally It led him to re - Russian policy directed toward many parts of the world, including the Arab East, so the pursuit of Russia to restore its power and prestige in the international arena will be at one of its gates across the Levant, and from, the problematic study revolves around 'what is the nature of Russian attitudes toward the Levant region ? And branching out of this dilemma a number of sub - questions, namely : - Is that the Russian policy is one to every country in Levant countries? Or that her priorities from one country to another? - What is the Russian policy tools and methods toward the Levant? - What Alasthoudarat taken by Russia internally in order to achieve its objectives on the external front that? - Is the regional and international variables play a significant role in Russian policy towards the region? - Is that the Russian return to the area linked to the interests of Russia and otherregions of the world, or is it confined only to this area? Hypothesis Study : The study is trying to prove President premise that Russian policy toward Levant is a policy linked to save the Russian interests and deliver them to the rank of the great powers in the international system, a means and an end at theme time, they are a way to prove its return to the international arena global pole, and too in order to consolidate influence and pursue interests in Levant, which is the heart of the Middle East, and differed in the way that policies from one country to another in Levant countries, and used a variety of tools and means, according to the importance of these countries, according to influential variables in this policy. Through the study reached the following conclusions : -  Russia launched in its policy toward toward the countries of the world, including the Levant from the premises pragmatic based on the achievement of economic and security interests, and to preserve the higher interests of the countries of the world Alchtlvh. After successfully out of the economic crisis and achieving economic stability and move it within the major developed economies globally , began employing its economic potential in the field of foreign policy by seeking to increase foreign investment Russian companies, especially in the field of energy, as well as revive military industries and exported to overseas, such investments to form and export operations one way of the spread and strengthening of Russian foreign policy with the countries of the world. promised Levant for decision - makers Russians one of the gates in which they can return to the international arena, they are a key part of the Middle East, high impact in the global balance of power, and because of its strategic location indirectly affect the Russian National Security and because of their great economic and investment opportunities. proceeded Russia to follow a policy of dealing with the Levant region,not on the basis of unity and a political one geographical, but rather on the basis of its constituent states, according to the economic and military potential of each of these countries, according to international variables in its policy towards the size. played international variables influential role in Russian policy toward Levant, disagreed influence of these variables in a while, and from state another, or in general shows that this effect contributed to reducingignificantly the Russian policy towards Palestine first class, and then toward Lebanon and Jordan, Iraq, and finally Syria.  that the Russian politics has dealt with Levant countries on the basis that there is a central states / Head of the two Iraq, Syria, and other centrist They Jordan, and a third can be called upon States Parties which Lebanon and Palestine.

القيادة واثرها في الاداء الاستراتيجي التركي الشرق الاوسط انموذجا == Leadership and its Impact on the Turkish Strategic Performance Middle East as a Model

اسم المؤلف: محمد عبد الله راضي
اسم المشرف: باقر جواد كاظم السوداني
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الموضوع الدقيق: الدراسات الاستراتيجية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The study addressed the issue of leadership, as one of the important topics in the field of political science, and in strategic studies. Political leaders are to give countries a regional or global status.The political leadership in the country, define the objectives, means of implementation, determine the power and weaknesses of the state, and monitoring the opportunities and difficulties, in the internal and external environment.Turkey, since 2002, witnessed the presence of a leadership with Islamic content, able to convey Turkey than doubled phase to phase power. And headed Turkey, under the control of the Islamists, to pay attention to the Middle East, as a strategic area.The Middle East, as a geographic area, includes : Egypt, Israel, and the Arab Gulf States, Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, Palestine, Iraq, Turkey, and Iran. And some of them add : Pakistan, Afghanistan, Arab Maghreb countries, and Sudan.Turkey lies in the Middle East, and during the period between 1923 - 2002, went secular, aiming to join Europe, and have been associated with NATO and the United States, ignoring its relations with the Middle East.The Islamists after taking power in Turkey, gave their attention to the Middle East, which was considered a pivotal area, to perform as a strategic actor.The study aims to : find a relationship between the role of Islamists leadership and the performance of Turkey in the Middle East. Within the period 2002 - 2020.And that raised the issue of the relationship between : the leadership of the Islamists, and Turkey's role in the Middle East, an important question : Is the effectiveness of the Turkish strategy, during the period 2002 - 2015, in the Middle East, linked to the presence of Islamists in power?The answer, verified the existence of a relationship between two variables. Turkey and the shift towards secular parties will push Turkey towards : a little get away from the Middle EastThe study was divided into three chapters, an introduction and a conclusion : 1. First chapter : (Turkish leadership and strategic perception of the Middle East), and it has to answer the question : How Islamists consider Turkey's role in the Middle East?And address this issue in two paragraphs, first : the theoretical framework for leadership, the relationship between leadership and strategic performance, and leadership connection with the strategic decision making in Turkey, and second : Turkish strategic perception of the Middle East from the aspects of political, security, economic and civilization importance.2. Second chapter (Turkish leadership and strategy in the Middle East). It has to answer the question : What is Turkey's strategic orientation towards the Middle East, and what is the content of the strategic performance?And it headed the study, in dealing with this subject, through three paragraphs : first, focused on variables effect Turkey's strategic performance in the Middle East. And second, it focused on the strategic orientation of the Turkish in the Middle East. And third, the history of Turkish strategic performance since World War II.3. Third chapter (Leadership and the future of strategic performance in the Middle East), and has to answer the question : Will the Islamists continue in the leadership of Turkey till 2023? And whether changes will happen in Turkey's strategy in the Middle East?And it headed the study, in dealing with this subject, through two paragraphs, first : the expected changes, in leadership, during the period between 2015 - 2020, inside Turkey, and second what changes is expected on the Turkish strategic performance, in the Middle East according to changes in leadership

الحكم العالمي في دراسة العلاقات الدولية بعد الحرب الباردة == Global Governance In The Study Of International Relations Post Cold War Era

