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السياسة الخارجية السعودية والمنطقة العربية منذ انتهاء الحرب الباردة == The Saudi Arabia Foreign Policy and Arabic Region since the End of the Cold War

Author name: يسرى مهدي صالح
Supervisor name: فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The Saudi foreign policy has got great important for who deals with international affairs, it deals with politics events directly or indirectly; then its roll in most of the Arabic cases has showed clearly effected. Naturally the Saudi foreign policy interested in Arabic especially. The follower of the way to the development of Saudi politics to the age after the cold war towards Arabia ; find that it does not get away to the period that proceeded the cold war but continued to it. So the changes that happened to foreign and internal environments in last years of the 1980s and the beginning years of 1990s impost on the kingdom more interesting to the Arabian case. So at the time and after the gulf war the kingdom increased in power the military threat that the radical Iraqi regime was weaken another think the alliance with USA and the western that assured it the security. The vision that Saudi resemble towards the Arab - Israel conflict it is the dependent in the Arabic area.Although these good factors but they have become threat resources, the protection that US gives to kingdom has it paid in the economics problems that the kingdom faced after the second Gulf war directly in (1993,1994,1995).In addition of failure every tries to put combination that leads the Arabian interactive in 90s.The accusation of terror and the events of eleventh of September 2001 made the kingdom acting politics roll more actively towards the Arabic area cases.The invitation of the prince Abdullah for peace 2002 and to Syria to get back from Lebanon 2005 for that roll the appearance of Iran not only in Gulf but in Arabic as a competition.For the studying is enable to cover the important of the subject that it divided to introduction also two chapters the first search in variable effective the operation of making Saudi Arabia foreign policy . the second chapter studies the foreign policy behavior towards Arabic area since the end of the cold war.(chosen Arabic issue).The studying get many productions towards that issues.In gulf side : The kingdom insist on the necessary of the American existence in the area as an equal element for Iranian threat with assurance to find guaranty for gulf safety beside of that it tried to reduce the nervous centers and unstable in area. This clearly showed in the solving all the problems about the geographical boundaries with neighboring countries and refusing that Iran have had the nuclear weapons.In Iraqi side : With the growing of the Iraqi - American crisis and what the year 2002 has witnessed by increasing American military side to Iraq.The kingdom refused the military powers against Iraq and declared that it wouldn't allow using its grounds for shooting Iraq after the fallen of the regime in April 2003 kingdom was the first to invite the Arab counties to meet at council for searching the Iraqi development with the increasing of murdering and emigration the kingdom in Iraq assured the dissatisfaction of what is happening in Iraq and invite the necessary of policy sharing and welcoming with the Mecca policy that aimed to stop the violence in Iraq.In the Palestinian side : The Palestinian case formed an essential side from the external Saudi politics interests and it one of its standard that called to find a peacefully solution for this case by the decision of the legal international it assured that each sides of struggle should take care of the decisions of Madrid council for Pease 1991. And what it has signed in Oslo agreement 1993, so it faced against the Israel by the Palestinian side by its government and its people and it showed great interest by the great roll in this case and the invitation of prince Abdullah for peace 2002 for reaching to quiet peace between Palestine and Israel. But when the struggle has increased between Fateh and Hamas the kingdom has called for conversation in Mecca to put down these bloody wars in Palestine.In Lebanon side : From the principle of respect of the country the kingdom asked to get its army back from Lebanon lands and after the ex - president al - Hariry has been killed the kingdom asked to make international investigation to solve the problem. With the Israeli an attack for Lebanon in 2006 the kingdom called for stopping shooting although the criticisms that the kingdom put on Hizb Allah and its responsibility on what happened.In Yemen side : The kingdom insist in it refused position for entering Yemen to the cooperation gulf council nevertheless that Yemen announced that it transmit all obstacles that stand against of getting the membering.

الولايات المتحدة الامريكية والامم المتحدة فترة ما بعد الحرب الباردة == The United States of America and United Nations after the Cold War

Author name: اسامة مرتضى باقر السعيدي
Supervisor name: سرمد زكي الجادر | فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The United States of America tries hard to continue its control upon the whole world, but why is this desire? It may aim to get commercial advantage through its strength.The foundation of the United Nations is the best achievement of the United States of America in the twentieth century.As a result to international development and in an attempt to keep the role of the United Nations in keeping peace and security it applies the human rights idealism that led to fasten the United States policy with the human rights idealism and United nation decision.The CCCP decline has a great and danger ous affection upon the United Nations. The organization, no longer, becomes corrupted and is considered the place where the struggle between the two (poles) power is reflected.Now the United Nations face contemporary challenges to its stability.The United states of America has followed all the ways that lead to its domination over the United Nation ;among which was the decision of the war in 1991, to force the Iraqi troops to withdraw from Kuwait . It aimed at showing the whole world that the United Nation Organization is completely under its control throughout using the international Legitimacy and adopting the collective security system in line with its own interests . As result , it is the director of the United Nation decisions.America acts without paying attention to International Legitimacy. Moreover, International Legitimacy must follow America's will or will lose it's position as happen to Iraq on March/ 2003.The action of 11/ September/ 2001 gave the United States America the power to act as it wants all over the world without expecting bad reaction from any state in the world pretending that it protects their nations. In other words, it lets the other countries think they will face alike events of terror. The achievements of the victory in the cold war might last for more than one century. The actions of 11/ September make the countries all over the world accept it as a leader even it makes many problems to these countries as it happened in London on 7/ 7/ 2005.Then the United States of America has gained the full control upon the United Nations, and directs it to gain the American goals under the pretext of having the legal cover.This led to a new problem which becomes so important; the United Nations must improve their laws. How ever, the United States of America try to make the improvement according to its views. Unfortunately the delay of improvement will bring a great advantage to the United States of America in prolonging its domination on the world

الشركات المتعددة الجنسية ودورها في الاقتصاد العالمي مع التركيز على العراق == The role of multinational corporations in the world Economic with Focus on Iraq

Author name: هيثم كريم صيوان البدري
Supervisor name: مازن اسماعيل الرمضاني | عبد علي كاظم المعموري
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: يشكل عام 1960 نقطة التغيير التي طرات على الصناعة النفطية العالمية، ففي ذلك العام تم تاسيس منظمة الاقطار المصدرة للبترول والتي تسمى اختصارا بـ (Organization of the petroleum exporting countries) (الاوبك - OPEC). ومن خلالها سعت الدول المؤسسة للمنظمة، الى تنسيق سياساتها النفطية تجاه سلوك الشركات النفطية الاجنبية في السوق العالمية وخلال تلك المسيرة برزت قدرة المنظمة على صنع القرار النفطي لضمان المصلحة الاقتصادية للدول الاعضاء . ولاسباب سياسية اتخذت المنظمة قرارها في رفع اسعار النفط الخام ولاول مرة في عام 1973 والامتناع عن تصديره للدول الصناعية مما ادى الى ان يشهد العالم انذاك والدول الصناعية بصفة خاصة ركودا اقتصاديا اقترن بانخفاض معدلات النمو الاقتصادي ومن ثم تغيير في هيكلية اقتصاديات تلك الدول افضت بدورها الى تغيير مسارات الطلب العالمي على النفط وخصوصا على نفط الاوبك. لذا عمدت الدول الصناعية الى اتخاذ الاجراءات الاتية : 1. تاسيس وكالة الطاقة الدولية (IEA) تحت مظلة دول منظمة التعاون الاقتصادي والتنمية (OECD) لكي تكون في مواجهة اوبك وسياستها النفطية .2. تكوين الخزين النفطي الاستراتيجي لدول اوربا والولايات المتحدة واستخدامه كاداة ضاغطة على عمليات تسعير النفط. 3. البدء بالانتاج النفطي وبشكل تجاري من مناطق خارج اوبك كبحر الشمال. 4. اللجوء الى بدائل الطاقة للتقليل من الاعتماد على النفط.واستمرت متغيرات السوق النفطية في ارساء اليات جديدة كنشوء الاسواق الفورية والاجلة للنفط في منتصف الثمانينيات من القرن الماضي. وقد ادت هذه الى احداث فوضى على صعيد الانتاج والاسعار من اجل الضغط على اوبك وتحجيم دورها في السوق النفطية. وفي تلك الاثناء ظهر متغير اخر اقترن بزيادة الطلب على الامدادات النفطية لدى الدول النامية حديثة التصنيع يرافقه نمو اقتصادي وانتعاش الطلب على نفط اوبك.ولم تتوقف حركة تلك المتغيرات رغم كونها من سمات القرن الماضي ، فعقد التسعينات هو الاخر كان حافلا بالاحداث . ابرزها حرب الخليج الثانية (1991) وما نتج عنها، وانهيار الاتحاد السوفيتي السابق وقيام الاتحاد الاوربي والازمة الاسيوية، هذه الاحداث دفعت الى عدم استقرار سوق النفط وتراجع الطلب على نفط الاوبك. واقترنت نهاية عقد التسعينات من القرن الماضي بظاهرة جديدة هي اندماج الشركات النفطية العالمية لتكون اقل من حيث العدد واقوى من حيث الفاعلية في رسم مسارات جديدة للسياسة النفطية العالمية وصانعة القرار السياسي لدى حكوماتهم ، منطلقة من توجهات اعلامية نحو ضمان جهات جديدة للامدادات النفطية تكون بديلا عن نفط اوبك يرافقها تعدد وجهات نظر الغرب حيال المنظمة واستمرارها برسم مشاهد مستقبلية ذات ابعاد اقتصادية وسياسية. ومن خلال ماتقدم تبرز اهمية هذه الدراسة في تناولها سلعة النفط كمصدر مهم للطاقة ولعقود طويلة ، والى اهمية التنظيم الدولي في ادارة هذا المورد الناضب الذي استاثرت به منظمة الاوبك التي تمتلك دولها الاعضاء حوالي (80%) من الاحتياطي النفطي العالمي. وعبر مسيرتها التي امتدت نحو اكثر من اربعة عقود شهدت منظمة الاوبك تحولات في السياسات النفطية وتمكنت من استيعاب المتغيرات الاقتصادية والدولية التي شكلت مسارا محددا لمستقبلها.

مكانة ايران الاقليمية في ظل المتغيرات الجديدة بعد 11 ايلول 2001 : دراسة الابعاد السياسية والاقتصادية == Iran's regional position in the light of the new changes after 11September 2001( the study of the political and economic dimensions)

Author name: نسرين فالح حسن
Supervisor name: عبد علي كاظم المعموري | سرمد زكي الجادر
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: Iran has gotten strategic importance which its being located between the most important strategic territories in the world. Due to its privileged position which is connection point between three Asian areas ( west Asia, middle Asia, and south Asia), so there are other additional strategic features like its located on supply routes of international trade and oil wealths and it's have basic factors that qualifies it to perform prominent regional role and promoting regional position. Iran's strategic importance is coming from correlation depth of its history with Intellectual culture, which have cultural and civilized legacy as well as its rich heritage,and gives it the ability to maneuver in many areas and stability in the event center, and can play a crucial role in its policy towards the neighboring countries of the border regions (the Arab Gulf States, Iraq, Turkey, Pakistan, and Central Asian States), also it adopted a multilateral strategy to build regional relationships that is an option for expansion of bilateral, regional and global cooperation. The Iranians through the generations have a unique sense to their history and the greatness of their culture, and strength, although evanescence of Persian culture because prevalence of Western traditions the most tempting are, without affecting the sense of self - esteem and exaggerated look to Iran, and Iranians believe look closely to their history, grandeur of their civilization and necessity to own their regional leadership. Iran's regional composition has granted the ability to play a prominent role in the Middle East makes it one of the largest regional countries, which have an essential ingredients, it has big human mass and strategic geographical location, deep historical background, and continuous moral influence on neighboring countries geographically. These ingredients actuated to be as part in regional equations. On the other hand, Iraq's invasion and occupation was a reason for the escalation of Iran's regional influence under the unstable regional environment outputs, whether in the Middle East or Central Asia, under the occupation of Afghanistan and Iraq, backed up by conventional military capabilities as well as the cultural, political, economic and religious influence which is rising and growing. The vast effect that Iran has to attain high rank as major regional power, can use it to explain the development of the military, nuclear and technological fields, and impact it on the other countries. Perhaps, the most prominent signs are growth of Iran's regional stature, constant pursuit to avoid any tensions with the total adjacent countries, and the tendency of Iran for reconciliation gradually with the international environment and it does not use the sectarian dimension of its foreign policy. The importance of change in Iran's strategy due to a change in the perceptions for special causes with the transformations that taking place in the Iranian regime's strategy, the Iranian president, "Hassan Rowhani," he wrote his article published by the newspaper "Washington Post", about the evolution of Iran's status, saying "what Iran is trying to do today is to transform threat that surrounds it on all sides to opportunities, and its employ for this the competition and cooperation in multilateral conflict fields, which Iran is now a major player in it. Iran follow the example of Russia to exert a show of strength and influence, and the Syrian arena it is only just a chessboard for Iranians with a warning the consequences bypassed in arrangements of resolving the crisis." There are limits to idea of Iran's regional status through play strategic alternative role, Iran is a partner to the Arabs according to historical connections, geographical neighborhood, and demographic interference. It the only state non - Arab which overlooks on the Gulf, while other states who overlooking on the Gulf are Arab states. At the time when the Gulf was the only maritime outlet for Iran, which is main crossing for about 80% of its oil exports,The Iranian - Arab relations are gaining special importance, as result of the Iranian - American conflict over Iran's nuclear program, Iran is not a main strategic alternative for Arabs in security issues currently, especially if the Arabic strategy is for peaceful settlement of Arab - Israeli conflict, but it is important alternative if this strategy is about the resistance, and therefore Iran remains a strategic alternative in the long - term. It has made those goals flowing together for Iran's supreme national interest , and its recognition as a regional power in the area, it has clout and influence like any other regional powers. It can contribute to impede the interests of many countries including United States, also it can not be excluded when discussing any special arrangements as being counterweight through what it prepares for the foreign policy and national security which is following it in the Gulf region. The study focuses on the aspiration of Iran to expand its regional and international status, although it is depending on the human, economic, military bases and even scientific - technological, as well as geopolitical importance that enjoy it, but this aspiration faces by United States and its Arab allies in the region through rejection and obstruction and international sanctions and trapping and even a media war. So we shall begin from Iran's attempt to promote its regional and international status by employing all the capabilities that enjoy it, which makes its reality in tune with the Iranian self - feeling in its rightful status under regional and international environment that is very complicated through a combination of pragmatism and some of ideological rationality

مكانة اسرائيل الاقليمية واحداث 11 ايلول 2001 : دراسة في الامكانيات والفرص == The regional status of Israel and the events of 11 - September - 2001 a study of potentials and opportunities

Author name: ناجي محمد عبد الله هتاش
Supervisor name: صالح عباس الطائي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
Key words:
  • المكانة
  • سياسة المكانة
  • القوة والقدرة
  • القوة الاقليمية
  • الاقليمية الجديدة
  • الهيمنة الاقليمية
  • الدور
  • القوة العسكرية
  • اسرائيل
  • التخطيط المستقبلي
  • البحث والتطوير
  • احداث سبتمبر
  • 11 ايلول
  • الادارة الدولية
  • الارهاب
  • صنع العدو
  • الشرق الاوسط
  • القل
First pages:
Abstract: This is a study of ( the regional status of Israel and the events of 11/septemper/2001 - a study of potentials and opportunities) by analyzing the variables which helped in the maintenance of Israel existence within a strange environment, and its relentless and continuance attempts to reach the regional domination statues in a region considered one of the most vital regions of the world; extending from Iran in the east to Sudan and Egypt in the west and from Turkey in the north to the Arab gulf in the south . This very region has constituted the middle east according to the British vision in the near past ,and today it is the beating heart of the great middle east project the united states is planning for. The Israeli search for a significant regional statues in this region has been quite unique due to its up normal establishment and its social, historical and cultural radical difference from other countries of this region. Thereby, Zionism realized the danger threatening this new born state among a hostile environment, that is why its purposes and aims have been arranged according to the priorities of planning for state establishment , in cooperation and coordination with the international powers which has an influential impact on the political system : earning the international and legal legitimacy required for the establishment of the state of Israel, fulfilling the Jewish destination, start up the Jewish immigration , preserving the state entity by building a powerful army relying on a huge reserve power capable of defending the state. In order to achieve these goals it has to own the power in every aspects and domain which creates superiority in quality over the hostile Arabic mass. This inspired the idea that the relationship of powers indicates obvious Israeli superiority since the establishment of Israel to the present day, enhanced by the Israeli cultural devotion for the superior west and the Zionist ideological power. Despite Israel capability of achieving the international legitimacy in existing , it did not cancel its great interest of having this regional role and an Arabic acceptance allowing for interacting and influential role in the region. Thereby, there are some of the priorities that constituted the frame of the Israeli political and intellectual perception of its geographical region : 1 - relying on a great power, first obtaining its protection ,and its constant support which qualifies it for a regional role secondly . 2 - embrace the absolute security conception based on geographical extension in order to ensure the strategical depth and secure military superiority maintenance supported by deterrent nuclear arm.3 - The assertion on the elimination of Arabic nation as a cultural and historical fact and finding some sort of religious and national conflict in the sense that it uses religion as a mean of wreaking the Arabic nationality as well as exploiting the sectarian and religious tensions for breaking down the region which fulfills the admission and acceptance of others ; and obtain the regional legitimacy by establishing an Arabic climate accepts the Israeli existence and cope with it to reach for the regional dominance in further level and play the role of regional leader. What helped Israel to accomplish so much of these goals and visions sum of the international variables that stormed the international political system found their echoes in the region which Israel took it for its advantage and used it brilliantly : by the end of cold war Arabs lost their stragical ally (the soviet union) which created the opportunity for Israel and united states to enforce the settlement on Arab. Followed by this golden opportunity, the attacks of 11/septempper /2001 which reached American depth, Israel seized to finish on the Arabic regime, since the prepecations of these attacks concentrated on the middle east core which Arabs and Muslims represent the majority . here, the study proves its hypothesis that accusing Arabs and Muslims of terrorism , distorting the image of Arabs and Muslims making them the target for the American war against terrorism , occupying Iraq , intensifying the American military presence and making the region go through turmoil to distort the region image ; all these are positive outcomes in the advantage of Israel to back up its policies and practices in the region in order to promote its regional statues supported by an American devotion during the region of the current American administration of George Bush junior never reached before. Consequently the study attempted to draw future portraits of the Israeli regional statues promoting two of them which are the most convenient for the Israeli interest : the portrait of continuity , and the portrait of continuity and change for the long and short range. The study has concluded into sum of the deductions confirming the reality that Israel being an important regional state for the time being , it is more than enough to say that it’s the most developed and advanced state and the only nuclear power in the region.

انتقال الفكر المؤسساتي من المحلية الى العالمية ودوره في تحقيق التنمية سياسيا واقتصاديا == transition The institutionalism Thought from local to global And its role in the achievement of political and economic development

Author name: مصطفى حسين عبد الرزاق
Supervisor name: عبد علي كاظم المعموري | احمد شهاب الحمداني
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: واجه الفكر الاقتصادي الكلاسيكي العديد من الانتقادات من مدارس فكرية عديدة لاسباب كثيرة، وتعد المدرسة المؤسساتية واحدة من اهم تلك المدارس، واكتسبت اهميتها لسببين : الاول : نجاحها في جعل المؤسسات السائدة احدى المتغيرات التي يعنى بها البحث الاقتصادي في عالمنا المعاصر، ورفض الفرضيات الكلاسيكية المسلمة بجودة المؤسسات، والتي تفضي الى افتراض مثالية الاسواق، ورفض فرضيات رشد المستهلك، والسعي الدائم للافراد نحو المنافع المادية، وتوفر المعلومات المجانية وغيرها من الثوابت الكلاسيكية. الثاني : تنامي الاهتمام بالمؤسساتية من قبل جيل جديد من المؤسساتيين، من خلال الاقتراب من الفكر الاقتصادي السائد ذا الجذور الكلاسيكية والانتقال من النقد بسبب اهمال الجانب المؤسسي، الى الدعوة الى ادخال العوامل المؤسسية وجعلها جزء من النظريات التنموية، اذ بدراونالد كوز بفكرة تكاليف الصفقة عام 1937، وبين ان بسببها تنشا وتتوسع الشركات الكبيرة على حساب المشاريع الصغيرة، لان الاخيرة تعتمد على الية السوق، فاذا ما كانت السوق غير فعالة (مكلفة)، تضطر الاطراف الى الدخول في شراكات تعاقدية لتجنب هذه السوق التي تعاني من التذبذب، والغموض (قلة المعلومات والشفافية)، وعدم الامان (حماية الملكية من المصادرة ومن المزاحمة الحكومية) ...الخ. اصبحت معظم الكتابات والدراسات والتقارير الاقتصادية - بما فيها تلك الصادرة عن المنظمات الدولية - تتفق على صحة الاطروحات الفكرية التي تولي اهمية كبيرة الى المؤسسات التي تمثل النظام السياسي والاقتصادي السائدين في بلد ما، وظهر اجماعا متزايدا على ان جودة النظام المؤسسي يعد اهم العوامل التي تساعد او تعيق التنمية الاقتصادية، وبعبارة اخرى، فان النظام السياسي الذي يحدد ملامح (المؤسسات) القواعد المنظمة للحياة السياسية والاقتصادية والاجتماعية، ومن ثم ايجاد سوق فعال، يعد اليوم عاملا رئيسا في تحقيق التنمية والرفاه للمجتمعات، ما دفع الكثير من المنظمات الى وضع معايير يمكن من خلالها تقدير مؤشرات كمية تعبر عن جودة المؤسسات، والقيام ببحوث تستخدم تلك المؤشرات لقياس اثارها، ورسم مسارا للتنمية يعتمد على التحسن في المؤسسات لاسيما الرسمية، من خلال جذبها لرؤوس الاموال المحلية والخارجية.ومع تعدد المؤشرات التي يمكن استخدامها للدلالة على جودة المؤسسات، فان المؤشرات الاكثر استخداما هي مؤشر سهولة الاعمال الذي يصدره البنك الدولي، ومؤشر الحرية الاقتصادية الذي يصدره معهد فرايزر (في كندا)، ومؤشر الديمقراطية الذي يصدره وحدة الاستخبارات الاقتصادية، ومؤشر الحكم الصالح الذي يصدره البنك الدولي، ويتضمن كل مؤشر عددا من المؤشرات الفرعية يعبر كل منها عن جانب من جوانب المؤشر.وعند قياس اثر جودة المؤسسات بالاعتماد على كل مؤشر على حدا، وبناء انموذج قياسي لكل منها بالاعتماد على بيانات مئة دولة لعام 2011، تبين الاثر المعنوي للاداء المؤسسي، وكان مقداره متباينا حسب المؤشر المستخدم، كما تبين من جميع النماذج ان مسار العلاقة بين الاداء المؤسسي والنمو غير خطية، ما يعني ان التحسن في جودة المؤسسات لا يحقق نموا اقتصاديا الا بعد بلوغ درجة معينة تتحدد حسب نوع المؤشر المستخدم، وفي ضوء المقارنة بين اثر المؤشرات تبين لنا اولويات الاصلاح المؤسسي الواجب اتباعها، استنادا الى نتائج كل مؤشر، فجاء في المقدمة الحكم الصالح، اذ بلغ معامل التحديد (R2) لانحداره البسيط (من الدرجة الثانية) (81%)، يليه سهولة الاعمال الذي بلغ معامل التحديد (R2) لانحداره البسيط (من الدرجة الثانية) (61%)، ثم الحرية الاقتصادية الذي بلغ معامل التحديد (R2) لانحداره البسيط (من الدرجة الثانية) (59%)، وجاء اخيرا مؤشر الديمقراطية الذي بلغ معامل التحديد (R2) لمعامل الانحدار (من الدرجة الثانية) (52%). | The classical economic thought subjected for many criticisms from many schools of thought because of many reasons, Institutional school one of the most important of these schools, It importance has gained for two reasons : First : its success in making the prevailing institutions, one of the variables that must be concerned economic research in the contemporary world, and rejection of the classical hypotheses in Ideal of institutions, Which leading to the assumption of perfect markets, and rejection the other its hypotheses such as Consumer rationality, make constant efforts to individuals about the Material benefits, and provides free information and other classic constants.Second : growing the interest in Institutional by a new generation of institutionalist, through closer to the mainstream economic thought a classical roots and the transition of Criticism due to the neglect of the institutional variable, to call for the introduction of institutional factors and make it part of the developmental theories, Ronald Coase began the idea of transaction costs in 1937,He indicate that large companies will arise and expand at the expense of small businesses account, because the latter rely on the market mechanism. If the market was not effective (inexpensive), the parties have to enter into contractual partnerships to avoid this market is experiencing volatility, and uncertainty (lack of information and transparency), and lack of safety (protection of property confiscated from the government and from Crowding in - out) ... etc.Most of the economic Scripts, studies and reports, - those issued by international organizations - agree on the validity of intellectual theses that attaches great importance to the institutions that represent the political and economic regime that prevailing in the country, and the back of a growing consensus that the institutional system quality is the most important factors that help or hinder economic development, in other words, the political regime that determines the features to regulation rules (institutions) of the political, economic and social life, and then find an effective market, is today a major factor in the development and prosperity of the communities, prompting many organizations to develop criteria by which to estimate the amount indicators reflect the quality of institutions, and carry out research using those indicators to measure their effects, and draw a path of development depends on improvement in the institutions Especially the formal institutions, through attracted local and foreign the capital fundsWith so many indicators that can be used to indicate the quality of institutions, the most widely used indicators is Doing business issued by the World Bank index, the Economic Freedom Index published by the fraser institute (Canada), the Democracy Index which published by the Economist Intelligence Unit, and the Good Governance index which is issued by the world bank, each index includes a number of sub - indices, each of which reflects an aspect of the indexWhen measuring the impact of the quality of institutions depending on each indicator separately, and make econometric model for each of them based on one hundred countries for the year 2011 data, shows the Significant impact of institutional performance, whereof mixed by user index, as shown by all the models that the relationship between institutional performance and growth path non - linear, which means that the improvement in the quality of the institutions does not achieve the economic growth only after reaching a certain degree determined according the user index type, and in comparison light of the impact of the indicators, show us the priorities of institutional reform must be followed, based on the results of each indicator, so came in the introduction of good governance, when reached the coefficient of determination (R2) of it in simple regression (Quadratic equation) (81%), followed by Doing business which reached the coefficient of determination (R2) in simple regression (Quadratic equation) (61%), then economic freedom which reached the coefficient of determination ( R2) in simple regression (Quadratic equation) (59%), and finally came Democracy index, which reached the coefficient of determination (R2) in simple regression (Quadratic equation) (52%).

دور الاتحاد الافريقي في تسوية المنازعات : دراسة حالة الصومال == The Role of African Union in the Settlement of Dispute Studying Somalia Cas

Author name: مهند عبد الواحد كاظم النداوي
Supervisor name: فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: كان تحقيق الوحدة الافريقية حلم يراود الكتاب والمفكرين الافارقة منذ نهايات القرن التاسع عشر وبدايات القرن العشرين ، لا سيما الافارقة الذين اختلطوا مع العالم الخارجي . وقد ارتبط ذلك الحلم بتبني العديد من المشاريع الوحدوية التي كانت تهدف بالاساس الى تخليص الانسان والشعوب الافريقية من الرق والعبودية ، وتكوين كيانهم الخاص بهم . وبعد نجاح العديد من الشعوب الافريقية في تحرير دولهم من الاستعمار الغربي انذاك في خمسينيات وستينيات القرن العشرين ، سعوا الى العمل على نقل الحلم الافريقي الى واقع ملموس ، عبر الشروع في تاسيس تنظيم اقليمي وهي منظمة الوحدة الافريقية انذاك، تعمل على تحقيق العديد من الاهداف والمبادئ ، التي من ابرزها ، تحرير جميع الدول الافريقية من الاستعمار ، فضلا عن تسوية العديد من المنازعات والحروب التي نشبت بين الدول الافريقية حديثة الاستقلال . ومنذ نهايات العقد الاخير من القرن العشرين ، سعى العديد من القادة الافارقة ، لا سيما بعد تزايد حدة المنازعات المسلحة في العديد من الدول الافريقية ، لا سيما على الصعيد الداخلي ، الى العمل على طرح العديد من الافكار والرؤى التي نجحت منذ بدايات القرن الحادي والعشرين ، وتحديدا في عام 2002 ، في اعلان القادة الافارقة عن تاسيس تنظيم افريقي جديد عرف باسم الاتحاد الافريقي ، وذلك من اجل مواكبة التطورات التي حدثت على الصعيد الدولي ، فضلا عن تحقيق اهداف عدة ، من ابرزها ، تحقيق السلم والامن والاستقرار فيما بين الدول والشعوب الافريقية ، ومن ثم تحقيق الوحدة والتكامل الافريقي على صعيد القارة ككل . ولاهمية دراسة الاتحاد الافريقي ، فقد سعينا الى ابراز اهميتها وفاعليتها في تحقيق الاهداف والمبادئ التي نادت بها ، لا سيما في مجال تسوية المنازعات . وللاهمية التي تحتلها الصومال في المحيطين الافريقي والعربي ، ولخطورة الوضع في الصومال ، لا سيما على الصعيد السياسي والامني ، فقد ارتئينا دراستها بوصفها انموذجا لدراسة الحالة . اما اشكالية الدراسة فانها تنطلق من رؤية مفادها ، انه على الرغم من نجاح الاتحاد الافريقي عبر سنوات عمله في التدخل في العديد من المنازعات المسلحة سواء كانت ذات الطابع الدولي ام الطابع الداخلي ومن ضمنها الازمة الصومالية ، الا انه لا زال يعاني العديد من التحديات اثناء منع وادارة وتسوية المنازعات في العديد من الدول الافريقية ، سواء تعلق الامر بالهيكل التنظيمي وكيفية اتخاذ القرار ام بالتحديات الداخلية والخارجية . في حين انطلقت الدراسة من فرضية مفادها " ان المشكلات والازمات التي واجهت العديد من الدول الافريقية ، فضلا عن التغيرات التي حدثت في الساحة الدولية ، اسهمت في ظهور العديد من الافكار والرؤى من قبل القادة الافارقة ، لانشاء اتحاد فيما بين دولهم ليكون بديلا عن منظمة الوحدة الافريقية ، ليسهم في الحد من الازمات والمشكلات التي اضحت تعاني منها العديد من الدول الافريقية ، وفي تحقيق الامن والاستقرار ، وبالتالي في تحقيق التكامل السياسي والاقتصادي في القارة الافريقية ". وفي ضوء الاشكالية التي انطلقت منها الدراسة ، والفرضية العلمية التي نريد البرهنة عليها ، تم تقسيم الدراسة على خمسة فصول اساسية : تضمن الفصل الاول ، دراسة نشاة وتطور الاتحاد الافريقي بدءا من دراسة المراحل التاريخية لفكرة الوحدة الافريقية وحتى تاسيس الاتحاد الافريقي .اما الفصل الثاني ، فقد تضمن دراسة الاتحاد الافريقي وتسوية المنازعات من خلال دراسة المدلول القانوني والسياسي للمنازعات ، ودراسة العلاقة بين المنظمات الدولية والاقليمية في مجال تسوية المنازعات ، فضلا عن دراسة الية الاتحاد الافريقي في تسوية المنازعات .اما بالنسبة للفصل الثالث ، فقد عمد الى دراسة مضامين الازمة الصومالية من خلال التطرق الى دراسة الجغرافية السياسية للصومال ، ومن ثم تتبع مراحل تطور الازمة الصومالية .في حين تضمن الفصل الرابع ، دراسة ابرز القوى الاقليمية والدولية المؤثرة ازاء الازمة الصومالية .اما الفصل الخامس والاخير ، فقد تطرق الى دراسة ادارة الاتحاد الافريقي للازمة الصومالية من خلال دراسة دور منظمة الوحدة الافريقية ازاء الازمة الصومالية خلال المدة ما بين (1963_2001) . فضلا عن دراسة سياسة الاتحاد الافريقي حيال الازمة الصومالية منذ العام 2002 ، ومن ثم التطرق الى دراسة الاتحاد الافريقي وامكانية احلال السلام والامن في القارة الافريقية في ضوء اهم التحديات والفرص التي تواجه عمل الاتحاد الافريقي اثناء تسوية المنازعات . ومن خلال تتبع فصول الدراسة ، فقد تم التوصل الى استنتاجات عدة ، من ابرزها : 1. شهدت القارة الافريقية ، تزايد نسبة اندلاع المنازعات المسلحة في العديد من الدول الافريقية ، لا سيما ذات الطابع الداخلي ، منذ العقد الاخير من القرن العشرين ، مما اثر سلبا على الامن والاستقرار في القارة ، كما حدث في الصومال منذ سقوط النظام السياسي في عام 1991 .2. نجح القادة الافارقة في انشاء اتحاد افريقي في بدايات القرن الحادي والعشرين ، لمواكبة التطورات التي حدثت في العالم ، ولتحقيق ما عجزت منظمة الوحدة الافريقية عن تحقيقه عبر سنوات عملها الممتدة قرابة (39) عاما ، لا سيما في مجال تسوية المنازعات .3. سعى القادة الافارقة اثناء اقرار القانون التاسيسي للاتحاد الافريقي الى التركيز على الجانب السياسي والامني ، فضلا عن الجوانب الاخرى ، عبر استحداث العديد من الاهداف والمبادئ الجديدة التي اصبحت تركز على تحقيق السلم والامن والاستقرار في القارة الافريقية . وتنبع اهميتها من كونها اصبحت تعكس التغيرات التي حدثت على النظام السياسي الدولي ، التي كان لها تاثير على الوضع الامني والسياسي في العديد من الدول الافريقية ، والتي من ابرزها ، حق الاتحاد الافريقي في التدخل في اية دولة عضو في الاتحاد في ظل الظروف الخطيرة المتمثلة في جرائم الحرب والابادة الجماعية والجرائم ضد الانسانية ، مع حق الدول الاعضاء في طلب التدخل من الاتحاد لاعادة الامن والاستقرار ، بالاضافة الى احترام مبادئ الديمقراطية وحقوق الانسان والحكم الرشيد وسيادة القانون . بالاضافة الى ذلك ، فقد تم استحداث العديد من الاجهزة الرئيسة المعنية بتحقيق السلم والامن والاستقرار في القارة الافريقية . فبينما لم يكن لمنظمة الوحدة الافريقية سوى ثلاثة اجهزة رئيسة معنية بتسوية المنازعات ، فان القانون التاسيسي للاتحاد الافريقي ، عمد الى زيادة عدد الاجهزة الرئيسة والمعنية بتسوية المنازعات في القارة الافريقية لتصل الى ستة اجهزة .4. سعت الدول الاعضاء منذ اللحظات الاولى لعقد القمة الاولى للاتحاد الافريقي في مدينة دوربان بجنوب افريقيا في عام 2002 ، الى ايلاء اهمية خاصة لتحقيق السلم والامن والاستقرار في القارة الافريقية ، عبر اقرار البروتوكول الخاص بتاسيس مجلس السلم والامن ، الذي مع دخوله حيز التنفيذ في عام 2003 ، اصبح يحل محل الية منع وادارة وتسوية المنازعات التابع لمنظمة الوحدة الافريقية انذاك . وقد عد مجلس السلم والامن من ترتيبات الامن الجماعي والانذار المبكر ، واصبح يمارس مهامه في حفظ السلم والامن والاستقرار في القارة الافريقية ، عبر القوة الافريقية وبمعونة لجنة اركان الحرب ، وهو بذلك مثل طفرة نوعية في عمل مجلس السلم والامن ، التي اذا ما تم تفعيلها بصورة كاملة ، ستؤدي الى الحد من اندلاع المنازعات في العديد من الدول الافريقية .5. نجح الاتحاد الافريقي عبر سنوات عمله القصيرة الممتدة منذ العام 2002 ، الى التدخل في العديد من المنازعات المسلحة التي نشبت في القارة الافريقية ، ومن ضمنها الازمة الصومالية . اذ قام الاتحاد الافريقي بخطوات عدة ، من اجل محاولة اعادة الامن والاستقرار في الصومال ، عبر الدعوة لعقد مؤتمرات لتسوية الازمة فيما بين الفصائل الصومالية المسلحة والحكومات الصومالية المتعاقبة ، فضلا عن تقديم الدعم والاسناد للمؤسسات الحكومية الصومالية ، وارسال بعثة لحفظ السلام في الصومال ، وحث الدول الاعضاء في الاتحاد الافريقي لتقديم الدعم المالي واللوجيستي للبعثة . 6. واجه الاتحاد الافريقي العديد من الصعوبات ، اثناء جهوده في تسوية المنازعات ، ومن ضمنها الازمة الصومالية ، ومن ابرزها ، ان مسالة نشر قوات حفظ السلام الافريقية كانت تفتقر الى القبول من جانب العديد من ابناء الشعب الصومالي والفصائل الصومالية المسلحة ، واقتصار عمل بعثة الاتحاد الافريقي على حماية بعض المنشات والمقار الحكومية المهمة في العاصمة مقاديشو ، وضعف الدعم المالي واللوجيستي المقدم للبعثة من قبل الدول الاعضاء في الاتحاد ، مما اسهم في عدم نجاح الاتحاد في ايجاد حلول جذرية وشاملة للازمة الصومالية .7. لا زال الاتحاد الافريقي ، يواجه العديد من التحديات ، اثناء منع وادارة وتسوية المنازعات في العديد من الدول الافريقية ، مما قد ينعكس بالسلب في المستقبل على عمل مجلس السلم والامن في تحقيق السلم والامن والاستقرار في القارة الافريقية ، من ابرزها : ا. التحديات على الصعيد الداخلي ، والمتمثلة بالتحديات المرتبطة بالهيكل التنظيمي للاتحاد الافريقي ، كما في التحديات المرتبطة ببعض المواد المتعلقة بحفظ السلم والامن ، والتحديات المرتبطة ببعض اجهزة الاتحاد الافريقي المعنية بتسوية المنازعات . فضلا عن ذلك ، فقد عد انعدام الاستقرار الامني والسياسي في العديد من الدول الافريقية ، من ضمن التحديات التي ستواجه عمل الاتحاد الافريقي في المستقبل ، في ظل عدم قدرة مجلس السلم والامن التصدي لجميع المنازعات الافريقية في ان واحد . فضلا عن التحدي المرتبط برفض العديد من الدول الاعضاء التنازل عن جزء من سيادتها لصالح الاتحاد الافريقي ، والتحدي المرتبط بقلة الموارد المالية المخصصة للاتحاد الافريقي ، لا سيما المخصصة للجانب الامني والسياسي. كل هذه التحديات الداخلية متفاعلة ، من الممكن ان تسهم في عدم قدرة الاتحاد الافريقي ومجلس السلم والامن في تحقيق الاهداف والمبادئ التي نادى بها ، والمتمثلة اساسا بالعمل على صون السلم والامن والاستقرار في القارة الافريقية .ب‌. التحديات على الصعيد الخارجي ، ومن ابرزها التحديات المتمثلة في بروز ظاهرة العولمة والليبرالية الغربية ، واحداث 11 ايلول من عام 2001 ، حيث عدت من ابرز التحديات التي من الممكن ان تكون لها اثار سلبية على عمل الاتحاد الافريقي ومجلس السلم والامن اثناء التصدي للمنازعات الافريقية في المستقبل . 8. على الرغم من تعدد التحديات التي من الممكن ان تواجه عمل الاتحاد الافريقي ومجلس السلم والامن اثناء ادارتها للمنازعات الافريقية ، الا ان هناك العديد من المؤشرات الايجابية التي من الممكن ان تسهم في قيام الاتحاد الافريقي بتسوية العديد من المنازعات الافريقية او الحد من تفاقمها في المستقبل ، عبر استغلال الاتحاد العديد من الفرص ، ومن ضمنها ، تفعيل العديد من المواثيق والبروتوكولات المتعلقة بالحكم الرشيد وسيادة القانون ومكافحة الارهاب ومنع التغييرات غير الدستورية وحسن الجوار وغيرها من المواثيق والبروتوكولات ، كاستجابة للتطورات الحديثة مثل سيادة مفاهيم الديمقراطية وحقوق الانسان ، ومناهضة جرائم الحرب والابادة الجماعية والجرائم ضد الانسانية ، والتي اذا ما تم التقيد بها ان تعمل على تعزيز وصون السلم والامن والاستقرار في القارة ، فضلا عن التفعيل الكامل لبروتوكول مجلس السلم والامن واطلاق هيئة الحكماء ، وانشاء العناصر الرئيسة للقوة الافريقية الجاهزة والنظام القاري للانذار المبكر . كل هذه الفرص وغيرها من الانجازات ، من الممكن ان تعمل ، لو احسن الاتحاد الافريقي استغلالها ، ان تسهم في تحقيق السلم والامن والاستقرار في العديد من الدول الافريقية ، ومن ثم تحقيق التكامل السياسي والاقتصادي فيما بينهما في المستقبل . وعليه ، فان الاتحاد الافريقي كان قد تاسس في بدايات القرن الحادي والعشرين ، في الوقت الذي لا زالت فيه العديد من الدول الافريقية تواجه تحدي استمرار وتجدد اندلاع المنازعات المسلحة ، لا سيما على الصعيد الداخلي ، مما سيجعل من مهمة الاتحاد الافريقي في صون السلم والامن والاستقرار في القارة صعبة . الا انه بالرغم من ذلك فقد سعى القادة الافارقة الى التعامل بواقعية مع الاحداث والازمات التي تمر بها القارة الافريقية ، والعمل قدر المستطاع على تجاوز معطيات المرحلة السابقة ، وايجاد الحلول المناسبة والممكنة اثناء اندلاع المنازعات المسلحة . |