اسم المؤلف: اياد هلال حسين الكنانـي
اسم المشرف: قاسم محمد عبد علي الدليمي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: For a long time, governance was a syndrome of state sovereignty; the authority of governing all aspects of life in the frame of its regional existence. Its continuous pursue is that all remains under full control, in addition to its refusal to any foreign interference. Therefore the concept of a sovereign nation - state stood as an obstacle facing the process of dividing the authority of the state or even thinking of adopting any role opposite to that of its own. At the same time reality proves that no local or international tools have been developed in order to limit or hinder the power or authority of the nation - state. In that light there hasn't been a significant differentiation between the terms government and governance in the context of social sciences; governance never reached beyond the action of governmental institutions in a certain state. Both terms have been interchangeably used in their meaning and indication when dealing within the frame of nation state authority. This comprehension reflected on the subject of governance in international relations; studies appeared to attenuate centralized governance on international relations in order to reach peace, justice, no war, and organizing international affairs in the same manner of exercising them from inside the state; a vision that ultimately led to suggesting ideal theorists the concept of global governance in its different features.As globalization grows, it becomes more difficult for a state to exercise unlimited domination or produce an absolute social module that could be followed and scrutinized in an authoritarian way on its own and or territory. This kind of control has become totally unpractical. No matter how many institutions a state could build or laws it can legislate, it still remains short of imposing full control on its own lands. This crisis that hit the sovereign country accompanied the reality of governance sharing by other states. These out comers take part in setting standards and building basics and sometimes they might compete and triumph over the mother state itself. What was said represents the local level, and when speaking on the global level, globalization induced other forms of governance and authorities in the field of world policy, including the horizontal and vertical interactions ; sub state, supra state , and trans state, also including organizational initiatives presented by market institutions and the campaigns held by the international social movements. There is a focus on breaking the limits of a single state and heading towards a globalized governance system because of the narrow angle that conventional itself in when compared to a globalized system that enjoys trans - border reactions and exchange that seem to need more than a state's regulations to be controlled. At the same time many issues and problems came to surface that require international intervention. Awareness has also been raised concerning global threats that demand international action. Therefore the dominance of the nation state is gradually transforming towards to (post - national sovereignty) since it is losing its capacity to withhold its public affairs on both the local and international level. In addition to different sides emerging and taking a vital role in what was strictly in the hands of the nation - state alone. Representatives of nation - states today are obliged to be partners when exercising authority, with international organizations, multinational corps, and trans - national political and social organizations or movements in addition that those sides have a rising role in crystallizing interior affairs. This picture led to the demise of the main sign of conventional sovereignty in the past : borders and territory capture. In the light of what was mentioned above, researchers in the field of international relations, especially after the cold war, started the pursue to define modules other than that of a nation - state, as an alternative system. They developed their ideas and theories concerning global governance, and considering it the new analytical concept that describes world politics and power being spread and divided upon global level. Moreover, some researchers considered this a theoretical alternative for international relations perspectives.From this point, it becomes clear, why research in global governance is such an important issue. Since it is the theoretical alternative that could explain the breaking of states' power and how it spreads along different levels. Instead of the conviction that the nation - state reached its end socially and politically, and the retreat of its power, and the opinions that support the transformation of the state's powers and their direction towards a unified hierarchical structure (world government), theorists found a middle position between the chaotic demise of the nation - state and the central grip of the global government, by being more realistic and to the ground. They headed towards the global system that depends on different participating sides in managing state affairs. In addition to the importance of studying global governance by presenting explanations that apply to the global changes. Conventional analysis proved to be short from interpreting those changes in a realistic manner.

مستقبل مكانة العراق في التفكير الاستراتيجي الامريكي == The future of Iraq's position in American strategic thinking

اسم المؤلف: عمر عبد الجبار كامل الحياني
اسم المشرف: لبنى خميس مهدي الربيعي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الموضوع الدقيق: الدراسات الاستراتيجية
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: Importance of the subject : The study of the process of American strategic thinking about the case, but it is the study of the phenomenon of ever - changing, the United States of America to adopt its strategy depending on the nature of each stage pass out, so the future of our study of the status of Iraq in US strategic thinking begin studying the goals of the United States changing in Iraq, according to each down to goals and future determinants of its strategy in this country phase.There is no doubt that Iraq has an advanced position in American strategic thinking, Iraq and by its very nature geo - strategic (political, economic, and security) is a variable influential and influenced by the countries of the regional neighbors and thus on the overall US interests in the Middle East that combines strategic location and stores the energy features, this is perceived by the United States which formulate strategies one after the other.It also highlights the importance of our study of the subject, in many respects, and perhaps most important is the timing, as the current phase is one of the most intense phase of the evolution of the US approach toward Iraq forestry because of the security crisis experienced by Iraq in its fight existential terror that still occupy parts of it, and also because of the development of Middle East fragile region and in this context, this study will try to monitor and identify trends in US strategic thinking and the type of performance that US administration, current and future, to deal with the situation in Iraq in accordance with the objectives of the current strategic interests of the US or to be reformulated if what I thought the US make a lot of efforts to assert its influence in Iraq and gain a foothold permanent military presence have it.This study runs from the specific problem of the effect that there was an officer and future US vision on Iraq factors, particularly the (site of Iraq in the US war on terrorism, the need of the United States for Iraqi oil, the rise of the Iranian role, the interest of the United States in the Middle East) Despite from the fact that these factors are within an environment characterized by liquidity and the pace of change at short ranges, the interests of the United States and its role in Iraq and the size of the threat to make the decline in the status of Iraq is not an option acceptable to the United States of America in the future.According to the problem, this study aims to prove the validity of the hypothesis that there is a direct correlation between the level of place occupied by the Middle East region in the priorities of the US administration and the extent of its involvement in its files that (the war on terrorism, to contain Iran's rising influence, energy security, the security of traditional allies States United American) and the prestige that supposedly enjoyed by Iraq, and for the purpose of proving this hypothesis has to be to answer a number of questions : - What attributes of US strategic thinking and characteristics that distinguish it?What is the importance placed on Iraq in US strategic thinking ? - - What are the main changes witnessed by the strategic direction of the US towards Iraq since the end of the Cold War? - What are the main internal and external variables affecting the future of the prestige enjoyed by Iraq in US strategic thinking ?In light of the foregoing and through our treatment of the subject of the future of Iraq, the US position in the strategic thinking of the elements of this status enjoyed by Iraq is made up of several aspects, according to available upon this country and of the advantages of the elements of power : Politically, the Iraq of the US view is a political gravity force insurmountable within the ranges of the Middle East region, especially if re - training course and adjust the behavior of its political system in the framework of cooperation relations or equivalent US influence, which will make a loop allies of the United States in the region , the economic importance of Iraq constitute oil wealth founded on, and perhaps this side is better explains the intensity of American strategic engagement in the case of Iraq exclusively in the region, on the other hand, the United States control over Iraq's oil and the Persian Gulf gave way to determine global production volumes and volumes of supply and oil prices so on, in making the development of other countries and growth of the economic subject indirectly American supervision, or security interest - the military of Iraq in US strategic thinking, Vtaatoty of the nature of the security environment of the Middle East where there are in the first place, and what is available upon Iraq the stature and impact in achieving military balance of regional security in this region is stable, the one hand, Iraq's position reflected in the security environment, territorial what constitutes a bridge vital links the Gulf states with Iran, it has Iraq has always been an important factor in the inter - relationship between Iran and its environs, as pose security agreements signed between Iraq and the United States in the content of public basic foundation of US military strategy in order to make Iraq a partner of the United States and among its allies in the war on terror.To determine the future of Iraq's place in American strategic thinking depends on the beginning of a series of issues that have a role in tipping Iraq's position or not in the formulation of a comprehensive US strategy for any US administration to come, whether or democratic republic, and most of these issues are : - The status of the Middle East in the American strategy : that the location of Iraq in the heart of the Middle East means self - evident that his place in US strategic thinking is the mortgage status of this region as a whole in the priorities of the American administrations, we have observed that the Middle East, the status of the decline in the US strategy for the South East region Asia - Pacific throughout the era of President Barack Obama has contributed to the decline in Iraq's position in the priorities of this administration, and therefore it would revive the trend of US interventionism in the affairs of the Middle East, again, that Iraq due course to the top of US strategic priorities. - The need of the United States for oil : the United States consume at present a quarter of global oil production, even though it has only 3 percent of global oil reserves, according to the statistics of 2015, saw the years between the years 2013 to 2015 US demand growth oil exceeds demand in China's growth (), so the United States consider to Iraq in the long term as a vital source for the future of energy in the world, as is expected, that Iraq would be his "biggest contribution to a great extent for the growth of global oil supply." , so the extent of the US need for oil will affect how much weight will have in the US strategic thinking. - America's war on terror : In the event of any US administration has decided to increase its involvement in the fight against terrorism, Iraq will remain until the near future is at the center of this war, in the sense that he must be the main square of her, and this intervention will reflect positively necessarily on Iraq, the status of the US American United, one hand is seen by many in the American research and study centers that the jump made by terrorist organizations in 2014 was the result of a full US withdrawal and non - official from Iraq in 2011, the study concluded two scenes prospective potential, namely. - that the United States increase its support and its military presence in Iraq to help in its war on terror in order to reassert its influence and role in the whole Middle East region and to prevent international and regional powers of the competition hegemony or fill US void in Iraq, and also confirmed that the US ambassador former Zalmay Khalilzad that opportunity back US influence in Iraq, large, and that the current data indicate that helping Iraq restore the military balance, the most important steps of the possible adoption by the US administration to support and strengthen relations with Iraq.to see the status of Iraq's decline in US strategic thinking, if it wanted the next US administration apply what he called Ian Bremmer, in his book "Great Powers : three options for the US role in the world," strategy "US Independence", which aims to reduce the United States of its international obligations dramatically, and that revolves around the inside first, and reduce military expenditures, in addition to withdrawing completely from the Middle East, where he sees that it is time for the decomposition of the responsibility for solving the problems of others, the United States is the US is depleted from during its obligations to defend allies

اداء النخبة السياسية في اقليم كوردستان العراق (1991 - 2013) == Performance of Political Elite in Kurdistan Region of Iraq (1991 - 2013)