دور عمليــــــــة التحــــول نحو اقتصاد السوق في تحديد اتجاهات السياسة الخارجيـــة : مصر انموذجا == The Role of transition to market economy in determination of foreign policy directions Egypt Case Study))

Author name: محمد عباس احمد
Supervisor name: عماد عبد اللطيف سالم
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: الاطار الفكري للتحول الاقتصادي واصلاحات الدولة في العالم النامي | الاطار العام للتحول الهيكلي نحو اقتصاد السوق | نظام اقتصاد السوق في النظرية الليبرالية | التحول الى اقتصاد السوق | التطور في ثنائية الاختيار بين الدولة الراعية ونظام اقتصاد السوق في الدول الغربية |الدولة الاشتراكية | الدولة في النظام الاشتراكي والليبرالي | الدولة في عالم متغير | عمليات واجراءات واصلاحات الدولة المتحولة في العالم الثالث | المؤسسات الدولية الراعية لنظام اقتصاد السوق | المؤسسات الدولية ودورها في التفاعلات الدولية | سياسات واهداف صندوق النقد الدولي والبنك الدولي | الاجراءات الواجبة من البلدان المتحولة |منظمة التجارة العالمية واثار مؤسسات التمويل الدولي في السلوك السياسي | اتجاهات السياسة الخارجية للدول المتحولة لنظام اقتصاد السوق : انماط الاداء |السياسة الخارجية في ظل نظام اقتصاد السوق : الانموذج المصري | مناطق الاهتمام في السياسة الخارجية المصرية في ظل تحولات اقتصاد السوق | Since the collapse of former Soviet Union in 1991, a verity of developing countries which were totally governed by one party system began its closely steps to transit to market oriented - economy due to many reasons like the vanishing of communist block and rising the revolution of ascending expectations in third world which make demands more influenced by external environment. Throughout Africa and Latin America, and in some poorer corners of Asia, nations have been waiting to test the new experience of liberalization that promote democracy and good governance, in coincide with this; a new type of conditions have been attached to proliferation of economic aids from rich countries, The unspoken message of these states is that countries seeking the money to mobilize its efforts to new era must show that they are reorganizing their societies according to Washington's standards where democracy and human rights became the topics of global agenda and this transition with no doubts has reorganize the foreign policy for these transitional countries in new directions focusing on mutual economic and trade cooperation, rebuilding the foreign political speech, the abandonment of ideological ideas and promote for wide prospects for corporations to invest in rising markets. This, The new foreign policy in the age of globalization in the 21st century became international, extending across the entire globe; also it developed new thought and a believable moral strategy to shape a connecting world, focused on actions to promote these mentioned goals.Globalization, privatization and liberalization have become dominant forcesshaping societies and economies the world over. With the fall of communismand the decline of socialism in most parts of the world, these processes haveaccelerated in the 1990s. These three processes are interrelated phenomena.Globalized economies are likely to be more privatized and liberalized econo¬mies. On the other hand, privatization and liberalization facilitate the process ofglobalization of a country or a region. Hence, it is essential that these processesbe addressed collectively. Globalization, privatization and liberalization are multidimensional phenom¬ena that have implications not only for the economic but also the socio - culturaland environmental aspects of countries and societies. As a primary objective, these, multidimensional aspects include reshaping the foreign policy.One way to try to measure "Globalization" in foreign policy is the annual index of A.T. Kearney and the Foreign Policy Magazine of the Carnegie Endowment in Washington D.C. This index includes rankings of 62 countries for 14 variables grouped in four categories : economic integration (trade, foreign direct investment, portfolio capital flows, and investment income), personal contacts (international travel and tourism, international telephone traffic), technological connectivity (internet users and hosts), and political engagement (memberships in international organizations, international treaties ratified, contributions to UN Security Council missions). No wonder two of the smallest countries, Singapore and Ireland, are ranked on the two top positions followed by Switzerland, the Netherlands and Finland. For years, the smaller a nation, the more developed it is, the more contacts cross - border.This dissertation advocate the essential thesis that globalization and transition to free market oriented - economy has its perceived influence in determine and reorganize the foreign policy directions. The dissertation has been divided into an introduction and fourth chapters with conclusion. Chapter one deals with the conceptual issues of meaning, definitions and differing interpretations and perspectives, this chapter devoted to study theoretical framework for liberalization and free markets, the reasons lay behind the transition to free economy in third world. Chapter two addressed the main globally institutions that promote liberalization like the world bank and international monetary fund (IMF), also this chapter extended to analyze the role of world trade organization and monetary clubs : Paris and London clubs.Chapter three discussed the foreign policy directions of transitional countries where these fundamental directions included : rebuilding the foreign political speech and interact with liberal choice, the rise of corporation which became a main player in new economies besides the state, the seeking to form a global and regional economic blocks and focusing to make foreign policy a primary tool in managing trade conflict. The forth and final chapter has been devoted to study the Egyptian model that contained the fundamental theatrical and practical basis of our thesis on how transition to market economy reshape foreign policy, so, we study the historical development of Egyptian political system, the main factors which made foreign policy changeable to interact with changing environment that influenced the foreign directions. In conclusions of dissertation we listed in shortly text the primary ideas of how the proliferation of liberalization has its impact that reach many aspects of life in third world and the reorganize of foreign policy was one of these vital aspects.

مستقبل الاتحاد الاوروبي : دراسة في التاثير السياسي الدولي == The European Union Future A Study in International Political Influence

Author name: محمـد دحام كردي
Supervisor name: علي حسن نيسان
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The twenty - first century witnesses important economic, political and technological transformation. Undoubtedly, this international will lead to the emergence of big international forces which have a clear influence up on the international policy. Among these candidate force will be the European union that works to be the influential pole according to its international position. The European integration project stants as European group for coal and steel in 1951 . this project develops after four decades to complete security, economic , and political one by signing (Masteracht ) agreement in April 1992, in which the European union is announced as independent political entity with legal prestige .This study is divided into introduction and five chapters . the first chapter includes theoretical frame of the international political influence and its important inputs and the relation with other concepts. The second chapter deals with the expansion and integration in European union showing the European integration and historical development. It also exposes the horizontal and vertical expansion during the last years. The third chapter is titled the European internal environment that concentrates up on the more influential internal environment element on the state power, such as the military, technological and economic variables . The fourth chapter is concerned with the European external environment that showing the European security and the regional, international environment and its positive and negative influences upon European union .The fifth chapter sheds light upon the European union future in the international policy. The European union status and future choices have taken great part in this chapter. The concentration is upon whether this union influential or not and the available justifications for the two choices .The study end with conclusion that sums up the findings

التمويل الدولي عبر الشركات متعدية الجنسيات واثره في القدرة الاقتصادية للدولة : دراسة لنماذج نامية مختارة

Author name: فايق حسن جاسم الشجيري
Supervisor name: نادية عبد القادر المختار | عبد علي كاظم المعموري | مظهر محمد صالح
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The international financing represents a major interest of the economical and political systems because it is a basic component of the public and the private sectors which rely on capitals collection to finance the development. This means that there is economical policy aims to attract international capitals to contribute in development which is a basic function of economical system of the state. The international financing represents a channel to provide investment for the countries that face deficit of liquidly. so that it is found that the international financing increases continuously especially through multinational companies, it represents a link between projects and personal saving leads to activate the economical sectors and reflects at the rate of growth by covering the difference between the available investment and the required investment . The interest in international investment increased because it is considered to increase a growth rate and reduce the loans in all kinds and raise the economical indicators of the country. To investigate such opinion, this study deals with international financing and economical capability. It also considers the expected effects of international companies on the economical capabilities of the countries and gives actual results for two countries, South Africa and Chile. This study gives conclusions about international financing and its effects in the economical capability based on the role of international financing to investment in the countries that face deficit of capitals. Many developing countries open their economies for investment to levels showing that economical liberation is no logier important. The study shows that this will reduce the country ability to choose between investment kinds and reduce the country sovereignty on its resources and its national economy which is essential to build a self dependent economy. The international financing, although is important to feed the economy, but it will reduce the economical capability if it becomes out of the country sovereignty and becomes completely under control of multinational companies. This conclusion appears clearly from the two cases of study : In South Africa it is found that for the economy to merge in international market, they had to participate technology and increase the availability of capital that lead to raise the economical capability indicators. In Chile the situation is different because multinational companies took the decision to change the political system socialism to capitalism. So that it found that the role of multinational companies did not lead to raise the economical capability, but used the country capabilities to widen the companies’ investment activity. After the 1989 referendum, the country economical policy was changed, it became more independent and led to raise the economical capability indicators in the 1990’s which is called in Chile as decade of development . Chile succeeded in reducing the negative effects of the multinational companies

اتجاهات السياسة الخارجية الامريكية في القرن الحادي والعشرين والنظام الدولي الجديد

Author name: علي وجيه محجوب الطائي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The bases and the structures are the bases on which based the external policy of the most countries. But, regarding the U.S of America, the structures are distinguished in its private nature coming form its particularity the historical composition of the United States.Based on this, the evaluation and the structures, which we already talked about and we spoke to in the first chapter in our thesis, are the bases on which stand the policy of the United States of America, as well as the determination of this policy. The level of the force to which reached the United States, which is considerable and distinguished on the shape renders the choices of the distinction seems some times necessary to the continuation of its heading and its control on the world. And this operation has been connected with the many challenges the U.S faced. The mental schooled deep routed the option of the unique state, whether additional or contomporain, or these currents which were renewed with new suggestion and personalities. From these most important currents are the mental currants which became stable in the options of the individualism in the right current religion or the new current conservative. And the religious treatment become mental base to the conflict religious and it is not a just conclusion, it is the reality in the facts of the events since the beginning of the 21st century. At the end, the bases interfered with power and with the individual justification and in the domination in the external policy.In addition to the mental changes, many changed occurred, most important are the strategic, economic, cultural changes. Each of these changes had its distinguished nature in the beginning of the actual century which rendered it different in its subjective, material of the last century.But the most of its characteristics in the structure of the building of the American power, it had its natural character in rendering the United Stated different of the other big powers, and that its power is renewable, and to avoid any point of weakness as soon as possible, through the techniques with special structures that could play the role of the administration to achieve the option of the superiority and to make it a concrete reality and a continuation to its remaining. The most important of these techniques are the war, the power, and the united Nations, and despite of our understanding of the availability of other techniques which are not less important of what we have mentioned above like the information and the free economy. Despite of all these changes we sought in our thesis, we are led to that point that the United States is going in the direction of the absolute superiority in the internal system, but the United Stated is threaten by a group of internal, economic, politic and social preoccupation. These changes are based on the idea of the worldwide which is in need of an interest which is equal to the interest of the United states in the affairs of the external world.On the other side, the United States does not wash to be a big power isolated of the other partners, even if it is capable to do this, due the nature of the power relationship form a side and that the United States is to be a leader for a permanent coalition or a temporary in the internal affairs that it face, the most import of these affairs is the terrorism.Thus, participating became a suggested option in the American external policy, but studying mental, strategic, economic and social changes led to that the style of the participation which the US want is not the participation of others , but the leadership of partnerships permanent or temporary that change according to the conditions and the requirements of the American national security . This participation is to be achieved thought a group of techniques; the most important of them is drawing the strategic coalition participating in the military through the war on terrorism, as well as the international partners.And in order that these directions get away of the directions of the intonation method, the thesis dealt with the future reflections in the direction of the American policy on the new international system.These reflections are distinguished, and this distinction we reveal as well as the study of the development of the new international system, and haw the contemporaneous changes discovered after the end of the cold war a group of phenomena and contradictions, the most important are the penman of the international terrorism, which put the internal system on the difficulty, and it put the American external policy direction in case of not determinative and the instability among the individuals and the participation and may be integrated with the others …For the mean time, the United States is not a sole power, even if it seamed so.The individuality in power means that other have agreed to support this superiority, and this power is not in need of support to any other power, but the United Sated is still in need of support and other coalition, even they had a superlative role like the United Kingdom, and or meaning role like Italy, Spain, as well as the others, meaning the other super power participating in the international system are still not agreed or not satisfied of the individualism of the United States to its participation.The individualism and the participation in reality is not the only option to the United States towards the courtiers of the south only, but it is the options of the external American policy regarding the big powers. So wheatear it is distinguished in its distinguished power or its view or to participate with them, but not based on its idea of the participation, but according to the idea of the participation based on that the U.S give up a part of its freedom of movements for that other big powers accept the participation of the United States.

العراق ما بعد الاحتلال وتاثيره في الامن الخليجي == SECURITY IN THE GULF AND THE IMPACT OF POST - OCCUPATION IRAQ

Author name: عامر حسن ثابت
Supervisor name: محمد كريم كاظم
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: Intellectual interest in the Gulf security is well - established. Very few studies, ‎however, have been conducted on the impact of post - occupation Iraq on the Gulf security arrangements. ‎The main objectives of this research are to highlight the threats and challenges facing the Gulf ‎region after the occupation of Iraq in 2003, and to address the post - occupation Iraq issue as an ‎important factor in restoring stability and security in the Gulf region. ‎Many factors and variables have contributed to the importance of the Gulf region as a key ‎arena for regional and international politics. Domestically, there is both the wealth of the Gulf ‎Cooperation Council states and strategic location of the Gulf itself, the continued internal and ‎regional threats the GCC states are facing, and, lastly, the increasing global demand for the ‎Gulf’s oil and gas. ‎The subject of this research is a highly complex subject of study. This difficulty is very much ‎manifest in appreciating and applying the most suitable analytical approach. As such, this ‎research has adopted a multi - level and multi - causal analytical framework. The researcher ‎believes that such a framework will not only lead to a more nuanced analysis, but also to a ‎richer understanding of the topic.‎ The results of this research are consistent with its hypothesis; it proves the following : Firstly, ‎there is a concrete link between the occupation of Iraq and its impact on the broader security ‎of the Gulf. Secondly, that Iraq can play a positive, balanced and durable role in the Gulf ‎security. This is particularly relevant because of the many factors linking Iraq with the ‎GCC states. Thirdly, in terms of security, that there is need for a new strategy consistent with ‎the national interests of all actors involved in the Gulf region, as well as the security ‎requirements of the region, in order to restore stability and security, and to save the Gulf ‎region from a fourth destructive war. ‎The US - led invasion of Iraq in 2003 is considered to be a major event, which has had a lasting ‎impact on the ‎security regime in the Gulf region ‎. Earlier, what was dubbed Operation ‎Desert Storm’ ‎in 1991 marked the beginning of the disturbance of the strategic balance ‎that ‎had been unique to the Gulf region. The subsequent invasion and occupation of Iraq by the ‎United States further disturbed that balance, affecting not only Iraq but the whole region. ‎The ‎dramatic changes that took place on the ground following the occupation in 2003 testify ‎to this. These changes rapidly redrew the features of the Gulf security and ‎caused an ‎impact on every state in the Gulf, without exception, in terms of security and stability.The United States’ invasion of Iraq, coupled with its considerable presence in the Gulf region, ‎revealed ‎unprecedented facts regarding security matters, not only in Iraq, but in the Gulf ‎region as a whole. This has necessitated a comprehensive assessment of the security regime ‎that ‎prevailed in the Gulf region prior to the war in 2003 in the light of the events that took ‎‎place afterwards. The elimination of Iraq from the equation, coupled with the unfavorable ‎developments in the state of Iraq ‎since 2003, could have possibly turned Iraq into a security ‎threat to the region on account of its attraction to proponents of extremism, ‎violence, and ‎terrorism.‎The nuclear activities of Iran, in light of the continuous tension in the US - Iran relationship, ‎‎also constitute a main feature of the new security regime in the Gulf region. Moreover, the ‎United States ‎has redeployed its troops so that they are now based in Qatar, Kuwait and ‎Bahrain.‎In light of the above, it has become necessary for the Gulf States to consider a new ‎security ‎system to cope with the post - Iraq - occupation stage, as the security issue has become an obsession for these states. In the meantime, in order to resolve the security question, a security ‎formula should be reached between them. However, to reach that end, a number of ‎conditions need to be satisfied. These include an end to ‎the United States’ occupation of Iraq, and bringing about stability and reconciliation between the Iraqi people. ‎Another issue is the United States - Iran conflict and the provision of security guarantees to small ‎countries so that those countries do not need to seek external alliances to protect their national ‎security. This is not to mention making appropriate arrangements for securing oil production in ‎the region, which implies coordination with the major oil consuming countries to set the balance ‎right in the interests of both producers and consumers. However, satisfying those conditions, in ‎addition to the reservations of the United States on any new security arrangements in the region - given that ‎the United States is a major player in current events - constitutes a main challenge.‎The establishment of a regional security arrangements based on the resolution of all bilateral conflicts, ‎setting a common stage for cooperation and coordination between the states in all areas, and ‎the continuation of internal political reforms is in the interest of all states in the region ‎including the GCC. Furthermore, bringing stability and security to the Gulf region is in ‎the interests of the international community, particularly the United States.The fall of Saddam Hussein’s regime in 2003 could have been a dream - at least, for the decision - ‎makers in the state of Iran. This might have been particularly so in light of the fact that ‎Iraq had been a stumbling block in the course of Iranian policy in the Gulf region for decades. But, as of ‎yet, the Iraqi occupation has not proven good news for Iran. This is for the simple reason that decision - ‎makers in Iran have become aware of the fact that they may be the next target for the United States. For ‎this reason, they tried to exhaust United States forces in Iraq, not to mention the efforts they made to ‎dominate the internal scene in Iraq by any and all means.‎Through its policy in Iraq, Iran aimed at becoming a main player in the regional game, an issue ‎which had been beyond the understanding of the United States decision - makers. In all likelihood, they were not ‎aware, beforehand, regarding the extent of Iranian involvement in the new Iraq, so that the United States ‎and Iran found themselves facing each other in the post - Saddam Iraq. Nonetheless, the fact of the ‎matter is that the new Iraq has become a common ground for interaction between the United States and ‎Iran, in which both parties need each other equally. It seems that the Americans are becoming ‎aware of the extent of that game, which, we believe, it is in their interest to do so. That could be ‎so even if that leads to more Iranian domination in Iraq as a secondary outcome - as the rules of ‎the game may dictate. The simple fact is that these rules are irreversible as long as the state of ‎Iraq remains disunited, and part of the country keeps the same distance from both ‎Washington and Tehran : i.e., remaining outside of the interaction between the two countries.‎The new equation in which Iraq became an important variable in the resultant Gulf - Iranian ‎relationships caused the Arab neighbours of Iraq to raise the question of how they should ‎handle their relationships with the new Iraq that has become a battle ground for American ‎and Iranian domination at the same time. In the meantime, regional alliances in the Gulf ‎were being reviewed to cope with the new regime.‎The foregoing would require a study for discussion and analysis, as well as a reading of the reality of ‎the various events involving the Gulf region, and the most important problems that ‎constitute an impediment to the security and stability of the region and to the efforts of the ‎international actors in the region. In addition, the outcome of the post - Iraq - occupation stage from ‎April 2003 has led to the deterioration of the internal condition in Iraq, such as a lack of security in ‎the event of increasing terrorist activities, and increasing violence, which could be due to ‎internal, regional or even international causes. This is not to mention the mass killings and ‎displacements which affected the people’s morale and state of mind, blocking the development ‎process in a broader sense. Given the close links between states in the region, the impact of the ‎outcome has gone beyond the borders to include neighbouring countries.‎The fact of the matter is that the Gulf region is experiencing a real security crisis which has more than one ‎cause, from the changes that have taken place in Iraq, to the intervention of some regional powers, ‎particularly Iran, in attempting to dominate the whole Gulf region, and ensuing disputes between those powers ‎and the US. This is not to mention the positive or negative impact of these facts on other local states in ‎terms of political and economic interests. This current crisis could have unfathomable effects on ‎the realities and future of the region and the GCC states will definitely be affected most. Given ‎its geopolitical regime, Iraq will influence and become influenced by the neighboring states - ‎particularly the GCC states - given the common factors and interests between the people ‎of those countries, most importantly their common language, culture, history and the economic ‎interests that link all Arab states in the Gulf. Yet, in the aftermath of its occupation, Iraq has ‎changed its regional role in favour of Iran. So, the disturbance of the balance of power in the ‎Gulf region has opened the door for Iran to increase its grab on power in the region.‎The United States, on the other hand, may be able to play a greater role in setting the balance of power right in ‎the Gulf region. This will only happen should the United States succeed in closing the gap that has resulted ‎from its occupation of Iraq in getting rid of the negative effects that the occupation has had on the country and its neighbours in the Gulf. Moreover, the United States will need to play its role as a ‎superpower and its capacity to make an impact on the Gulf region in terms of security and ‎stability as part of its commitment to the international community.‎Generally speaking, this thesis features an analysis of the reason behind the United States’ ‎occupation of Iraq, and the deployment of the United States’ troops in GCC states. The researcher also ‎investigates the reason behind the security crisis in the region, which could be explained by the ‎United States’ notion that military power always proves the right option for achieving goals. This notion, ‎however, does not pay attention to the fact that, although military force can allow for victory on ‎the battleground, or remove an unwanted regime, it cannot guarantee political and ‎security stability.‎As far as Iraq is concerned, political stability and security remain a long - term goal since the ‎occupation. That could be due to the complex regime both locally and regionally, as well as ‎internationally. Due to this complexity, and the wide gap between the people and ‎rulers in most of the states in the region questioning the legitimacy of those rulers, any stability ‎in the region is of a fragile nature. This is not to mention the lack of mutual trust between various ‎states in the region. From this, it could be concluded that the security issue remains a major ‎dilemma at this current stage and will probably remain so for a long time to come.‎Much has been written about the Gulf region from different perspectives. But relatively little has been written about the orientations and policies of post - occupation Iraq towards the region, especially after its occupation in 2003.This statement is confirmed by the results of the researcher’s on - going survey of the Arabic and English literature on this topic. Many factors may account for the scarcity of this topic in the literature, including the impact of the prevailing internal situation in Iraq and its foreign policies towards the Arab Gulf states. Needless to say, Iraq is an important factor in the Gulf region and as such, continuity or change in its foreign policy may either enhance stability or encourage conflict in the Gulf.In this A thesis, I allocate to : In draft,deals with the significance of the Gulf region and the history of the region – ‎politically; economically; militarily – since the end of the Second World War. This includes ‎the 2003 invasion. The significant relevance of oil production is also discussed, as is the ‎notion of the six GCC countries.Chapter One; examines important challenges facing security in the Gulf region, specifically ‎with respect to demographic issues, and the importance of the increasingly foreign workforce, ‎in the context of globalization. Finally, the issue of terrorism is presented. The first section is ‎devoted to analysing the Gulf’s demographic imbalance which constitutes a serious challenge ‎for policymakers. On the one hand, immigration into the region is indispensable for the ‎process of vital economic development, but on the other hand immigration constitutes a ‎serious challenge given its unfavorable effects on the demographic structure and the labor ‎market. This has an additional impact on social and cultural values, particularly at this current ‎stage of globalization.‎Section two analyses the challenges facing the Gulf region from terrorism, and seeks to ‎answer the following questions : Why is there diversity in the definition of terrorism? What ‎determines who is a terrorist? What are terrorist goals and what are the means by which they ‎decide targets? What is the nature of the hostilities committed by and the means of support ‎received by terrorist groups? Why should the phenomenon of terrorism be studied and what ‎are the benefits envisaged from these studies? What is the relationship between the media and ‎modern communications and the phenomenon of terrorism in the Gulf region after the ‎occupation of Iraq? ‎Chapter Two; highlights Iranian policy in the face of the concept of Gulf security arrangements in ‎two main sections. The first describes and analyses the historic background of the present ‎issues, and Iranian perspectives on the notion of Gulf security. The second discusses Gulf ‎security in light of Iran’s nuclear program. Iran is considered to be a main player in the ‎Gulf region, in terms of its population as well as its military and economic might compared ‎with the other Arab Gulf states. The importance of their own security policies (including the ‎nuclear program) and the response to those policies on the part of the other Gulf States is ‎also considered, which encompasses a discussion of various key relationships (between the ‎Arab States, Gulf States, Iran and the US)‎.Chapter Three; examines the impact of post - 2003 Iraq on the security arrangements within ‎the gulf region. Firstly, the factors that have, and continue, to influence post - 2003 Iraq are ‎explored. Subsequently, both the influence of Iraq and the areas of influence exerted by Iraq ‎on the security arrangements of the Gulf are considered. Finally, the perspectives of the main ‎powers in the region with regard to Iraq’s influence on the Gulf security arrangements are ‎presented. The impact, in particular, of the Iranian nuclear program is also discussed, before ‎the conclusion of the chapter.‎Chapter Four; examines whether Iraq will have a substantial impact on Gulf security in the ‎medium - term future, and what aspects have made and may make Iraq influential in this ‎respect. The prospects of Iraq in this regard will consider the connection between the two, ‎and Iraq’s future prospects; the Gulf security issue is also considered in the wider respect of ‎Arab links, the isolation of Iraq from its Gulf surroundings, and the reality of Iraq as a ‎battleground for regional confrontation.‎

الدبلوماسية الشعبية الجديدة لادارة اوباما والدولة العربية == The New public diplomacy Obama administration and the Arab state

Author name: ضمير عبد الرزاق محود
Supervisor name: نادية عبد القادر المختار
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The new public diplomacy, in its general framework, is understood as the process of communication done by states with peoples of other states without the knowledge of the latter's governments, in an attempt to move them in a way that serves the interests of the former states and achieves their goals in different fields. According to this understanding, the new popular diplomacy is, in normal conditions, one of the tools of foreign policy which can be adopted in achieving goals. In abnormal conditions, new popular diplomacy can work away from foreign policy, so that each one of them can achieve its goal, provided that the sum of their goals goes with the general American strategy. Thus, it is unnecessary that the foreign policy consists with the new popular diplomacy in achieving goals, yet each one of them can work in different conditions and environments.The new American public diplomacy started to activate its governmental and non - governmental programs and its technological tools in an attempt to encompass the peoples of the Arab states through intercommunication via civil society organizations, opposition forces, political parties, media men, and other different and wide sectors. It gave thousands of them the opportunity to visit the United States of America to participate in the programs of grants, symposia, and conferences. The common thing among these activities was talking about democracy, elections, human rights, minorities, and political participation. At the same time, satellite channels started focusing on presenting the shortcomings of regimes and showing their defects, in addition of attempting to present the problems of minorities and displaying their representatives and leaderships and working on the non - presence of government voice. Moreover, it employed the sites of socialbetworks for communication and creating societal opinions that stand opposite to the governing regimes' trends. All these and other activities were a preparation stage for the coming transforms.The outbreak of the peaceful popular uprisings in some of the Arab states during the first term of president Obama was a turning point in highlighting the role of the new Americanpublic diplomacy in the political developments resulting from the attempt to control these uprisings and direct them to serve the American interests. It worked from the outset through its tools on expanding the range of demonstrations and raising the level of demands and concentrating on the behavior of the security forces towards the protesting people, a matter that limited the regimes' capability of tackling the situation in a coercive manner, moreover, foiling the effect of banning the world wide web by those regimes and succeeding to transmit the developments of events live all over the world. The tryout of the American popular diplomacy in Egypt was the most significant and the most effective one on the other tryouts, playing a role which could not be achieved by the American foreign policy due to its professional commitments or the nature of its bilateral relations with the regime of president Hosni Mubarak, in addition to the different nature of the tools and means used .

الدور الاقليمي لمصر في الاستراتيجية الامريكية بعد احداث 11 ايلول 2001 == EGYPT,S REGIONAL ROLE IN AMERICAN STRATEGY AFTER 11 SEPTEMBER 2001

Author name: صبحي فاروق صبحي
Supervisor name: صالح عباس الطائي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: It is obvious through the progress of all the political, economical and military operation at the Middle East, that Egypt did regional roles in the strategic domains which done by the United States in the Middle East, As an example the changes of administration rules of the Arabic - Israelean conflict issues and it is the same with all Egyptian roles in most instances of the regional stability cases. After 11th of September, 2001 The American United Stated had a necessity to intervene as an active part in the rearrangement of the events and reactions of this region, and its futuristic possibilities, in as much as the violence works in USA done by persons from this region. And to confirmation its new strategic roles at this region , Egypt had a necessity to dependence on regional parts to facilitate strategic succeeding ways with all means ; democracy publicity , struggle what is called ( terrorism ), The Islamic severity , the political reformation , Teaching System reformation , The Economic Liberty and Women's Liberation . So USA found in Egypt apart had a preparedness to make interior responses and regional roles which harmonize with required USA strategy. Today the regional role of Egypt in American Strategy after 11th of September, 2009 became to overcome a lunge importation not just for the importation of both sides in this relation. whereas the first one ( Egypt ) with its strategic position and humanic , cultural , civilizational , gravity at the Arabic , Islamic and African environment Egypt became one of the keys of the great countries to enter the Middle East or influence on it . The other USA represent the greatest power of the world and having exclusive possession of the international decision which made a great countries like Russia , China and other European countries want to improve ,their relations with USA and make this point one of their national priorities, passing all the political conflicts even the strategies . In additional to this power has benefits at the Middle East and sometimes they become an active part in the region interactions. In the study & following the regional Role for Egypt in the American Strategy after the events of 11th. - Sept.2001 has a great benefits, so that we can through this continuously stand on multy of reasons so we can understand the conversions which is take place on this role&that represent one of our inducement to choose that subject beside the other urges, the more importance is : - 1 - The subject is by virtue of importance of both countries, Egypt is an effective &Islamic region .Therefore the regional part of Egypt was one of the important constant in the regional relationship always. On the other hand the United State of America which is the first global power in the world, it should be an effective relationship between American - Egyptian in the region.2 - To know the nature of the relationship between the aims which Egypt want to establish through the parts that it takes in its relationship with the United State of America & between the resource ,abilities available to it. 3 - The desire of understanding following to how far there is specific constants control dynamic regional Relationship &countries parts.According to the above, the thesis is divided to five chapters : - Chapter one takes the theoretical frame of the terms which has been used in the core include the part, territorial, regional part, strategic & effectiveness. - Chapter two, It takes the American look to Egypt& what it make United State Of America to give An important &concentrate specially to Egypt through forming & implementation its strategy in the Middle East region. - Chapter Three, takes the two issues : constituent supports of Egypt parts in its region, the second issue is to define that surroundings of Egypt movement which the thesis has named it Egypt regional circles Movement. - Chapter Four, it goes to proof ambushes & the appearances of effectiveness in which United State affected through it to Egypt regional parts & make it respond to some of strategic needs. - Chapter five, it concentrate on brought up responsibilities for responding Egypt parts to American strategies in the Middle East region.The thesis has achieved that is the stability of the relation between the two variables of the study is one of the following : 1 - Continuity (remaining the effect of the American variable in the regional of the Egypt parts.2 - Independency in the regional of Egypt parts (diminish of the American variable Parts.

اثر المتغير الايراني في العلاقات العراقية - التركية مرحلة ما بعد الحرب الباردة == The Effect of Iranian change In Turkish - Iraqi relations as period after the cold war stag

Author name: شيماء عادل فاضل القره غولي
Supervisor name: وصال نجيب عارف العزاوي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: منذ الربع الاول من القرن العشرين الذي شهد فيه تاسيس البلدين ( العراق وتركيا ) ،اقترنت العلاقات بينهما منذ بدايتها بجملة من التوترات المصحوبة بالحذر ،الا ان هذه التوترات كانت تتخللها فترات ايجابية مرده بالتاكيد المصالح المترابطة بينهما، والتي تدفعهما بين الحين والاخر للتعاون سبيلا لتحقيق غايات تخدم مصالحهما، رغم انها كانت تميل لارجحية الجانب التركي على الجانب العراقي .الا ان الوضع اعلاه لم يستمر طويلا ،وهذا يعود لجملة المتغيرات الدولية والاقليمية والمتمثلة في الانفراد الامريكي بالعالم مقابل تراجع الاتحاد السوفيتي ،فضلا عن حرب الخليج الثانية والثالثة ،والتي كان لها وقع الاثر وبشكل كبير في تراجع العلاقات العراقية - التركية ،بحيث لم تعد العلاقات بينهما كما كانت قبل عام 1991 ،نتيجة قيام تركيا باستغلال الاوضاع لتحقيق مطامعها التوسعية في العراق .ورغم معاناه العراق من احتلال امريكي مباشر لها بعد عام 2003 ،وما تحمله تركيا من تطلعات لرسم دور اقليمي في المنطقة في ظل المشاكل يعاني منها اقتصادها ،الا انهما ظلتا يحتلان مكانة كبيرة في الادراك الايراني ،وهذا بالتاكيد مرده المقومات المهمة الضرورية التي يمتلكانها من موقع جيوستراتيجي مهم ،وموارد اقتصادية وبشرية مكنتهما من ان يصبحا احدى القوى الفاعلة في الاقليم وعنصرا اساسيا في تقرير التوازنات الاقليمية القائمة في المنطقة .هذا فضلا عن ان ايران تشترك مع كلا البلدين ( العراق وتركيا ) بجملة قضايا تتمثل في ( القضية الكردية، وقضية المياه، وقضية الحدود ) كان لها وقع الاثر فيها ،واحتلت حيزا واسعا في العلاقات العراقية - التركية ولفترات طويلة ولازالت، وربما تستمر حتى المدى القصير، اذا ما استمر كلا البلدين ( العراق وتركيا ) في الركون نحو اتباع مبدا المحاور والاهداف البعيدة، ومحاولة رسم كل منهما دورا محددا يتناسب وكانته الدولية مخترقين حقوق الجوار التي نصت عليها الاعراف السماوية قبل ان تنص عليها الاتفاقيات والمعاهدات الدولية . | Al the first quarter ,the twentieth century which witnessed establishment of two counters ( Iraq & turkey ),the relations between the two counters since the beginning were of tension and diligence ,but these tension were penetrated by positive periods because of their joint interests which comply there to cooperate to achieve mostly it benefited the interests ,but Turkish interests more than the Iraqi interests. But the above situation isn’t continue for long due to the many international and regional changes which is represented by American dictatorship and the collapse the soviet union .In addition to the second and third gulf war which affect negatively on the Iraqi - Turkish relations and never because the same as prior to 1991 as a result of Turkish effort to utilize the current situation to achieve its expanding greed in Iraq. Although Iraq suffered from the American dared occupation after 2003 and the Turkish aim to draw a regional role in the area because of its deteriorated economy , never the less it still occupy a large place in the Iranian realization and that is because of its important and necessary essentials to both countries especially due to the geo - strategic location and human and economic resources which enabled them to be an active force in the region and a basic element in deciding regional equilibrium in the area . In addition Iran shares with both countries ( Iraq & turkey ) many issues ,such as the ( Kurdish issue , water issue and border issue)which occupy a wide space in the Iraqi - Turkish relations for along period and still continuous and may continue further if both countries ( Iraq & turkey ) continue in following principle of axis and distal objectives and trying to draw a specific role suitable with their international standing breaching the neighbor rights of celestial traditions before the international treaties and agreements.