اسم المؤلف: ياسين اشور جوهر
اسم المشرف: مها عبد اللطيف حسن الحديثي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: مما لاشك فيه ان كل مجتمع ينقسم على شريحتين رئيسيتين، وهما عبارة عن الشريحة الحاكمة والمحكومة، غير ان خصائص وسمات هاتين الشريحيتين تختلف من مجتمع لاخر، وتختلف باختلاف الامكنة والازمنة. وان الاسباب التي تولد تلك المفارقات ترجع الى مسالة تطور المجتمع وتجاوز الظروف السياسية والاقتصادية والاجتماعية والتراثية المتخلفة. لذا نجد ان صفات وخصائص النخبة الحاكمة في المجتمعات المتقدمة والمتحضرة مقارنة بمثيلتها في المجتمعات المتخلفة او المجتمعات النامية، مختلفة. ففي المجتمعات المتقدمة والمتحضرة نجد ان النخبة الحاكمة نتيجة لالتزامها بسيادة القانون وعقلانية ادارة السلطة ومحاولاتها بناء دولة مؤسسات وفصل السلطات والايمان التام بعملية تبادل السلطة بين القوى السياسية وايمانها بمبادئ الديمقراطية والحريات الفردية والجماعية، هي نخبة لها القابلية على التجديد والتغيير من خلال التعبير الصادق والحقيقي عن اهداف وامال الافراد في المجتمع الواحد، هذا من جهة، ومن جهة اخرى، نايها عن احتكار السلطة من اجل الاستمرار بالبقاء على كرسي الحكم لمدة طويلة، فضلا عن عدم قدرتها استغلال الدستور وتغيير القوانين من اجل مصالحها الخاصة. ان الافراد في المجتمعات المتقدمة والمتحضرة ليسوا مكتوفي الايدي تجاه النخبة الحاكمة، بل ان وعيهم السياسي يبلغ مستوى يجعل منهم قادرين على منع الحكام من التهور وارتكاب الخروقات الدستورية والزامهم بالخضوع لبنود القوانين والاحكام المتفق عليها بين الطرفين، ولهذا نلحظ وجود التعاون والتوازن المشترك بين النخبة الحاكمة والمحكومة في تلك المجتمعات من ناحية القوة والشرعية ووسائل الصراع، ونجد باستمرار ان التغيير في تلك المجتمعات يكون مستندا الى القانون والدستور ويكون خاليا من اي عنف او انقلاب عسكري. وفيما يتعلق بالمجتمعات المتخلفة او المجتمعات التي هي في طور الانتقال الديمقراطي، فنجد ان العلاقة بين النخبة الحاكمة والمحكومة هي علاقة غير راجحة مليئة بالمشكلات. ان ما تمتاز به النخبة الحاكمة في تلك المجتمعات، انها نخبة منطوية على ذاتها ومنعزلة لا تفسح المجال للتغيير وتتبادل باستمرار السلطة فيما بينها، ولاجل ذلك يلجاون الى اعتماد شرعية سياسية ضعيفة وخالية من المضمون وانتخابات غير بناءة، او استخدام العنف والظلم بحق المواطنين. من جهة اخرى، ان النخبة الحاكمة في مثل تلك المجتمعات بغية بقائها في السلطة والتمسك بمقاليد الحكم، تلجا الى خطاب قومي او ديني او اشتراكي او ليبرالي او اي خطاب اخر تجذب من خلاله الحس العاطفي للجماهير، وفي الوقت نفسه نجد تلك الخطابات خالية من اي مضمون حقيقي او التزام بالمفاهيم الواردة فيها. ان هذه اللامبالاة والبعد عن الخطوط العريضة لتلك الخطابات تولد شيئا من التشاؤم لدى شريحة المحكومين، فضلا عن ذلك، ان هذه الخطابات لم تفلح في ان تصبح بديلا جيدا لانتماء الفرد للعشيرة او القبيلة او الاسرة او المنطقة، بمعنى اخر لم تستطع ان تؤسس لهوية عليا هي في غنى عن الهويات الفردية او الفرعية الاخرى في المجتمع، حتى يتقيد به الجميع بغض النظر عن الانتماء الديني او القومي او اللغوي او الطائفي او الجغرافي. كل هذه الامور تقف عائقا امام تلك المجتمعات وتحد من قدراتهم على تاسيس سلطة مدنية تتكفل حقوق وواجبات الافراد بلا فارق. في المقابل نجد في اغلب الاحيان ان موقف الجماهير في تلك المجتمعات هو موقف المتفرج اذ لا دور له في بناء القرار السياسي وحضوره السياسي محدود، فينتهي في اغلب الاحيان بالتصويت في الانتخابات فقط، وليس له وعي سياسي كافي بحقوقه ولا يملك وسائل استحصال تلك الحقوق، لذلك نلاحظ ان التغييرات التي تحصل في تلك المجتمعات في الغالب تكون اما بتدخل خارجي او عن طريق العنف او القوة المادية او انقلاب عسكري او ثورة. وفي المحصلة نجد ان تلك المجتمعات تدور في فلك اللاستقرار والازمات السياسية ولا تستطيع ان تصل الى مرحلة المؤسساتية والتصالح الاجتماعي والسياسي التام. هذه الاطروحة الموسومة بـ (اداء النخبة السياسية في اقليم كوردستان 1991 - 2013)تتضمن اربعة فصول، يتناول الفصل الاول مدخل نظري مقسم على عدة موضوعات، اما الفصل الثاني فيتناول الحديث عن تاريخ النخبة السياسية في اقليم كوردستان العراق، وقد قسم على ثلاث مراحل رئيسية، المرحلة الاولى تبدا من (1919 - 1939)، تحدثنا فيها عن بدايات ثورات الشيخ محمود الحفيد وغيره، فضلا عن محاولات بعض المنظمات السياسية والجهات الكوردية التي سعت كثيرا لاستحصال حقوق الكورد في عيراق تلك الفترة. اما المرحلة الثانية فتبدا من تاريخ (1939 - 1979)، تحدثنا فيها عن بدايات التنظيمات السياسية، فنجد ان النخبة السياسية استطاعت ان تنظم نفسها في عدد من الاحزاب السياسية في محاولة منها لنيل حقوق الكورد. وفي هذه المرحلة تحدثنا عن دور ( الملا مصطفى البارزاني) الذي خاض الثورة في بدايتها كشخصية عشائرية ضد الحكومة العراقية انذاك، ثم اصبح قائدا سياسيا وقوميا كورديا على مستوى داخل وخارج العراق. اما المرحلة الثالثة فتبدا من (1975 - 1991)، تحدثنا في بدايتها بشكل مختصرعن تلك السياسات والمظالم التي حلت بالكورد من قبل الحكومات العراقية في تلك الفترة، ثم تطرقنا الى الحديث عن اعادة النخبة السياسية الكوردية لصفوفها في عدة احزاب سياسية مختلفة في ارائها الفكرية والايديولوجية والتنظيمية والجماهيرية. اما الفصل الثالث من هذا البحث فيعد بداية لمنعطف كبير في الكفاح السياسي والعسكري للنخبة السياسية الكوردية والشعب الكوردي على حد سواء. في بدايته تحدثنا عن الجغرافية البشريةوالطبيعية لاقليم كوردستان كمدخل ضروري من اجل فهم اداء النخبة السياسية الكوردية، لغنها بعد انتفاضة (1991) تقلدت السلطة في اطار قانوني ومؤسساتي بصورة فعلية. كذلك تحدثنا عن محاولات النخبة السياسية الكوردية في مسعى منها لتنظيم انتخابات برلمانية بعيدا عن سلطة الحكومة المركزية، وتاسيس برلمان وحكومة ومؤسسات حكومية مستقلة. فضلا عن ذلك، تحدثنا فيه عن التوجه الفكري واهداف تلك النخبة عن طريق الاحزاب السياسية الداخلية التي كانت لها دور وتاثير وثقل في تلك الفترة، اضافة الى الصراعات الداخلية التي نشبت بين الاحزاب كنتيجة لمحاولات كل منها فرض سلطتها الحزبية والمناطقية في اقليم كوردستان. اما في الفصل الرابع فتحدثنا عن اداء النخبة السياسية الكوردية بعد سقوط النظام السياسي في العراق عام (2003)، كيف كانت، وكيف استطاعت ان تؤقلم نفسها مع التغييرات الجذرية التي حصلت في العراق عامة واقليم كوردستان خاصة. تكلمنا ايضا عن دور النفط كورقة اقتصادية مهمة ورئيسة له دور كبير في تعزيز سلطة النخبة السياسية الكوردية في الاقليم. كذلك سلطنا الضوء على التبادل الدوري الحاصل بين النخبة السياسية وبقائها في السلطات التشريعية والتنفيذية. وفي الختام تحدثنا عن دور النخبة السياسية الكوردية في ايجاد الحلول او تفاقم ازمات التنمية السياسية في اقليم كوردستان العراق. توصل البحث الى عدة نتائج منها : ان كل مجتمع يتمتع بنخبة سياسية تقوم بتنظيم شؤونه السياسية على مستوى الداخل والخارج، وتعبر عن امال واهداف افراده. اما فيما يخص النخبة السياسية الكوردية قبل(1991)، فانها كانت باستمرار في جبهة الدفاع وقيام الثورات ضد الحكومات العراقية اذ لم تكن صاحبة سلطة في الاقليم، ولكن هذا لا يغنينا عن الاعتراف بان هذه النخبة، ونتيجة لاسباب داخلية وخارجية، كانت في كثير من الاحيان تقف ضد بعضها، حتى ان احتدام العداء بينها دفعها الى اللجوء لقوى خارجية في سبيل محو الاخر، فضلا عن انها لم تكن نخبة سياسية موحدة وهذا ما اثر سلبا على تحقيق اهدافها السياسية. بعد عام (1991) على الرغم من ان هذه النخبة استطاعت سد فراغ السلطة في اقليم كوردستان العراق، لكن لم يكتب لها النجاح في ذلك، لانها فشلت في ماسسة السلطة، كما لم تفلح في الانتقال بالمجتمع الكوردي الى مرحلة الاستقرار السياسي والاقتصادي والاجتماعي المتين، ولم تستطع ان تنظم السلطة وفق المبادىء الديمقراطية، وفشلت في تثبيت مبدا تبادل السلطة، وتجديد نفسها، وفسح المجال امام القوى السياسية الاخرى حتى يكون لها دور في العملية السياسية وصياغة القرار السياسي في الاقليم، هذا ولم تستطع ان تغني نفسها عن ميراث الاقتتال الداخلي ومحو الاخر من خلال اتفاق سياسي وحزبي فيما بينها بالاعتماد على انفسهم لحسم صراعاتهم وخلافاتهم، ولكن على النقيض من ذلك نجد تلك النخبة ولحد الان تعتمد على القوى الخارجية اكثر من اعتمادها على جماهيرها. بالرغم من ذلك لم تستطع تلك النخبة ان تحسم نفسها ويكون لها خطاب سياسي واضح وصريح توجهه الى الداخل او الى السلطة المركزية في العراق، بل الذي نجده انما هو خطاب سياسي متغير معتمد على اهداف واستراتيجية الاحزاب الكوردستانية وخاصة الحزبين الديمقراطي الكوردستاني والاتحاد الوطني الكوردستاني . ومن النتائج الاخرى التي توصل اليها البحث، ان النخبة السياسية الكوردية بالرغم من تحقيقها بعض التقدم على المستويات السياسية والاجتماعية والاقتصادية في الاقليم، لكنها فشلت في تاسيس اقتصاد قوي يلبي - في الاقل - الاحتياجات الداخلية للاقليم، وبدلا من ذلك، ذهبت الى الاهتمام بتنمية الاقتصاد الاستهلاكي والاعتماد الكلي على قطاع النفط لادارة المجتمع الكوردي في العراق، وهذه السياسة كانت لها تداعيات سلبية مثل : تحطيم البنى التحتية للاقتصاد الزراعي والصناعي، كذلك توسيع القطاع العام على حساب القطاع الخاص، وربط مصادر عيش المواطن بالحكومة ومصادر تمويل الحكومة بالاحزاب السياسية، والاسوا من ذلك، ان هذا النوع من الاقتصاد الى حد بعيد، اصبح سببا من اسباب تقوية الاحزاب من خلال استحصال رؤوس اموال كبيرة والسيطرة على اقتصاد الاقليم. اما من الناحية الاجتماعية، فان هذه النخبة وخاصة بعد عام (1991) اصبحت سببا من اسباب احياء الروح القبلية والعشائرية والاسرية، بدلا من ريادة المجتمع باتجاه العقلانية وبناء دولة مؤسسات، هذا لان المجتمع الكوردي في الاساس هو مجتمع تقليدي وقبلي، وبدلا من تجاوز وكسر هذه العادات الاجتماعية واضعافها، لجات الى تقويتها وتقديسها، كل هذا من اجل بقائها في السلطة والحكم، وفي المحصلة فشلت هذه النخبة في تاسيس هوية واضحة لسكان اقليم كوردستان، وبناء شرعية قوية لها، فضلا عن هذا، لم تستطع تحقيق العدالة الاجتماعية والسياسية والاقتصادية في المجتمع الكوردي، وتوجيهه نحو تحقيق اهدافه وتخليصه من ازماته. ايجازا، نستطيع