سياسة ايران الخارجية تجاه المنطقة العربية منذ عام 1989 وافاق المستقبل == Iranian foreign policy Toward Arab Area since 1989 and Future Horizon

Author name: سيف منذر عبد الواحد الجوعاني
Supervisor name: فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

اسرائيل والتحولات السياسية في البلدان العربية منذ عام 2010 == Israel and political transformation in the Arabic since 2010 countries

Author name: سلمان علي حسين العزي
Supervisor name: صالح عباس الطائي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: In this study titled (Israel and political transformations in the Arabic countries since 2010). We try to explain the eminent abilities and components which Israel has, especially the military affairs .It has a good strong developed one based on developed military industries of novel technology, all worked to arm the military army with most new weapon like nuclear weapon, in which the big military spending has a good role of that. In addition to that the economical abilities which came from Jewish donors, nonstop American support and German compensation, all these have a good role in building developed Israel commerce. Israel employed the Jewish experiences which had come from emigration to develop its economy, one of that is a big development of economical level in the country. In addition to that the technological abilities which have an eminent role to support the international and region Israel aims e.g. the fields of military industries and space fields like launching a grope of satellites for spying and collecting information . All of that make an obstacle against the international and region alliance of Israel to do its aims. Part of these eminent obstructions are social and inner political problems e.g. west and east Jews problems ,or disagreement between parties about main affairs like making of the constitution and who is the Jew ? In addition to that the economic problems e.g. lacking of row materials, oil ,Gas ,and lacking of water .Another important points are the need of near shops to sell their productions ,and no good strategic view as it is on a small land and surrounding with enemies . After that we go to search for the international and region effected points of Israel through searching the region effected points of Israel, one of them is turkey, Ethiopia, South of Sudan and middle of Asia, also what these points gave to Israel especially after the political changes in the Arabic countries in order to do its plans in Arabic area. Also we show the international points of Israel activity. U.S.A, European Union, Russian and china will be the first .This depends on a fundamental thinking of Israel idea as in depending on the great power in its international and region alliance. Another search, we go for the motives, the ways and the results of the Arabic political changes and its effects on the Arabic political reality then the Israel role in all of that depending on the central Arabic countries, e.g. Egypt Syria, in addition to another countries like Tunisia, Libya and Yemen. The role of Israel in the Arabic political changes depends on the continuity of demonstrations and unstable case in the Arabic countries, leading to the prepared aim of Israel for the Arabic countries .This leads us to search in the Israel American projects ,one of them is the Great middle East project and the strategy of its implementing through the creative confusion ,and the project of smashing Arabic countries depending on Bernard Luis and Audead Yunoon like dividing the Arabic countries to small unstable one ,and quarrel with each other, trying to put future possibilities for the nature of the relationship between Israel and Arab through three possibilities like the continuity of the relationship as it is or change it ,or both continued and changed one depends on each case

السياسة الخارجية الامريكية وحقوق الانسان : دراسة حالة كوسوفو

Author name: رياض مهدي عبد الكاظم الحطاب
Supervisor name: قاسم محمد عبد علي الدليمي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

فكرة التحالف في السياسة الخارجية البريطانية : دراسة حالة التحالف البريطاني الامريكي == The Idea Of The Coalitions In The British Foreign Policy A case Study : The British - American Coalitions

Author name: رنا خالد عبد الجبار
Supervisor name: نادية عبد القادر المختار | مازن اسماعيل الرمضاني
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: This study tried seeking in a quasi hidden phenomena behind all the relations of force among the counties upon the different time epochs that the international relations witnessed. This phenomena is the international alliances, trying to shed the light on this phenomena and its role on the British political policy.Based on this, it has been clarified that the changes on which based the phenomena of the alliances in the British external policy, and therefore all the objectives, and the means became influenced directly, in the beginning of the twentieth century, on the conditions of the prelateship with the dominant force in the international system, which is the United States, after that Britain was during the epoch of the great emperor, the one who putting the condition of the political international policies, and the one who determines which force is to be and against which force. Even, the super powers were competing to get the chances of the alliances with the British emperor to strength it self in the international conflict.Then the study finished in to seeking in the British American alliances, not because it is one of the cases of the alliances in the British external policy, but because it became the basic element in the influence on the total of the external policy of the British policy.Britain today does not make an alliance with the United States on the basic of the interest only, but it is more than that, as the alliances between them reached till the point of the ideology alliance between the two mentalities which is difficult to separate them on the first sight.But, when we study each one a part , we find the element of the contradiction seem immense among the deep - rooted British mentality, based on the romaine policy, philology ,and which developed through the epochs of the middle ages and the ages of the renaissance, and between the American political mentality , based on the American poetical experience , build by the points of the American political mentality, or what is called by the " America Father" who found the idea of the alliances and the idea of the American Constitution.The American policy is an individual experience , made by the immigrant to the American continent, and which was developed by the life condition of this modern country, till it became an expense related to America, and it could not be generalized. It is related to the political building and economic and social society, related to the united stated, which is about to be different form the structure of the other ancient nations.Britain is considered to be one of strongest counties in using the policy of the alliances to achieve its external goals in the policy. On the other hand, we registered our remarks on which based our study that the British - American alliance is considered to be one of the mot rare shapes of the international alliances which that the history sitnessed. This is due that to the shape of this alliance, its strength and its continuity, and its capability to make the influence. And above all, each par endures to maintain this alliance with the second part

السيادة بين ميثاق الامم المتحدة والتطبيق العملي : دراسة في التنظيم الدولي بعد الحرب الباردة

Author name: رائد صالــح علي
Supervisor name: فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

اثر الديون الخارجية على حقوق الانسان الاقتصادية والاجتماعية بعد الحرب الباردة : دراسة مقارنة (ماليزيا واليمن) == The impact of External debt on economic and social human rights after the Cold War comparative study (Malaysia and Yemen)

Author name: رائد سامي عباس العبيدي
Supervisor name: احمد الحمداني | عبد الصمد الشمري
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: وتستعرض هذه الدراسة السياق التاريخي لمشاكل الديون الخارجية التي تواجهها بلدان عالم الجنوب وما يترتب على تخلف البلدان المتضررة عن تسديد ديونها من اثر سلبي على قدرتها على النهوض بحقوق الانسان ، وتحديدا انموذجي ماليزيا واليمن ، وخاصة بعد ان وضع المجتمع الدولي العديد من المبادرات وبذل الكثير من الجهود سعيا منه الى ايجاد حل لمحنة الديون التي تعانيها بلدان عالم الجنوب او الى التخفيف من وطاتها مؤقتا على الاقل ويتحمل كل من الدائنين والمدينين المسؤولية فيما يتعلق بسوء ادارة المعاملات الخارجية وكما هو الشان بالنسبة لاعمال حقوق الانسان وتعزيزها، فان المسؤولية الرئيسية في الادارة الجيدة للديون واستخدام الموارد الخارجية على نحو يتسم بالمسؤولية تقع على عاتق الحكومات الوطنية. ومن العوامل التي اسهمت في تراكم ديون هذه البلدان عوامل خارجية مثل صدمات اسعار النفط وانخفاض اسعار السلع الاساسية ،وارتفاع اسعار الفائدة في السبعينات والثمانينات، وحفاظا على ميزان المدفوعات،رفعت البلدان الاقتراض من الخارج لتعويض تدهور شروط التبادل التجاري حيث عرفت اسعار السلع الاساسية انخفاضا حادا في مطلع الثمانينات، وقد لجات بعض البلدان الفقيرة بشكل متزايد الى قروض جديدة لرد خدمة ديونها، وحددت الشروط من جانب المؤسسات المالية الدولية ، مؤدية الى الحد من النفقات العامة وفرض برامج التكييف الهيكلي للتقليل من الاعتماد على القروض الخارجية مما ادى الى انعكاسات سلبية على حقوق الانسان الاقتصادية والاجتماعية والثقافية .لقد تم تقسيم الدراسة على اربع فصول . اذ تناول الفصل الاول : اطار نظري عام عن الديون الخارجية لدول عالم الجنوب الذي تضمن مبحثين هما : 1 - المبحث الاول : مفهوم الدين الخارجي - النشاة والاسباب.2 - المبحث الثاني : مبررات وانواع ومؤشرات الدين الخارجي. اما الفصل الثاني : فركز على حقوق الانسان والمؤسسات المالية الدولية المانحة من خلال مبحثين هما : 1 - المبحث الاول : حقوق الانسان النشاة والتطور.2 - المبحث الثاني : المؤسسات المالية الدولية المانحة(البنك وصندوق النقد الدوليين).اما الفصل الثالث : فركز على ، الديون الخارجية وسياسة التكييف الهيكلي وانعكاساتها على الحقوق الاقتصادية والاجتماعية والثقافية، وذلك من خلال مبحثين هما : 1 - المبحث الاول : الحقوق الاقتصادية والاجتماعية والثقافية2 - المبحث الثاني : الديون الخارجية وسياسة التكييف الهيكلي وانعكاساتها على الحقوق الاقتصادية والاجتماعية والثقافية.اما الفصل الرابع : فقد تناول دول العينة المختارة مقارنة بين( ماليزيا اليمن) وقسم الفصل الى ثلاث مباحث وهي : 1 - المبحث الاول : النظام السياسي ولاقتصادي واثر الديون الخارجية في ماليزيا .2 - المبحث الثاني : النظام السياسي والاقتصادي واثر الديون الخارجية في اليمن .3 - المبحث الثالث : الاثر المتحقق للديون الخارجية في ماليزيا واليمن | This study reviews the historical context of the external debt problems faced by the countries of the Global South and the consequent failure of the affected countries to repay their debt from negative impact on their ability to promote human rights, specifically the prototypical Malaysia and Yemen, especially after the international community to put several initiatives and make a lot of efforts in an effort to find a solution to the plight of debt experienced by the world of the South or to reduce temporarily the brunt at least and each of the creditors and debtors responsibility for bad foreign transaction management and as is the case for the realization of human rights and promotion, the main responsibility in the good debt management and use of resources Foreign responsibly lies with national governments. Among the factors that contributed to the debt of these countries external factors accumulation such as oil price shocks and declining commodity prices, and rising interest rates in the seventies and eighties, and to preserve the balance of payments, borrowing countries increased from abroad to compensate for the deterioration of terms of trade as commodity prices known as a sharp decline in the early eighties, and some poor countries have resorted increasingly to new loans respond to service their debt, and set conditions on the part of international financial institutions, leading to the reduction of public expenditure and the imposition of structural adjustment programs to reduce the dependence on external loans, which led to negative repercussions on the rights and economic rights and social and cultural study. We have been divided into four chapters.If the first chapter dealt with : a theoretical framework for external debt in the Southern world, which included two sections, namely : 1. Section I : The concept of external debt - Origin and causes.2. The second topic : the rationale and the types and indicators of external debt. The second chapter : focused on human rights and the international financial institutions and donors through two sections, namely : 1. Section I : Growing human rights and development.2. The second topic : international financial institutions and donor (Bank and the International Monetary Fund).The third chapter : focused on, external debt and structural adjustment policy and its impact on economic, social and cultural rights, and through two sections, namely : 1. Section I : economic, social and cultural rights2. The second topic : foreign debt and structural adjustment policy and its impact on economic, social and cultural rights.The fourth chapter dealt with selected sample comparison between countries (Malaysia, Yemen) and the Department of separation into three sections, namely : 1. First topic : the political system and the economic impact of external debt in Malaysia.2. The second topic : the political and economic system and the impact of external debt in Yemen.3. The third topic : the realized impact of external debt in Malaysia and Yemen. At the end ،the study reached numerous of conclusions

مستقبل الدور الصيني في الاقتصاد العالمي == The Chinese Future - Role into the Global Economics

Author name: حسن بدري الخالدي
Supervisor name: عبد علي كاظم المعموري
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
Key words:
  • الصين
  • المستقبل
  • علاقات اقتصادية
  • الاصلاح الاقتصادي
  • الاصلاح المالي والنقدي
  • البناء الاشتراكي
  • العلوم والتكنولوجيا
  • التجارة
  • الاستثمار
  • الاندماج الاقتصادي الدولي
  • الانضمام الى منظمة التجارة العالمية
  • الفائض الاقتصادي
  • مسالة الطاقة
  • المناطق ا
First pages:
Abstract: By the end of 1978, China followed the economic reforming and opening up policies as a realizing of the importance of economic factor in the formation of comprehensive power frame.The economic growth achieved by china had its influence on activation the growing movement at both regional and international levels through elevation of commercial exchange rate between China and around countries; and activation of foreign investments in which it could contribute in raising the Chinese position through the global economics, where it ranked as a sixth global largest economic entity; and third in the commercial exchange (exporting & importing). Many predictions denote that china will probably occupy more advanced positions at global commerce and economics levels.The current study aimed to proving the following hypothesis; What China had made of economic reforming and opening up as a realizing of economic factor in formation of state power, by which China could achieve high growth rates had its influence on activation of regional and global economics , in which made China as one of the largest economics in global .This study distributed into introduction and three chapters; first chapter deals with progress stages of Chinese economics; the second chapter deals with figures of Chinese role in the global economics and the third chapter deals with effective varieties of Chinese role into global economics and the prospective sceneries of Chinese role into the global economics, finally the study came up with conclusions and recommendations.

توجه الولايات المتحدة الامريكية تجاه اقليم شمال افريقيا بعد انتهاء الحرب الباردة : دراسة جيوستراتيجية == The United States of America's Attitude toward North Africa region after end of Cold War Geo Strategic Study

Author name: عمار حميد ياسين
Supervisor name: نزار اسماعيل عبد اللطيف الحيالي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: يعـد موضوع الدراسة من المواضيع الحديثة التي لم تنل القدر الكافي في الدراسات العلمية الاكاديمية,ولا سيما اذا علمنا : ان منطقة شمال افريقيا عدت مركز جذب استراتيجي على المستوى الدولي والاقليمي, لانها حظيت باهتمام بالغ من لدن دوائر صنع القرار في الولايات المتحدة الامريكية, وذلك بسبب تجاذب وتنافر المصالح الدولية والاقليمية ازاءها.ولذلك شكل (اقليم شمال افريقيا) مركز استقطاب مهم, اذ نلاحظ استمرارية تصعيد الاهتمام والتاثير في هذه المنطقة من قبل القوى الدولية,مما ينعكس بشكل او باخر على طبيعة التنافس الدولي بين استراتيجيات القوى الكبرى.وعلى هذا الاساس اقتضت الضرورة دراسة هذا الموضوع بشكل علمي ممنهج, ليتسنى لنا معرفة طبيعة الدور الامريكي حيال (اقليم شمال افريقيا) لما لها من تاثير في مصالح الدول الكبرى, ولا سيما الدول الاوربية.واتساقا مع ذلك,فقد شهدت مرحلة ما بعد الحرب الباردة تطورات سياسية,واقتصادية,وعسكرية,وامنية مهمة جدا شكلت بالمحصلة انعطافة جديدة,بسبب انفراد الولايات المتحدة الامريكية ضمن اطار قطبية احاديةعلى المستوى الدولي.ولذلك تمحورت منطلقات التوجه الامريكي نحو المضي قدما باتجاه تطبيق الوسائل المناسبة التي تتواءم مع طبيعة التوجهات الامريكية باتجاه اقليم شمال افريقيا.ومن هنا فقد اقتضت الضرورة دراسة ابعاد التوجه الامريكي تجاه (اقليم شمال افريقيا), بسبب تغير واقع الصراع الدولي الذي يشهد تناقض في المصالح، فضلا عن ان هذا الاهتمام قد اخذ بالتزايد بشكل مضطرد، وبابعاد جديدة بعد احداث 11 ايلول العام 2001, ودخول العالم مرحلة جديدة في ما يسمى بـ( الحرب على الارهاب).اذ تقوم هذه الدراسة على فرضية مفادها : البرهنة على ان الاهمية الجيوستراتيجية التي يتمتع بها اقليم شمال افريقيا ادت الى ان يحتل اولوية مهمة في الادراك الاستراتيجي الامريكي، فضلا عن تزايد هذه الاهمية لمرحلة ما بعد الحرب الباردة.لذلك انتظمت الدراسة التي بين ايدينا في اربعة فصول.الفصل الاول : جاء ليبحث في الاهمية الجيوستراتيجية لاقليم شمال افريقيا في الادراك الامريكي، اما الفصل الثاني تناول دوافع التوجه الامريكي ازاء اقليم شمال افريقيا، في حين ان الفصل الثالث بحث وسائل التوجه الامريكي ازاء اقليم شمال افريقيا، وفي الفصل الرابع تعرضنا الى دراسة القوى المنافسة للتوجه الامريكي ازاء اقليم شمال افريقيا. ومن هنا استوجبت الدراسة الاعتماد على اكثر من منهج لتوظيفه كلما استدعت الضرورة الى ذلك اذ تم الاعتماد على المنهج التاريخي وذلك لغرض الوقوف على مراحل التسلسل التاريخي لتطور مفاهيم الجيوستراتيجية وعلاقاتها مع المفاهيم الاخرى، والمنهج الوصفي من اجل وصف ماهية الجيوستراتيجية ومدى ارتباطها بالمصطلحات الاخرى المقاربة لها، والمنهج التحليلي الذي ساعد على رصد اهم دوافع التوجه الامـريكي حيال اقليم شمال افريقيا، فضلا عن المنهج الاحصائي لمعرفة حجم الاستثمارات الامريكية والمساعدات، ومبيعات الاسلحة ومستويات امدادات الطاقة ومعدلات النمو السكاني لاقليم شمال افريقيا.وعلى صعيد الاستنتاجات نستطيع القول : ان اقليم شمال افريقيا ليس فضاء مطلقا للتوجه الامريكي بل يعاني هذا التوجه من منافسة حقيقية مع قوى دولية تتطلع الى القطبية مثل : روسيا والصين وربما لا يستبعد التحليل الاستراتيجي ان تتحول المنافسة الى حرب باردة او صراع دولي جديد لان الحقيقة العلمية تقول : ان المنافسة بين قوى دوليه لا يمكن ان تبقى على حالها لمدة طويلة، فهي اما ان تسقط اذا حصل توافق بين مصالح تلك القوى، واما ان تتصاعد وتتحول الى صراع اذا ما تناقضت اجندة المصالح الاستراتيجية. | The subject of thesis regarded as one of the most interested subject, which did not focused by many scientific studies, especially if we know the importance of North Africa region as center of interests conflict between many Great super powers, especially United States of America. Which decision makers in it's concerning with that is region in 1950s and after that is because crossing of interests among many powers like Union of Soviet, France, and Britain.The continuity of interesting and influence of North Africa reflects upon the nature of International competion among Great powers, that's make study about that’s subject is more crucial, especially if we study the American role in region, which stamped the more important events which happened in region.So the period that followed the Cold era witness many political, economic, military and, security developments which pointed out the new era in International policy, which United States rise as the unitarily super power in International scene .The United States try to making the suitable policy which harmony with American attitudes towards the North of Africa.Needless to say that the conflict among International powers has been changed after September_ 11_ 2001, when the world enter a new epoch known as the war against terrorism. That’s thesis based upon hypothesis concerning with the strategic importance of North Africa region lead the American decision makers to put the North of Africa as great priority as important region for American interests, And also that’s importance has been increased after end of cold war.So that’s thesis classified into four chapter : first chapter dealing with Geo_Strategic importance of North Africa region in American attitude, while the second chapter dealing with motivations of American attitudes toward North of Africa, the third chapter dealing with tools which American used its toward North of Africa, in the fourth section concerning with role of competitive powers which can rivalry the movement of United States in that’s region. Thesis depend upon more method to analysis the events and movements of United States and other powers, so the historical approach was useful to know about historical succession of Geo_Strategic concept and defining other concepts which connected with its, while the description method was necessary to describe the Geo_Strategy. The analytical approach was necessary to study the most important motivation of United States toward North of Africa. Needless to say that statistic approach was useful to know the size of American investments, assistances, arms exchange, energy supplies, and demographical development rate in North of Africa.The most important conclusions of that’s thesis dealing with fact that North Africa will not to be as closed region for American interests, indeed that’s many other powers like, China, and Russia, can play as competitive powers, and may be turn to axis rivalry United States in region. Thesis concludes that is rivalry may be turn into new Cold War or new International Conflict. In political analysis the competitive among International powers will not stay for long time, May be fall if the accord will be happen among interests of powers, or the conflict will rise and go up if the interests of Great powers will be contradict

السياسة الروسية تجاه المشرق العربي بعد عام 2000 == Russian Policy Towards Arab Levant After Year 2000 A.D

Author name: بلال طلال حمد ال جوادي
Supervisor name: خضر عباس عطوان
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The international system has seen the end of the Cold War, the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the emergence of Russia as a state and heiress to him late in 1991, a turning point and the transition from the bipolar system to a unilateral system Polar, which became the United States dominated in which the course of events in the international arena without competition from any Other countries, including Russia, that have passed through the nineties of the last century political and economic crisis made it focuses most of its concerns on internal affairs, and prevented them from restoring the greatness of the Soviet Union and appearing as an influential on the international scene ends with the US hegemony over the course of international events, and change the order forminternational unilateral system of polar to multi - polar system. But with the beginning of this century and the arrival of (Vladimir Putin) to the presidency of the Russian Federation, the president sought driven by his personality and leadership inception military to restore the glories of the Soviet Union and the emergence of Prussia powerful and influential state is not on the scene regional, but also on the international arena, and work to weaken US hegemony around the world and the formation of the international system again be to Russia as a great role to end the unipolar system and announce multi - polar system appearance, in order to achieve this goal has issued the Russian president in late 2000 and document the basic principles of Russian foreign policy, which determines orientations of this policy, and also determine theways and means available to move Russia into a major force in the international arena, and among the listing matches this document reorientation of Russian foreign policy towards all regions of the world, without exception - and not restrict the countries of the Russian neighboring republics of the Soviet Union quoted above, particularly those that were linked with the Soviet Union and a close and solid relations, was the area Levant regions which Russia has worked to re - activate its relations with it, that poses this region of the importance of strategy in international politics, and because of their geographical location privileged, resources and potential economic, as it is an extension of the region of Central Asia and the former Soviet republics and therefore this region affect national security and Russian interests, either directly or indirectly, and that the US considered this region a zone of influence them, and so the Russian trend towards strengthening relations with the countries of this region will reflect thestrength of Russia's return to the international arena and the stability of its position in making Russia a pole of the lords of the international system, which plays a large and influential role in the course of events in it.Importance of the study : - It lies the importance of the study to identify the phases of Russian foreign policy toward the Levant region, which is of the most important strategic areas in determining the forces on the international arena and the motives of this policy, as well as to identify the nature of the events and issues experienced by this region in this important period that is recast the nature of the international system and the Levant, and how to interact with the Russian, and stand on the nature of the qualifications, tools and factors affecting this interaction.roblematic of the study : After the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the emergence of Russia as a successor state to him, Russian politics has seen a decline in the trends at the global level throughout the nineties as a result of internal crises, the state is moving made it globally, but the inauguration of President Vladimir Putin for the presidency and his attempt to restore the greatness of Russia and its strength globally It led him to re - Russian policy directed toward many parts of the world, including the Arab East, so the pursuit of Russia to restore its power and prestige in the international arena will be at one of its gates across the Levant, and from, the problematic study revolves around 'what is the nature of Russian attitudes toward the Levant region ? And branching out of this dilemma a number of sub - questions, namely : - Is that the Russian policy is one to every country in Levant countries? Or that her priorities from one country to another? - What is the Russian policy tools and methods toward the Levant? - What Alasthoudarat taken by Russia internally in order to achieve its objectives on the external front that? - Is the regional and international variables play a significant role in Russian policy towards the region? - Is that the Russian return to the area linked to the interests of Russia and otherregions of the world, or is it confined only to this area? Hypothesis Study : The study is trying to prove President premise that Russian policy toward Levant is a policy linked to save the Russian interests and deliver them to the rank of the great powers in the international system, a means and an end at theme time, they are a way to prove its return to the international arena global pole, and too in order to consolidate influence and pursue interests in Levant, which is the heart of the Middle East, and differed in the way that policies from one country to another in Levant countries, and used a variety of tools and means, according to the importance of these countries, according to influential variables in this policy. Through the study reached the following conclusions : -  Russia launched in its policy toward toward the countries of the world, including the Levant from the premises pragmatic based on the achievement of economic and security interests, and to preserve the higher interests of the countries of the world Alchtlvh. After successfully out of the economic crisis and achieving economic stability and move it within the major developed economies globally , began employing its economic potential in the field of foreign policy by seeking to increase foreign investment Russian companies, especially in the field of energy, as well as revive military industries and exported to overseas, such investments to form and export operations one way of the spread and strengthening of Russian foreign policy with the countries of the world. promised Levant for decision - makers Russians one of the gates in which they can return to the international arena, they are a key part of the Middle East, high impact in the global balance of power, and because of its strategic location indirectly affect the Russian National Security and because of their great economic and investment opportunities. proceeded Russia to follow a policy of dealing with the Levant region,not on the basis of unity and a political one geographical, but rather on the basis of its constituent states, according to the economic and military potential of each of these countries, according to international variables in its policy towards the size. played international variables influential role in Russian policy toward Levant, disagreed influence of these variables in a while, and from state another, or in general shows that this effect contributed to reducingignificantly the Russian policy towards Palestine first class, and then toward Lebanon and Jordan, Iraq, and finally Syria.  that the Russian politics has dealt with Levant countries on the basis that there is a central states / Head of the two Iraq, Syria, and other centrist They Jordan, and a third can be called upon States Parties which Lebanon and Palestine.

السياسة الخارجية الامريكية تجاه غرب افريقيا بعد الحرب الباردة : نيجيريا انموذجا == American foreign policy towards West Africa after the cold war Nigeria" case Study

Author name: اياد عبد الكريم مجيد
Supervisor name: صالح عباس الطائي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The region of West Africa has occupied a great strategic importance in America's foreign policy, especially after the cold war, as this policy witnessed an observed American movement towards this region with the beginning of the 1990s of the last century under the changes that the world had witnessed through that period which represented in the disassembly of the Eastern system (Soviet Union) and the uniqueness of The United States of America in the world which is regarded as the only prevailing pole in the international domain. Therefore it followed a foreign policy which is built on that grounds, and fits the nature of the new phase. So, the world has become in front of a unique situation that embodied in the domination of one pole and its attempt to oppose its politics and will on others. Thus, its policy is considered universal and global that comes from the truth that its interests are distributed all over the world. As a result, it is necessary to subject the world to that policy and especially those regions that have a great strategic importance for The United States of America. Among these important regions West Africa's region that is considered one of the most remarkable region in the African Continent which takes a notable place in America's foreign policy according to its great significance on different levels whether political, economic, strategic, or security level. On the economic level, West Africa's region is considered a huge store for raw and unprocessed materials, as well as for sources of necessary energy like oil and gas, which American industry needs greatly. As to the security level, this region becomes very important in America's foreign policy according to its economic importance from one side, and its position among other regions that are included in the American war on terrorism from the other side, a matter that makes this region has a direct relation with American national security. Politically, The United States of America sought to win the attitude and approval of other countries of the region especially in the issues that have a relation with America's goals and interests. However, West Africa's region strategic importance comes from its strategic position which lies near the eastern coasts of The United States of America. So, as a result this makes America's reach to it is easy and getting all what it needs securely and easily. On the basis of all these facts, The United States of America has realized that this region becomes associated with its national security because a great part of its interests is associated with this region. Yet, this leads The United States of America to use variable means and ways that allow it to control the resources and treasures of the countries of the region. Hence, we notice that The United States of America has employed all the means of a foreign political action toward achieving its goals. Therefore, it moved politically through its managers and bosses, as well as holding sessions and conferences that gather both sides, in addition to reinforce the American diplomatic presence through opening new embassies and consulates in most countries of the Continent. As for the economic side, the American policy towards West Africa takes various shapes and directions. Sometimes it uses economic assistance and support as a means of perfusion to that region. Most of America's assistance and support are accompanied with economic and political conditions that touch the sovereignty and independency of the country that receives the assistance. Other times it uses investments and the spread of the gigantic American companies in West Africa as a means of economic domination on the countries of the region, especially after the increase of American dependence on the African oil greatly, in addition to all that, its dependence on the raw materials that are found in large amounts there and used in American industry. On the military level, West Africa witnessed an observed American activity which took different shapes. Sometimes it takes the form of a direct military intervention in the affairs of these countries, as what happened in Liberia in 2003. Other times it takes the form of military support through supplying the institutions of these countries with all what they need from military experiences and consultations, as well as opening sessions for African soldiers in The United States of America from one side, and from the other side, they send American experts to West Africa to supply them with what they need from military experience and consultation. By this action, The United States of America was able to turn the region into what is look like a military base for it to launch anywhere that may threaten its security and interests all over the world. This is revealed by its announcement of formation American military leadership (AFRICOM), since this action shapes one of American political dimensions to achieve its security goal. Nevertheless, this policy was not far from the international competition which glows between the international rising countries that attempt to control and dominate the treasures and sources of this region, and one of these forces is France and China which activate greatly in West Africa. As for France, it was a previous colonizer of the west of the Continent, while China is considered the dragon that searches for energy sources and necessary raw material for its rising and improving industry. These actions raise Washington's fears from losing its control on the region. Therefore, The United States of America moves towards all levels, whether politically, military, or economically in order to prevent the rise of any international competitive forces to it in the region.Consequently, The United States of America moves towards reinforcing its relations with all countries of the West African region especially those countries that have a political, economic, and military importance, whether on Continental level, or on international level. Perhaps one of these countries is Nigeria which becomes the most powerful strategic alliance to The United States of America in the African Continent. Hence all America's foreign policy and movements aim to control and dominate this strategic region and to protect its goals and interests there, in addition to its attempt to oppose its western liberal pattern on the countries of the region. From all above, we can conclude that : 1. West Africa's region is considered one of the most important strategic regions for The United States of America, and its importance is increasing according to its political, economic, and security importance. 2. The variation and multiplicity of the means and mechanisms of the American action towards West Africa in a way that allows and justifies America's free action there, and be insure of opposing its domination on the sources and fortunes of the region. 3. Due to its richness with sources of energy and raw materials, The United States of America sought to put a hand on these sources and raw materials that are found in this region, in addition to protect the American companies' interests there.4. Taking advantage from African market in general, and from the market of the west in particular, because from one side it will be a promising consumptive market for American goods and merchandise for more than 300 million human beings. From the other side, The United States of America will create work chances for America's new generations in the future.5. The increase of American dependence on importing oil abroad especially from African Continent which probably will reach to 25% in 2020 which leads America to consider West Africa one of the most important regions that it will depend on in the future, especially Guinea gulf which is rich with petroleum, a matter that leads many to say that Guinea gulf will be the substitute for the Arab gulf, for The United States of America, according to its huge petrol supply and the increase of the discovered quantities in it from one side, and because of the decrease of the Middle East oil (Arab gulf), as some records indicate, through the coming years, from the other side, in addition to the state of instability that the region witnessed which threaten the access of petroleum supplies to The United States of America.6. Facing the domination of the rising international forces in West Africa especially the French and Chinese dominations, and the attempt to weakening their role, in addition to depriving them of getting any privileges that they may have to get resources and treasures of this region and investing them, as well as depriving them from dominating on its huge markets in order not to be at the expense of America's goals and interests.7. The seeking of The United States of America to create strategic alliances in the region which have a military, economic, political, regional, and international importance, which can depend on in carrying out its foreign policy. Therefore America finds Nigeria (the African giant) the most important and active country in the west of the African Continent

سياسات التكتلات الاقتصادية الدولية والاداء الاقتصادي العربي : دراسة مستقبلية == The policies of international economic blocs and Arab Economic performance (future study

Author name: سعد عبيد علوان السعيدي
Supervisor name: عماد عبد اللطيف سالم | مازن الرمضاني
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The economic blocs phenomenon is a relatively modern phenomenon, as wells its recognized for continuous change from its shape. contain mechanism and means from time to another in accoreling to economic objective requirement from one hand and, strategic and political objectives from other hand. the half part of the twentieth century was wide field to grow different economic coalitions stand on the bias of the minimum level of requirement to establish union economic market between group of states in established free economic area, them followed by consolidate and coalition steps, in number of regions in the world. so we become facing number of different economic coalition for coalition and feature degree also the contrast shape. in according to units different that consist of it, and as a result of that, there is contrast in efficiency and influence degree internal and external. there are economic blocs basing on special region.(south east Asia) the other basing on connect between more then one continent .there are blocs established between states companies and economic blocs are Deeping and due to affection or super fkial.so its not effected and effect by negative secretion of the other economic blocs during to diffent behaviors group. that followed by economic blocs including especially field. so as political military, social and cultural fields. these political are practice two main roles. the first one is protection role to protect the bloc from negative effection that muse up inside and outside the bloc. and the other one is aggressive enable the bloc to effected on other and to improve its global place. in according as this stady.the Arab home will be effect by global economic political by protection and aggressive role. the Arab states are not success in setup of special economic bloc till now. the present events and future indicators (in middle range).are not indicate to probable setup to that bloc in true shape although the work it was spent in achievement to that aim.so.the middle future in according to the results of this study it will increase in global economic blocs procedure whether in its growth or especially in unity or efficiency degree. therefore the Arab home will be more facing to negative effective in polices results of global economic blocs. these are more unity and efficiency in international level. the result of the present economic and future indicators are refer to the Arabic economic performance will be negative effective by great global polices of economic blocs inside of the most expected future scripts to the global and Arabic. economic environment except than the Arabic economic blocs of formation scene but that scene is not certain. well see great threat to Arabic economic security and great dedine for Arabic competiting abilities in facing of global competition abilities and great disequilibrium in the most of assented sectors of the Arabic economic All of these will by find in assumptions that the study reaches to it in according to the growth of the global economic blocs from one hand and the future of the growth of Arabic economic blocs. In according to the probable events of future scene in related to global economic that mean the polores,institution and blocs which contain of Arabic economic from other hand.

مكانة ايران الاقليمية في الاستراتيجية الامريكية بعد عام 2003 == Iran's Regional Status in the U.S Strategy After 2003

Author name: احمد عبد الكاظم موسى
Supervisor name: محمد كريم كاظم
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

ازمة الاقتصاد الامريكي وانعكاساتها على الاقتصاد العالمي : حالة بلدان الجنوب == The Crisis of the American Economy and Its Reflections Upon the International Economy (The Condition of Southern Countries)