القول، ان اداء النخبة السياسية الكوردية في فترة حكمها، كان اداء ضعيفا، اذ لم تستطع خلق نموذج ايجابي ومختلف لنظام حكم في العراق والمنطقة، بل اخذت صفات وخصائص المجتمعات المتخلفة التي اشرنا اليها سابقا. | Undoubtedly, each community of humans is divided into two levels : the first level consists of leaders, governmental officials, while the second one is the ordinary citizens. The characteristics of these two levels differ and vary from one society to another, and change from specific place and time to others. This occurs when the communities are stepping toward development in the political, economic, social, and cultural aspects. The characteristics are entirely different in progressed societies rather than those in non - developed ones or newly developed. In the developed ones, and due to the superiority of law, reasoning the authority, having an establishment system in disturbing and handing out the power depending on democratic basics accompanied by society’s and individual’s freedom, it can step forward both into flourishing and renovation. This will be achieved through having a clear public goals and wishes of all the population, and through non - monopolization of power for the sake of lasting longer times as much as possible. On one hand, we notice that all the individuals in developed societies are more cautious about the performance of the government and they do not let them deviate from every segment of the country’s constitution and its authorized power and make them be abided by the law.as a result, we could easily observe that there’s a mature sort of cooperation between the people and government, and even the changes will be done according to legislative processes which are not opposing the items of law and constitution. On the other hand, the non - developed societies or the initial democratic ones face current problems and unhealthy relations in the terms of both the people and the government. Leaders in the government will not allow the throne to flee from them and they try their hard not to be dethroned and not to lose the power, and to sustain this, they rely on misleading election process to deceive the public or to oppress them by using power to force them to be yielded. Sometimes for convincing the public, they announce their false enthusiastic nationalism or their entire faith for religion or their cunning liberal, social policy for running country. Therefore, people would not touch any hopes in their meaningless emblems that could not be even suitable alternatives for the tribal, religious, and regional beliefs in which people had been suffered a lot because of them. All these factors helped not to have serious steps toward establishing a very modern and systematic government that reserves the rights and duties of all without hindrances and injustice. Besides, people sometimes are not aware about the complete items of their official rights, and they act like onlookers only watching and staying disconnected to what are going on. So, a foreign force may interfere to uproot a specific regime as the people are idle in attempting to make changes, or through an internal codetta or an uprising, the change may be happened. And this will bring great damage in a way that security would be lost for longer times and a chaotic state spreads everywhere in country. The dissertation, is entitled (The Performance of the Political Elite in Kurdistan Region from 1991 to 2013), consists of four parts, the first one includes a theoretical entrance to the subject of the project which is divided into several sections, each on has an abstract on what relates to Elitist Theory. The second part explains a historical survey of elitism in Kurdistan region, and it’s graded into three stages, the first stage starts from 1919 to 1939, includes Shekh Mahmud’s revolution and some groups who tried to regain Kurd’s rights from different Iraqi regimes. The second stage, from 1939 to 1975, witnessed an organized way of political system to have some parties for acquiring the national rights of Kurds, and Mala Mustafa Barzani was one of the prominent figures who started first as a tribe leader to revolute against the regime, then he turned to represent Kurds as a political and national leader that affected the political process to certain extends. The third stage, 1975 to 1991, sheds lights on the tyranny of Saddam’s policy and the regime’s oppression against Kurd, also it surveys the reorganization of all the Kurdish political parties to direct people to new ideological trends. The third part, from 1991, elaborates a very important period in the history of Kurds since they achieved their real autonomy and separated from other parts of Iraq, and they started to rule themselves. This will be the core for the project to observe the political elite. In this part, the project elucidates the Kurdish political elite and how they, for the first time and far from Iraqi regime’s threats, were able to hold an election, besides, their being able to establish parliament and government and other governmental directorates. And the political parties tried their best to obtain more popularity in order that they might gain more posts in the authority, and this caused several conflicts and struggles among those parties. The Fourth part explains the Kurdish elite performance after the crashing down of Baath’s regime in 2003, and how they were capable of handling the political role in both Baghdad in Kurdistan. Also, the case of oil as a significant economic and political sector which fostered Kurdish elite. The last pages of this part clarify their positive and negative contributions in decreasing and increasing the obstacles and problems. This project (dissertation) has reached some conclusions like each society has its own elite politicians that organize society’s political affairs as well as representing the wish and needs of people on both internal and external levels. In relation to the Kurdish political elite prior to 1991, they’ve always been in defense and rebellion against the central government in Iraq and with no power in Kurdistan. Due to many internal and external factors, these elite groups have often been in bitter fighting with each other in a way that they sometimes sought help from foreign forces to defeat each other. They have always been in difference and not united which made them unable to achieve their political goals. However, after 1991, despite filling the power vacuum in Kurdistan, these elite were unable to transfer the Kurdish society to the state of political, economic, social and cultural stability. They could neither regulate the power democratically and bring about the bases for peaceful power transfer in Kurdistan nor renew themselves and give way to other political factions to have roles in the process of decision making and the political process in Kurdistan region. Furthermore, instead of making some kind of political agreement and depend on themselves for settling their disputes, they could not rid themselves from deleting each other and the inheritance of the civil war. These elite groups have continuously and still relied on foreign support rather than their people. Moreover, they have not been able to make their mind up and have a clear message to Kurdistan region or the central government in Iraq. What they have is a political message that changes according to the goals and strategy of the parties in Kurdistan especially (P.U.K) and (K.D.P). Another conclusion of the project is that in spite of some progressing that the Kurdish political elite achieved but they failed in founding a very enhancing and strong economic system which conveys the internal needs of Kurdistan region, they depended on oil sector to provide the assumptions, but on the other hand it created a great damage in agricultural and industrial sectors which are considered the most vital bases into development. It led to the declining of private sectors and expanding the public ones, and they connected the people’s earn living with the government and the latter was matched with the political parties. Thus, the Kurdish political elite monopolized all the economic and commercial sectors of the region. In social sense, and for the sake of lasting in the throne as much as possible, they helped the tribal culture to be strengthened again since the Kurdish society was still a very traditional one which reflected negatively in the process of development. They could not make a true, modern, updated, and developed identity for Kurdish people in Iraq and the Middle East, and they were not able to invent a very standardized style of government so as to be taken as a unique sample for Iraq and other countries

دول مجلس التعاون الخليجي وادارة الازمات الاقليمية ازمة : اليمن انموذجا == Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) And Management Of Regional Crises (Crisis Of Yemen As A Model)

اسم المؤلف: دعاء جمعة نعمة
اسم المشرف: مالك دحام الجميلي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الموضوع الدقيق: الدراسات الاستراتيجية
الدرجة: ماجستير
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) establishment in 1981 represented a turning point in Arab Relationships as a successful model in restructuring united Arab Frame. The idea of this Council had emerged from the joint point of view and the urgent necessity that cooperation and coordination among six Arab Gulf Countries : ( Saudi Arabia Kingdom - Kuwait - U.A.E - Qatar - Kingdom of Bahrain - Oman) after the continuous development as a result of the close relationships that were enforced many other factors of the joint history, Geographic Neighboring, Faith and Belief in Joint Fate , in addition to the very similarity of these countries in their political , economic, social, and military policies, besides their confrontation against threats and risks as well as overcoming their internal which are.Thus, Arab Gulf States had increased their efforts for the purpose of achieving further cooperation and further rapprochement through holding bilateral and multiple agreements Gulf Cooperation Council was emerged consequently , Council had achieved many of its main targets, it had many great and widely participations at the local, regional and international levels in a changing atmosphere. Council was able to overcome the all the difficulties.There is no doubt that the administration of the Council for the regional crisis were so serious, many factors were actually needed, The Arab Gulf Council several features in order to deal with the troubles in this zone represented by Oil wealth that was well applied by Arab Gulf States so as to develop these States and go on progress for their sake. On other hand, Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) has been able to demonstrate the regional crisis. Besides the disturbed situations that the Neighboring States witnesses, they represented a critical challenge against the security of Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), that matter needs to study in very details with stating the solutions through submitting strategies including several elements aiming to limit the crisis and amongst the negative effects against National Security for Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC).In this Thesis, Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) was studied with focusing on Crisis of Yemen as a model. Nowadays is passed with sensitive stage and critical turning point , as it witnessed sequent crisis along the time, and returned from long wars up to now. Furthermore, it affirmed on the political , security and fate importance for Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) in protecting security and stability of Gulf Region that makes its study, its analysis and to identify on their future repercussions as an important case in the context of scientific research