Author name: وسن احسان عبد المنعم العزاوي
Supervisor name: سرمد زكي الجادر | عبد علي كاظم المعمور
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The course of development and progress, which the United States historically enjoyed, has made it emerge as a representative of power and authority in a way that it has not been matched by the greatest empires since the late 19th century. This is basically because of its profound economy that is based upon consistently scientific and technological developments, which has lead it stand for a luxurious economy, and consequently has pushed it to grow its military power and industry.Eventually, US now enjoys the privilege of being the only super power in the world. This last state by itself means the necessity of maintaining a war economy. This first decade of our millennium is witnessing the US as the sole supreme power in the world both military and technologically, especially after the collapse of the Soviet Union, so that it has become a surpassing example.Yet historically speaking, the US as an example has not been void of symptoms of weakness or crises that the American Economy has undergone. These have been the same economic problems that are manifested in any capitalist system and are peculiar to it the extent that this system has typically been identified with them. This is because the capitalist system is subject to the law of periodical development that transforms economy from the state of boom to a state of bust through crisis, then recycles the same course all over again, together with its bond with a group of renewals that have changed the organic structure of the capital as well as the production relationships with all the economic courses whether they were short, middle, or long - term. Economists proved that these courses were disorganized or interrupted and fragmentary by their nature, the thing which they called " inconstant monotony ". These are five economic courses starting with the wave of textile, machinery and ships; second, the wave of railways; next the development of cast iron production; then, the course of electricity, automobiles, and chemistry; finally the course of speedy armament, the importance of oil up to now, a long with the third scientific revolution based upon the course of knowledge and information technology.All these phases with their developments have led to transforming the nature of economic crises from crises sprung from excess in production to structural crises since 1970s up to day. The structural crises in the capitalist system is an international one including the whole capitalist world marked by reduction in the rates of industrial production growth, and weakness and break down in the conventional branches of heavy industry with a states of unbalance in the world trade and payments, with an inclination to excessive speculations.In order to exhaust the developing countries with such crises as unemployment, indebtedness, fund; in addition to severe financial crises. The American Economy's problem started post World War II. The questions, then, was how to maintain its high - standard growth, and how to lead the capitalist system and its expansions after it came out of the war with a potential economic power. In fact, this was particularly true when it observed in the horizon such problems like weakness in the rates of capital accumulation, merchandizing (demand), with deterioration in profit rates. By 1970s, the relative weight of US retreated by reason of the increase in merger among capitalist economies, and by the growth of world trade, international credits, direct external investments, together with the emergence of Europe and Japan as forces that had the aspects of economic ascent and competition against US.Therefore the American Economy witnessed economic unstableness started with the crises between the world fund and the US dollar, a long with the increase in the American benefit rates, the international financial crises, the crises of the American industry and the subsequent deficit in the balance sheet of US, which Regan's administration failed to solve. Rather, its utmost aspiration was to delay the deficit's growth, or at least to keep it at an annual rate of $ 140 billion.Despite the economic boom of 1990s, it was by no means due to the competitive factors of the Americans goods, nor were they due to the entirely successful economic policies or their convenience, but the essential reason was that the capitals' flow to US on a large scale ( from $ 88 billion in 1990 to $ 865 billion in 2001), and the increase of direct foreign investments, which by 1999 reached about $ 1087 billion with a raise in the American Stock purchases that attained its utmost peak in 2000 by foreign investors $192.7 billion, while the value of stock shares was $292.9 billion for the same year. Still, this does not mean that there were no instabilities or economic crises. These were because the decline of the revenue on investment as a result of unexpected decline in the profitability may lead to a keen negative correction in the American Stock market. In addition, the decline in the value of assets is in the turn bound to continues falling in the economy. Moreover, indebtedness increased for a decade till it reached $5.5 trillion.The debtors, in effect, found it hard to pay their debts, the thing which eventually caused deterioration of bank holdings and disappearance of every tendency for financing new companies. The deficit in the balance of trade also increased from $131 billion in 1993 to $257 billion in 1997 and further to $275 billion in 1999. as for the deficit in the current account, it increased from $ 70 billion in 1993 to $105 in 1999. all these led the competitive capacity of the American Goods to deteriorate in many fields. The issue pushed US to force many countries to open their markets for American Goods, whether through World Trade Organization (WTO) or by the inclusive trade law of US particularly as per article 301, which considers a country indebted if it does not open its markets for the foreign goods, services, and investments.Social crises, such as a wide spread of drugs, development of armed conflicts between the federal authorities and the armed groups, too, caused negative impacts upon the American Society, these became incurable social dilemmas in the lights of the economic - social situation's chastity in the American Society. Both American companies' crises and events of September 11 1 had their influence not only on the American Economy, but it extended to include all the economies of the world; on a larger scale, it covered almost all the manifestations of the economic life (international trade, US dollar's value against other major currencies, stock markets and bond business, investments, international economic organizations, oil, etc.). These two events also had political, military and social trails and dimensions - they influenced them in all the countries of the world, whether advanced capitalist countries or even the newly born ones, and including of course, the advanced developing countries, and finally the developing ones such as the states of our Arab Region.In the view of all this, future remains bound to meeting a certain provision, which it could be possible to count on. The possible scenes of the American Economy's crises is highly related to the present events; having into consideration the foreign changes that can with hold or enhance the referred phenomena. Accordingly, the present study specifies three possible, provisional scenes : continuity, singularity, by the access to the 21st century there were two serious developments in the American Economy horizontally so that they caused an economic reluctance in a rather unexpectedly fast manner.1.The first one was represented by a decline in the investment expenditure on information technology coincided by its increase in some other sectors with instabilities in the companies budgets.2.The second one was manifested by an acute retreat in the consumer's confidence that led to the reluctance in consumption expenditure.In the lights of these economic conditions which the American Economy has been undergoing, the huge explosions that hit World Trade Center and Pentagon in September 11th, 2001, had a very bad impact on this economy including such sectors as aviation, tourism, and insurance. They also affected the American Financial system and its major sectors such as : liquidity, insurance, stock markets and bond business. They also influenced the American Foreign policy and the national security that subsequently led to full targeting of terror in the world, and hence allocating the required human and material resources for it and breakdown. Each has its role in the possibility of that scene to take place according to its variations, its enhancing aspects, or the improbability of its occurrence by its with holding reasons. Also its advisable to observe that the US is still representing the only super power in the World and this states quo is conditioned by its economic, military, and political superiority. That can keep, develop and maintain it at least for the first half of the 21st century.

العلاقة بين التمويل الدولي ومستقبل التنمية في العراق : دراسة تحليلية

Author name: مهند حميد مجيد الربيعي
Supervisor name: احمد الحمداني | عماد عبد اللطيف
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The International financial becomes one of the important variables in the international field, which achieved especially when revealed its positive role with the economic improvement process in developing countries, according to that booming of international economic institution. Despite of dearness varies in the distribution of International financial flows between the developing countries, these countries applied the condition of international economic institutions (IMF, International Bank, WTO) which it imposed on the states and it applied the capitalistic system as it ideology, philosophy, and as a manner to attract the international flows inter to it’s markets and increase the volume which flow in it. In Iraq, there are urgent needs, during the new conditions, for economical rearrangements. In present, there is no longer, says about independent development, self dependency, be logic any more.Even there is abundance of natural resources (which is one of the vital reasons in the international finance flow); it doesn’t mean that there is no requirement for the international society support (through releasing of finance flow), especially in the new world, which has very complex economical relationships. Therefore, any economical rehabilitation, that curried out in Iraq’s economical structure, towards the market system transformation, are reasonable and quit logic, according to this country needs and also for international economical changes.Since Iraq’s economy has special characteristics and heritage, that adopt taking care of living conditions of their citizens, it is very difficult to approve direct transformation, which leads to take off these responsibilities. It’s obvious that any economical changes will be rejected and refused. So, gradual and sequential transformations will be necessary, in order to create general and social acceptance to these crucial changes and finally to obtaining good and positive results.

السياسة الخارجية الامريكية والمشرق العربي مابعد الحرب الباردة == The American Foreign Policy and The Eastern Arabian Countries : The period After The Cold War

Author name: مصطفى جاسم حسين
Supervisor name: فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: This dissertation is concerned with studying the foreign policy of the United States towards the Eastern Arab countries after the cold war. It consists five chapters with an introduction and a conclusion.The first chapter tackles the development of the American policy towards the Eastern Arab countries and its aims. It is obvious that it did not take a special feature only at the end of the second world war. From the end of 18th.century on , the American policy was concerned with some economic interests especially with oil and some other cultural and religious concerns like those made by some protestant missionaries in different Eastern Arab countries. After the second world war when there was a great need for oil, the region has captured the interest of the American decision maker gradually. In addition, the increasing of tension caused by the cold war was another reason that the region becomes of increasing value for the Americans. It is possible to say that the most important American aims in the region are economic and cultural in order to generalize the American type besides other strategic and security aims.The second chapter studies the important features effective in the American foreign policy towards the Eastern Arab countries. The deconstruction of the Soviet union appears to be the most distinguishable international feature that enables the United States to impose its policies on the region. With out having an opponent , the region suffers some kind of political submission in order to be re - formed. The Iraqi occupation of Kuwait in 2nd of August 1990 was among the most important regional features that helped in prevailing the American policy in the region more than ever. More over, this chapter concentrates on studying other regional factors " variables" that work to suppress the American policy in the region, like the Islamic extremism and spreading of the weapons of mass destruction and terrorism. It also studies the features that helped in the success of the American policy in the region like the strategic role played by Israel and the existing of non - democratic regimesThe third chapter discusses the units and the institutions responsible for the foreign political decision - making. It is divided into two sections. The first section studies the formal units represented by the president, the role played by both the ministry of defense and the state secretary, in addition to the CIA and the national security council and the congress in determining the American foreign policy. The second section is concerned with the non - formal institutions effective in foreign policy decision - making, like the political parties, the Zionist lobby, the economic - military factor, besides the important role played by the institutions of research and thought development" Think - Tanks".The fourth chapter tackles the American foreign political behavior towards the region. It is divided into five sections. The first studies the American foreign political behaviour towards Iraq. The second one specializes with studying the Arab - Israel conflict and the attitude of the United States towards the Palestinian Issue. The third section focuses on the American attitude towards Syria. The fourth one deals with the American behaviour towards the security of the Arab gulf states. The fifth section studies the American behaviour towards Egypt.The fifth chapter envisions the future of the American policy towards the Eastern Arab countries. It is divided into four sections. The first one studies the political scene. The second deals with the scene (scenario) of the continuing of the present American policy. The third section suggests the change of this policy in away that enables the Arab countries to move in a space larger than that found in the scene of the continuing of the same policy discussed in the previous section. The fourth one work to intermingle the two previous scenes.

المتغير الامريكي في سياسة تركيا حيال الاتحاد الاوروبي من 1993 - 2008 == American Variable in Turkey Policy Toward European Union From 1993 - 2008

Author name: محمـد ياس خضــير
Supervisor name: فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The Foreign Policy for any State had divided from an internal situation in order to formulating specific strategy to be dealing with another strategy on the international scene . Especially that unstable state internally made it unable to make and achieving foreign policy. In concerning with Turkey , we could consider it as prevailing state toward growth and development , because of it s capacity in exerting too much work to integrating with western world. So that since establishing a new state (Turkish Republic) in 1923 , it had been begun another an era by establisher of this state the president (Kamal Ataturk) for linking Turkey Completely with the western world , and cutting all thing which were being connecting with the secularism and Islamic past. After that , Turkey could Difficulty had been achieving kind of integration within region , especially after affimiliation in NATO Organization, in addition to that reaching all efforts to the hold an agreement which so - called (Ankara agreement) in 1963 , until inaugurating European Union in 1993 after signed Maastricht agreement. The aim of Turkey is to be member in an European union by inter within regional agglomeration. So that it became a part of several objectives in Turkish Foreign Policy. This Thesis has tried to tackle several questions methodologically, to reach into certain approach about what nature of Turkish Foreign Policy Toward European Union? and what is the impact of formal and informal institutions to make Turkey Policy toward European Union? what are motives of Turkish Policy against European Union? and what are obstacles of this Foreign Policy? In addition to that it answered about the an effect of American Variety in Turkish Foreign Policy toward European Union. This Study has divided into four parts. The First part is dealing the relations between turkey and European state during 1945 - 1993 , and knowing impulsive of these relations. In Second Part has tackled the Turkish role in America Strategy , then studying the perspective of Foreign Policy of Turkey to their relations with U.S.A. by partnership principle in the international Policy. Ether third chapter or part from this thesis has researching about the role of formal structures in making foreign policy of Turkey , and How to be application by all of that . Then exploring the effect of informal institutions within Turkey political system to formulate Foreign Policy toward European Union. The Fourth chapter has been dealing an impact of U.S.A. in Turkey Policy toward European Union by Knowing , The manner of Turkish Foreign Policy to be member inside European Union , In the Shadow of American Variety toward this Policy to limit the nature of motivations and obstructers for all of that within framework of American effect and handling the future of Turkish foreign Policy toward European Union by specific Three scenarios. At all end , We are making several conclusions which are being formed specific views about subject.

مكانة النفط في الاستراتيجية الامريكية للقرن الحادي والعشرين == Position of Oil in The American Strategy in Twenty - One Century

Author name: مالك دحام متعب الجميلي
Supervisor name: رفاه شهاب احمد الحمداني | عبد علي المعموري
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The study deals with the Oil variable in The American Strategy of the Twenty - One Century . It deals with the American strategic thought during the World War I and II, and channels of this thought and how this thought is turned in the era of neo conservatists for keeping the Capitalist System leading against the communist thought which led the Soviet Union .For Keeping The American United States as world ruling , it draws the basic features of world post - Cold War . It draws the Gulf War II the general features of American strategy represented by global ruling and Controlling upon the areas filled with oil after considers the certain truth whose basis is depletion of oil wells and for keeping its economic strategy , it follows states , blockading it , then weaking the structural frame for oil trade represented in OPEC organization and controlling over it via depending on some of states this organization .Without doubt , this movement has led to the appearance of rivalries for the American United States over oil areas 6 it goes in to American - Chanian rivalry , The American - Russian rivalry and Possibilities of developing this rivalry in to conflict between the important poles for controlling over oil wells .In the maltitude of these events , an important phenomena is appeared and it must be deat and taken in to consideration in this study which is the global financial crisis which effect noticeably on the capital global economics in particular .The American economy example has never been accepted after discovering deep negatives in this hard stage , in the one hand and motivates to search for anew system which over comes such negatives which may lead the global economics in to depression .As an example assures the importance of oil variables in the war and peace time , the importance of Iraqi oil in the American Strategy is studied and this variable is affected on determining the relations channels with Iraq whether occupation or destroying the infrastructure beginning with imposing oppressive rules on oil materials as an attempt to return the foreign companies for Controlling on oil production in terms of marketing and pricing and then the future of oil relation between Iraq and American United Nations

مكانة اليابان في النظام السياسي الدولي الواقع والمستقبل == Japan's stAtus in the international political system : Present and Future

Author name: علي رسول حسين المسعودي
Supervisor name: فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

مستقبل الامن الاقتصادي العربي في ضوء المتغيرات الاقليمية الراهنة == The Security Future of The Arab Economy in The Light of The Current Regional Variables

Author name: احمد باهض تقي الحميداوي
Supervisor name: سرمد زكي الجادر | عماد عبد اللطيف سالم
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: This study is among the studies which are concerned with the future .It discuss significant issue i.e. the Arab Economic Security, the methods of achieving it, and the problems that impede realizing it in our times. The difficulty of the study emanates from the difference in vision for the topic(National Security) in general and the economic security in particular among the Arab countries depending upon the political system prevailing there and its Arab,Regional,and international orientation.There are some Arab political systems that do not put among its priorities the process of building and achieving the Arab economic security while some non - Arab political systems do have orientations towards working within the national frame so as to achieve that goal. This study works from the premise that the deterioration of indicators expressing the influential variables of Arab economic security will pave the way towards the demolition of the Arab economic security under regional variables which do not work for the interest of consolidating that security,therefore the study aims at either proving or disproving that hypothesis. The study falls into six chapters. Chapter one is an introduction into the economic security through the theorization on some concepts. Chapter two discusses the political variables affecting the Arab economic security. Chapter three handles the economic variables affecting the Arab economic security.Chapter four is about is scientific variables influencing the Arab Economic Security Chapter five discusses the current regional variables(The Iraqi variable and the joint Arab economic cooperation) and their reflections on the Arab Economic Security Chapter six discusses the future visions which are likely to happen to the Arab Economic Security. The Dissertation concludes in an ending, conclusion and recommendations

الادراك الامريكي للعلاقات الاقتصادية مع دول مجلس التعاون الخليجي في ظل المتغيرات الاقليمية والدولية == THE AMERICAN PERCEPTION TO THE ECONOMIC RELATIONS WITH COUNCIL CO - OPERATION GULF COUNTRIES UNDER AND INTERNATIONAL THE REGIONAL VARIABLES

Author name: عبد الصمد سعدون عبد الله الشمري
Supervisor name: فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني | عماد عبد اللطيف السامرائي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The American Perception of the economic relations with the Arab Gulf Coopration Countries is at the essence of the American strategic thought, expressed as strategies and objectives towards the Arab Gulf area as a whole. Such relations, in turn, represent the American superior in such territory of the World. Further, various tools and justifications involved in these relations have been distinguished by security cover with in a wide American security strategy in the Arab Gulf from the mid - 1970 an beginning of the 1980. This issue was clearly stated in the political sequent speeches of the U.S Presidents at such period The present study aims to analyze, according to the systematic approach the structure of the aspects of the behavioral and dynamic variable of both the Gulf and American societies, as well. Some of such variables conduct as motivating and some are for the American realization towards these relations. Hence, to reach the implied concept for such realization. On the other hand , present study includes also aspects of the regional and international variables tackled in the Arab Gulf area which, these variables, are considered to be external impacts, pratising directly or in directly to fix the above realization inconformity with the American objectives or aims achieving the Imperial project in the middle east, taking the Arabian Gulf as a launching point. This is due to the fact that the Arabian Gulf is the wealthiest area in the world in the new millennium. For the above reasons, the U.S have under taken New inter national system formation from the beginning of the 1990s in line with the fall the Russian union in the end of the 1991.The New Inter national system is the neo - Liberal substitution to support the American trends in such anew project, enhanced by firstly the superior military technical of the U.S in the world, and secondly by guan teed all the political and economic efforts of both the U.S western and Gulf a llies for accomplishing the American aims and plans in this area of the world. From the events of September /2001 and beyond, the American imperial ambitions in the A rabian Gulf area have become more recognized, yet such period has correlated with has become to known as concept of terrorism which has been set according to the American view. Consequently, the U.S has guided the so called A nti - terrorism War,starting from A fghanston, along With the occupation of Iraq in 2oo3. In such war, the U.S has utilized the military power as the sole an ideal means to achieve the objectives set behand such a strategy for rest,ucturing the middle east in conformity with the American model . This new coure of the conducted by the U.S is an indication that it has become , the first super power which has become, in turn ,the leader of the world with in the New International system. But in contract ,violence and op - violence will be the main feature and the ongoing thretening of the furtural scane fasing the American project in the Arabian Gulf . Hence, the U.S has no more need for an international legislation for implementing its plans in such an area, since it relies highly on the American legislation to establish the economic realization on reality.