صلاحيات السلطة التشريعية في العراق بين النظرية والتطبيق بعد 2005 == Jurisdictions Of LeGISlative Authority In Iraq Between Practice & Theory After 2005

اسم المؤلف: حنان عبد لوتي
اسم المشرف: مها عبد اللطيف حسن الحديثي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الدرجة: ماجستير
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: This thesis researches in the powers of the legislative authority in the Iraqi parliament in theory and practice. The thesis addressed at the outset the parliamentary system as one of the representative democratic regimes prevailing in the world today, where the political power is divided two between, the first bodies to be expressed in the legislature (parliament), which is directly elected by the people, while the second body, the Executive, is being emerged from the parliament. Many countries around the world has adopted Parliamentarism despite the difference of the internal environment, political, economic and cultural life of their societies. Iraq as well has adopted this system according to the Constitution of 2005. Which deserved research and analysis and comparison between the reality of this system and what should be the parliamentary system, in general, and compare it to the constitutional rules according to the Constitution of 2005, in particular, to identify the strengths and weaknesses, and the reasons for the weakness of the legislative authority in the exercise of their constitutional powers. The thesis has reached a set of conclusions, mainly : 1. The existence of many of the imbalances in the parliamentary practice in the Iraqi parliament, the most important of which was the failure of the House of Representatives in the representation of Iraq as a whole and to speak on behalf of the people as a whole.2. The absence of political opposition in the House of Representatives led to overcome the parliamentary procedures.3. The predominance of the executive authority of the parliament which led to the disruption of the rules of parliamentary oversight and the cooperation between the two authorities.4. The weakness of the political culture of parliamentarians and their ignorance of most of the parliamentary rules and procedures adopted by parliamentary systems.5. The weakness of parliamentary oversight.6. The existence of quota confessional that played a role in weakening the powers of the legislature and continued conflict among political blocks in the House of Representatives.7. The continued absence of Members of the House of Representatives and the lack of serious behavior during discussion on some sensitive issues which preclude holding more than half of the meetings because of lack of a quorum.

السياسات التعليمية والتنشئة السياسية في العراق بعد عام 2003

اسم المؤلف: ايلاف حسن جعفر
اسم المشرف: احمد عبد الله ناهي الحمداني
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الدرجة: ماجستير
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: ان التغيير السياسي الذي حصل في العراق بعد 2003 فتح افاقا جديدة في العمل السياسي نتيجة لتبني نظام سياسي ديمقراطي قائم على التعددية مما تطلب بناء تنشئة سياسية جديدة تتلائم مع النظام الجديد على اسس الحرية والديمقراطية وحقوق الانسان وهذا ما تطلب بناء منظومة ت | The political changes that occurred in Iraq2003 has opened new prospects in political work due to adopting democratic political regime based on multiplicity which need construct new policy in harmony with the new regime on democratic and freedom foundations and human rights. This case called for constructing new educational system bearing developing new generation in accordance with those and interact with scientific , psychological , intellectual and constructive foundations and capabilities through education , political growing because education is the main instrument that the individuals get skills that qualify them to be vital members in the political regime and society through harmonizing the new political values to make cultural changes via political awareness that keep pace with democratic process accordingly political regime in Iraq tried after 2003 to build educational system upon new foundations in harmony with democratic changes demonstrated in Iraq. therefore it issued educational philosophy included confirming democratic principles by tolerance spirit , cooperation , consultation , constructive criticism , respect other views , dominant of the law sovereignty , equity , equivalence in opportunities , respect the law and regulations , cooperation with the authorities , confirm humanitarian and moral principles and respect religious and social virtues and translate them to behavior and adhere to these principles.Confirming respect others and their views and freedom , respect tradition of the society ,besides enlightenment application for democratic approaches in educational institutions and in their administration in order to spread democratic behavior among teachers and educated individuals , executing real participation , scientific development , objective Substantive discrimination and selection according to checking , awareness and certainty. In spite of these efforts the educational policy and political development in Iraq after 2003 has faced many problems upon different levels disabled that policy and put obstacles before the education authorities while application in which the success percentage was low due to sect specialization and racial discrimination , multiplicity of parties , different ideologies , besides lack of security and stability , sect events , society polarization , religious policy which constructed other generation rather than educational institution , moreover sometimes intersected with it.The economic factor also played opposite role towards educational policy and political development because the economic role for the families is the main criteria for the income of the people and entering to the educational sector or be away from education , therefore the aggravation of poverty deprive many families from entering schools , and accordingly growing in a different way and policy from the purposes and objectives of educational way , besides of unemployment , low allocations and weak capabilities.Social obstacles were represented by modern Iraqi family which follow authoritarian value style represented by the parents or one of them upon their children which made their respect to democratic values limited , besides the security circumstances that the people of Iraq has been suffering till now affected the Iraq families because most of the children did not learn in new schools or never learn , besides the spread of conservative religious values in some families such as obedience value ,non - discussion , antagonism towards democratic values and modernization which made the Iraqi family cannot play its real role ,but on the contrary they became obstacle element to education. Also illiteracy has played a great role of hindering the Iraqi political upbringing in spite of efforts excreted by Iraq since the seventeenth of the last century to eradicate illiteracy but these efforts ran into problems resulted in successive wars and the blockage imposed by the united nations on Iraq, that leads to increasing the number of dropouts and those do not join education and this hindering the efforts of political upbringing, also popularity of the conservative tribal and religious traditional values as a result of the political powers absence which are able to raising the political awareness for the citizens, led that these values to play a disturbing role of the political upbringing since these values contradicted entirely with the democratic value of the citizens which the educational process aiming at, besides, the problems of modifying of curriculum and exceeding what stirring sedition and deterred the confirm and deepened the idea of citizenship and national identity and political partnership and establishing a state of institutions, and problems related with the teacher being an authority or origin and other problems on which the research is focusing to be understood, analyzing and find ways for confronting them also reducing their negative impact on the upbringing process. The education problem and the political upbringing in Iraq after 2003 has represented by achieving philosophy represented in realizing equity and the political partnership , citizenship and nationality and to found the state of institutions and democracy, is in need of efforts and common sense should be realized to success the educational policy, for realizing that policy and philosophy would lead to upbringing generations on democratic manner contributing in building the society and the state and reforming system and institutions, for individuals are the basic foundation , reforming and strength for the state and society, thus realizing ways of building and developing it mean foundation of a state with bases and standards make Iraq as civil strong civilized state.

استراتيجية مكافحة الارهاب في العراق : دراسة مستقبلية == The Fight Against Terrorism In Iraq Strategy Vision For The Future

اسم المؤلف: ايات ناصر جابر
اسم المشرف: حسين علاوي خليفة
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الموضوع الدقيق: الدراسات الاستراتيجية
الدرجة: ماجستير
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The phenomenon of Terrorism has made a chalanges for iraqi government after All the changes in specific, therefore the battle against the terrorists one of the most politics task which is developed and raised constantly, the terrorist has keep growing and the strategies growing as well in same time, that one takes from iraq to made a new vision in regard to build strong strategy for fighting the terrorism since 2008 , cuase that strategy has becomes a principle thing to fight the terrorism and also for supporting the natinal security through that same vision , specially by military forces and activate the politics issues in this regard. but the politics conflict is making a big Barrier for keep turning down the terrorism in iraq , the terrorism has several method for look up started from consolidation of jihad , and al qaeda group in iraq up to announce the islamic state in iraq thru isis which is known under the name of islamic state in iraq and sham and finally raised name called islamic Succession in iraq , and then all these terrorism groups has becomes one of the strategic challenges , by here the topic has cleared enough to by under the title of ( the setratigy of fighting the terrorism in iraq , future visibility. ) which going to discussed for the period of time after 2003 till 2016 therefore the futuer going to viewed by Central scenario in predictively. The importance of studying becuase iraq has passing through big challenges against the terrorist and terrorism forces. specially the terrorism effecting the future of iraq government , that's mean the terrorism stay in constantly threat mode agaisnt the state. unless we are going to developing that setratigy through ultimately vision not only keep looking at militery solutions that way the terrorism is going the be one of the most threats to the goverment for among next five years.The main thing to pay attention to, in the correction path of counter - terrorism operation in Iraq is to achieve common ground to find a plan and perform an effective and realistic security that both reflect the total strategic perceptions and security policies framed for the national security strategy that paint on the basis of which the national strategy for counter - terrorism that iclude political,economical,social,military,cultural,civilized and religious values. Security planning should also be reflected on the arrangement on the goals and the national interests of the Iraqi state, the state aims by characterization and achievement of its security to reach a deeper goal , which is to preserve the higher interests.Perhaps the first thing that necessitated this need is to mobilize social and political forces in the variety of its positions in the community in order to participate in a collective response against national security challenges.Also, the pursuit of the Iraqi state to acheive its security must be done through positive interactive relationships with the external environment,especially with neighboring countries through holding bilateral and multilateral security agreements in the field of security coordination and cooperation and exchange of information about cross - border terrorism and prevent the infiltration of terrorists and weapons into the Iraqi lands across borders and Work to dry up the sources of terrorism.The realization of a comprehensive strategy to combat terrorism will be an enhanced element for the Iraqi national security and will achieves stability for the Iraqi state.The Strengthening of anti - terrorism strategy has become a necessity, not an option because terrorism represents one of the baisic challenges that paralyse the capacity of the state , cause terrorist organizations like ISIS , represents one of the strategic challenges in the foreseeable future.