السياسة التركية تجاه سوريا بعد 2002 == Turkish policy toward Syria after 2002

Author name: عباس سعـدون رفعــت
Supervisor name: محمد كريم كاظم
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: he subject thesis deals with international politics issue and it is useful because it clarifies how to deal with foreign regional and international environment and how to arrange it to serve a state interest in general as far as in understudy interest to make use of its results in national issues. The subject of this thesis (Turkish policy toward Syria) is very important due to the several variables like Turkish and Syrian policies and their mutual effects on Iraq. Studying Turkish foreign policy toward Arabic region in general and Syria specifically clarifies its change from being stable then dropping Arabs and Syria as a choice before 2002 then act intensively with the issues of Arabs including Syria since 2002 while in 2011 Turkey left its neutrality and non - interference in internal Arabic issues as Arabic revolutions broke up and started interfering to express its existing power with points of view to what happening in its neighborhood. As the Syrian condition specially after 2011 regarded as a special case, studying the Turkish dealing with it is important because it gives us evidences about what Turkey plans for coming years depending on the development scale of its policies in the past years in general and toward Syria specially. The Turkish policy toward Syria as we clarify in this thesis, passed several stages of development as it started with a revolution and multi - contents struggles but it turned to stability after 1998 then started cooperation specially after 2004 till 2011 when it was turned hard down then the struggle indications begun between the two countries with strong clashes and high level interference. The conflict of this thesis is linked to the following question : Why the Turkish policy toward Syria figured in this way since 2002 and the answer of this question as it was shown in this thesis refers to the wide effect of Justice & Development Party on the Turkish policy that push Turkey to play its role in accomplishing changes in the Arabic and regional countries including Syria as a result of the international changes and pressure. In other meaning, Turkey designs its foreign policy in depending on two factors : The first one is related to its commitments with NATO and western relationships which is the main factor pressing on all circles of interests. As western countries represent the main circle of interest and all the roles of turkey are as a results of the NATO and west demands. The second factor is related to its power and historical reasons which were aroused toward Arab region in 1970s rationally when the western countries ignored Turkish interests in Cyprus and also because Turkey as an industrial country in need for energy, markets and capitals was influenced by Arabs oil ban and also because Arab region is encouraging to open chances to turkey. Within 1990s, several controversial issues appeared in Turkey - Arabs relationships generally and with Syria specifically like : - Water issue, Turkey has plenty of water resources with ambitious economic trends but also has problems with Kurds. So turkey used water to have several aims for instance to develop Kurdish areas to push them to leave politics to production and also used water in making peace in middle east to have central statue in the regional relations but that thing caused crises with Syria and Iraq because it lowered water level in the two countries. - Kurdish issue, Turkey does not admit about the Kurdish existence in turkey while it helps Iraqi Kurds by giving them facilities to world via Turkey that revealed the Turkish dual standards in dealing with Kurds problem for its cooperation with Kurds in other countries as a pressure method while all rights of Kurds in turkey are forbidden. Syria made use of that to gain benefits in its relationship with turkey from 1995 to 1998. - Border issue, Mosul and Iskenderun are the main problems. Turkey demands to take Mosul because it was not under the alien's occupation in the First World War in the time of signing peace agreement between fighting countries while Turkey kept its control over Iskenderun as a result of its agreement with France when turkey agreed to participate in the Second World War beside the aliens. From time to time, that subject is aroused and influences on the two countries relations. As a result of the two factors activity (west and Turkish trends) we found that turkey started to take part in Arab countries generally and toward Syria specifically after the demonstrations begun as it was related to internal factors interaction (related to the public desire to end political introversion) and also related to external factors ( the American desire to rearrange the political map in Arab countries in general through chaos and inner struggle in Arab societies). So, turkey involved in internal roles and its policy was implementing in accordance with west countries desires for example, Turkey threatens use military power to protect civilians but stop going further because the western countries do not like that. On the light of what presented before, the conclusions are : 1. Turkish policy is influenced by several internal, regional and international factors and the most important one is its links with west to do what they like turkey to do in its region as changes occurred after cold war.2. The Turkish policy toward Arabs is not stable for its link to the west because the economic reasons and (energy, water and Kurds) are pushing to make bilateral relations not confronting while we find out how turkey gives high importance to its relations with Israel (in spite of what happened in Lebanon in 2006, what happened in Gaza in 2008 and also the freedom fleet in 2010). In other meaning, the Turkish will is under the west control.3. The Turkish policy toward Syria moved from clash and difference before 2002 to cooperation after2004which refers to bilateral readiness of cooperation in spite of difference issues in Turkish - Arabs relations. Turkey is aware of the stress that Arabs can use against it just like Kurds issue. So if Arabs lack legitimate in govern, turkey did not decide yet the identity of state and the future of Kurds in turkey.4. The link between Justice & Development Party and Islam might produce some Turkish attitudes toward Arabs including Syria but the type of the Turkish interference in the Syrian event after 2011 showed that the Islamic factor is not active among Turkish government and its trends as strong as the link with the west. 5. Future suggests that turkey will have more interference in Arabs region issues because of its link to the west and also due to the continuous western efforts to push turkey to play roles in Arab countries that gave turkey significant statue after 2002, so turkey won’t sacrifices what gained as it inherits the Ottoman State and the regional change (the rise of Iran and also the rise of sectarianism in regional treatments for several reasons). None of that will make Turkey withdraw from interference in Arabs issues especially in the Syrian developments.Finally recommendations are : 1. Making importance to study all aspects of Turkish policy because it has developing trends, interests, issues to deal with and participating powers.2. Giving importance to studying all regional policies because studying Turkish policy toward Syria showed how regional implement its plans at the expense of other region states and people interests including Iraq. Therefore, it is important to make all that studies to help the Iraqi decision maker to take decisions and act in accordance with scientific and theoretic visions.3. Paying attention to the interconnectedness regional relations and interests. The Syrian crisis and its results presented that interconnectedness between regional countries in historical, geographical, political, ethnic and religion while ignoring that cause chaos in all countries.4. Making importance to study all the ways that lead to enhance Iraqi interest in regional relations as serving Iraq is the final aim of every thesis. Then making that studies deep to enable Iraq in accomplishing regional balance and achieve his interests in the region. What is related to this thesis we have to as a recommendation encourage building full regional security system to prevent some powers to possess alone the regional actions to fulfill its or another international interests.

سياسة الاتحاد الاوربي حيال المشرق العربي == Policy of the European Union Towards the Eastern Arabic Region

Author name: صباح صاحب العريض
Supervisor name: نادية عبد القادر المختار | فكرت نامق العاني
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: اشارت الكثير من الدراسات والاراء الى الفرص المتوافرة امام الاتحاد الاوربي للبروز ولاداء ادوار دولية مهمة كاحد ابرز القوى الدولية الصاعدة والتي لها حظوظ كبيرة في تبوء مركز دولي بارز يضعه في مجال الندية لقوى ودول كبرى اخرى، خاصة في ميدان التنافس الدولي على اقاليم العالم ودوله المهمة ذات الثقل الاستراتيجي الكبير والتي تتقدمها منطقة المشرق العربي، بما تمثله من كم هائل من الموارد المختلفة ومصادر الطاقة المتعددة، وعناصر الاستثمارات الدولية، بشكل خاص بعد بروز عدة متغيرات دولية منها نهاية الحرب الباردة وتفكك الاتحاد السوفيتي ومن ثم تشكل الاتحاد الاوربي بصيغته الحالية وتوسيعه المستمر اضافة الى المنافسة الامريكية المحمومة على النفوذ والهيمنة على هذه المنطقة والتي افرزت غزو العراق واطلاق مشروع (الشرق الاوسط الكبير)، مع ترافق كل ذلك وومتغيرات دولية اثرت في صيغ التفاعل الدولي واليات التفكير المرتبطة بها، وخاصة في المدة التي تلت الحادي عشر من ايلول (2001) وما سبقه من الترويج لفكرة العولمة والعمل على تعميم الفكر الراسمالي ليشمل كافة دول العالم على وفق اليات التوحيد الاقتصادي، وهذا منعكس تداعياته على اعادة بناء وتشكيل العلاقات الدولية بين دول العالم واقاليمه المتباينة، تلك التداعيات التي ساهمت في تعميق انقسام العالم بين شمال وجنوب، وصراع محتدم بين الحضارات التي تسعى الى رفض ومقاومة اطروحات ذلك الفكر الراسمالي المتسلط.وهذا كله ياتي في سياق جدل واسع يدور ـ خصوصا بعد تفكك النظام الدولي القديم ـ حول القوى التي تشكل النظام الدولي (الجديد)، والتي ترى كثير من الاراء الى ان الاوضاع الجديدة تتجه بالاتحاد الاوربي صعوده وزيادة دوره السياسي والاقتصادي وهذا بدوره سينعكس بشكل تلقائي على السياسة التي سيعتمدها الاتحاد الاوربي تجاه باقي دول العالم واقاليمه والتي تاتي منطقة المشرق العربي في المقدمة منها، وهذا ما سيؤدي ـ بالنتيجة ـ الى توافق مساحة لا باس بها امام بلدان هذه المنطقة لاستغلال التنافس الدولي الواقع في نطاقها، والافادة من التحالفات الدولية لخدمة قضاياها، خاصة مع تصاعد مستوى حرص الاتحاد الاوربي على ابقاء معظم مناطق (الشرق الاوسط) وشمال افريقيا ضمن دائرة النفوذ الاوربي المباشر.يشير البعد التاريخي لسياسية الاتحاد الاوربي حيال منطقة المشرق العربي الى عدد من النقاط الرئيسة تاتي في مقدمتها الرغبة الواضحة من قبل دول الاتحاد ـ وهو ما انعكس على مؤسساته ذاتها في السياق نفسه ـ في تفعيل الجوانب الاقتصادية المختلفة في تلك السياسة وتطويرها بالشكل الذي يحقق لها اكبر قدر من الفائدة، وبالمقابل تعمل على عدم الاغراق في البعد السياسي الا بالقدر الذي يتطلبه البعد الاقتصادي نفسه، او بقدر لا يزيد عليه، وقد استمرت تلك السياسة قائمة على هذه الرؤية لمدة من الزمن ولم تشهد تغيرا الا بعد تغيير الترتيبات الدولية على اثر تفكك الاتحاد السوفيتي، حيث حاول الاتحاد ـ كغيره من الفاعلين الدوليين ـ على زيادة حجم التواجد على الساحة المشرقية بسبب الاعتقاد الذي ساد في تلك المدة والذي مفاده توافر فرص اكبر بعد نهاية الحرب الباردة، وهامش اوسع من الحركة والذي كان محكوم سابقا بالمعادلة ذات الطرفين او القطبين، الا ان الواقع السياسي لمنطقة المشرق العربي لم يتحول على وفق هذا السيناريو بل تم وضعه في اطار سيناريو الفاعلية الامريكية واضحة التاثير والنفوذ فاصبح كغيره من اقاليم العالم الهامة يتحرك بشكل او باخر وفق سياقات معينة حاولت الادارة من تطبيقها على دوله، وهذا ما جعل الاتحاد الاوربي يدخل في زاوية حرجة واظهر في الوقت ذاته الدرجة غير المتكافئة ما بين الطرفين فيما يتعلق بمدى التاثير في مسارات المنطقة وسياساتها.لقد بدا واضحا من خلال فصول ومباحث الاطروحة ان السياسة الخارجية للاتحاد الاوربي الموجهة حيال منطقة المشرق العربي انما تعاني من عدة اشكالات تعوقها عن ابداء الفاعلية المطلوبة منها ازاء شؤون وقضايا المنطقة، ومن ابرز تلك الاشكالات سيادة السياسات الخارجية للدول الاعضاء في الاتحاد الاوربي وفي كثير من الاحيان على السياسات الموحدة له، وهو ما يعني اضافة الى بقاء فكرة تغليب المصلحة الذاتية لكل دولة عضو في الاتحاد، فانها تعني تعدد وجهات النظر بل واختلافها وتقاطعها في احيان اخرى تجاه المتغيرات الحاصلة في المنطقة المشرقية وهو ما يؤثر بالنتيجة في نجاح السياسة المشتركة، ومن هنا نستطيع ان نعلل عدم الحضور الفاعل والمؤثر للاتحاد الاوربي في الساحة الاقليمية وعدم التناسب في ما بين الحجم الاقتصادي الهائل والاخذ بالنمو له وما بين الدور السياسي ذي الاطر المحدودة والذي لا يرتقي الى ذلك الحجم الاقتصادي، خاصة وان الاتحاد يسعى من خلال اهتمامه بدول المنطقة الى حماية مصالحه الاستراتيجية وتعزيزها والمحافظة على الاستقرار والامن في الضفة الجنوبية للمتوسط التي تشكل امتدادا جغرافيا لحدود دوله المتوسطية، هذا فضلا عن ان البلدان في المشرق العربي تشكل سوقا واسعة واساسية لصادراته المختلفة، الامر الذي ادى بدوره الى جعل هذه المنطقة شديدة التعرض للضغط الاقتصادي الذي قد يستخدمه الاتحاد تجاهها وبالتالي فان اي مشروع يوضع من قبل الولايات المتحدة الامريكية لدول المنطقة، من دون ان يكون لاوربا دور فيه، هو بمنزلة خطر على مصالحها وامنها، وبخاصة في ظل التنافس الذي تشهده العلاقات الاقتصادية والسياسية بين دول الاتحاد الاوربي والولايات المتحدة الامريكية.ومن هنا، وفي ضوء جملة المعطيات السابقة، فانه يتوجب على الاتحاد الاوربي الذي يسعى الى تعزيز دوره السياسي في المنطقة، ادراك ان اي خطوة في اتجاه الامن المشترك في منطقة المشرق العربي وما يجاورها من الدول لا يمكن ان يتحقق الا بالتزامن مع حصول تقدم في العملية السلمية، وعليه، فان على الاتحاد ان يضطلع بمسؤولية اكبر في تسوية الصراع العربي ـ الصهيوني وحل القضية الفلسطينية، وان على سياسات الاتحاد عدم الاكتفاء بالدور الثاني الذي يكمل الدور الامريكي وان لا تقتصر المسؤولية الاوربية تجاه الصراع العربي ـ الصهيوني على المستوى المالي والاقتصادي فقط، بل ينبغي ان تمتد هذه المسؤولية لتشمل المستوى السياسي، كما يترتب على الاتحاد ان لا يكتفي بالطلب من الولايات المتحدة الامريكية ان تحدد له فصلا سياسيا معينا يضطلع بدوره من خلاله، بل يجب عليه ان يحدد هذا الدور بنفسه تماما، كما فعل سابقا ازاء بعض القضايا والمواضيع الهامة، كاعلان تاييد لقيام المؤسسات الفلسطينية مثلا، وعليه يمكن القول ان عدم تسوية الصراع العربي ـ الصهيوني، سوف يبقى يلقي بضلاله السلبية على السياسة الخارجية للاتحاد حيال دول المشرق العربي وعموم العلاقات العربية مع الاتحاد الاوربي.وان من المتوقع ان يشهد المستقبل القريب زيادة واضحة في قوة الاتحاد الاوربي على الصعيد الدولي، بحيث يؤدي ذلك الى خلق واقع جديد في النظام الدولي يرتكز على سياسة التوازنات وليس على نظام القطبية الثنائية او المنفردة، كما كان عليه الامر قبل تفكك الاتحاد السوفيتي وما تلاه، فالعصر القادم هو عصر التكتلات والتجمعات الاقليمية، اذ ان لكل تجمع او تكتل قوة تاثير تختلف عن قوة الاخر في معالجته للقضايا الاقليمية والدولية، وبالتالي فان الاتحاد الاوربي الذي قد يشكل ابرز القوى الدولية الجديدة المؤثرة على الصعيدين الاقليمي والدولي، يتحفز لمواجهة التحديات التي تعترض تقدمه، بخاصة العقبات التي تضعها الولايات المتحدة الامريكية للحد من اي دور سياسي له على الصعيد الاقليمي وخاصة في منطقة المشرق العربي، بكثير من المسؤولية والوعي، لكن ذلك لا يستطيع ان يمنع تلك التحولات الهامة التي ستغير معادلة القوى على المستويين الدولي والاقليمي غير ان تلك التحولات لمراكز القوى العالمية ستكون في اطار تدريجي، وبخاصة ان هناك عددا من العوامل التي قد تكون مساعدة او معطلة لاي تقدم او تراجع لاحدى القوى الدولية الموجودة او التي تسعى للظهور كقوة دولية مؤثرة، وهذا كله سيترك اثارا واضحة وهامة على مستقبل سياسة الاتحاد حيال منطقة المشرق العربي ودولها التي من الواجب ان تكون قادرة على استيعاب طبيعة تلك التغيرات والتعامل معها بدقة وسرعة مما يجعلها لا تفوت الفرصة التي قد تتاح لها واستثمار ذلك التغيير لصالح قضايا المنطقة المصيرية. | European Union is considered today as one of the most influential units on the International political arena. It is expected that its power and size will eventually increase among the other powerful unions in the world. Thereby, its effect is great on the Eastern Arab region and countries. Its policy towards this area is one of the most important policies.The European unity has its effect on the paths of work there since it has first initiated in (1957). It has effect on many urgent issues and problems in the Middle East; and this effect has increased clearly after the October War1973 because Europe had undergone the negative side of the stoppage of oil supplies from the Arab countries. Then the relations and interests between the eastern Arab countries and Europe began to increase excessively and to become more complicated until the European Union was founded in its final structure.When the European Union began to get enlarged horizontally and vertically, its relations with Arab eastern countries also began to enlarge. So this has been reflected on its external policy towards our region. Also there have been a kind of some intensive and huge pressures from the United States of America on Europe to make it change its attitudes in the area and to build new strategies which will not affect the American interests here. America, of course, will not change its policy; it has a lot of vital interests and it will never think of changing its attitude in any circumstances. This thesis will give answers to these inquiries us follows:1. What is the historical range of the European policy (in general) towards the Arabic eastern region?2. What are the most important issues that have unified state in the European policy towards the Arabic eastern region? 3. What are the European policy motives now towards the Arabic eastern region? 4. What are the structures and frames of taking political decisions (the external attitudes in particular) towards the Arabic eastern region? 5. What is the political behavior of the European Union towards the most important issues in the Arabic eastern region? To have clear answers to these critical inquiries in this thesis, and the additional scientific difficulties inquiries that might rise, and to accomplish most accurate answers to the nature of the European policy towards the eastern Arabic region, we have followed scientific investigations and scientific logical steps that allow the researcher fulfill his goal. We have followed the (historical origin) in studying the (joint) European policy since 1973 till the date of initiating the European Union in 1993. We focused on some important issues of that era, and we will depend on the (descriptive method) in the second chapter of this thesis in order to describe the strategic importance of the eastern Arabic region with regard to the potentials of natural raw materials of power in addition to the critical strategic position. We will also depend on (organizational method) in collecting facts and information about the subject of the thesis (the entries), then apply (operational method) to enrich tools and methods of the scientific research. Later - and as a result- reach scientific outcomes and facts (outlets) which supposed to be part of new entries for the information circle; and this is (reversal feeding). In order to deal with the circular inquiries about the thesis subject and its numerical points arisen, we have taken a scientific method of categorizing the thesis into main chapters and researches has been depended on. This thesis is composed of: • Introduction• The first chapter: (Europe policy towards some issues of the eastern Arabic region).• The second chapter (Motives of the European Union towards the eastern Arabic region).• The third chapter: (frames and ways of formulation the European Union policy towards the eastern Arabic region).• The fourth chapter: (the political behavior of the European Union towards the issues of the eastern Arabic region); • Finally, the abstract in which we stated the most important conclusions we have reached. This thesis has shown the nature of the policy regarding the eastern Arabic region which the European Union depends on during a very complicated and important period simultaneously; and during changeable and unstable circumstances which impose many difficult potentials and substitutions. This kind of circumstances resulted in many obvious failures, and have created a status of disability in dealing with them in the right way. We have tried to throw light on the largest scope of the political work of the European Union in the eastern Arabic region clear way, and we have focused on the most important complicated issues not only in this critical area but also in the whole world.

تطور ظاهرة تدويل النشاط الاقتصادي وانعكاساته السياسية والاقتصادية على البلدان النامية : مصر انموذجا == The Evolution of Internationalization Economy Active Phenomenon and Reflex on Developing countries (Egypt Case Study)

Author name: سلام جبار شهاب
Supervisor name: عبد علي كاظم المعموري
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: …. The Internationalization is wide term, so the study began in definition the Phenomenon the mean of Internationalization, Economy Internationalization, Political Internationalization, and differences between the Internationalization and the Globalization. (ch.1). the beginning this Phenomenon in old civilization, and the vision of economic systems (Islamic, Capitalism, Socialist systems) (ch.1).The Internationalization theories wall taken for important, (International trade theories, Foreign Investment theories). (ch.1)…. There are many motives for this Phenomenon which differentiates between political and economical motives, (ch.2). What forms of this Phenomenon, (ch.2), and determine the machine that organized the Internationalization. (ch.2)…. In last chapter, this phenomenon lead to many of effects, in political and economical sides, that taken about Egypt state. (ch.3)For that, what is the future of this Phenomenon? The researcher put three visions for the future, first, the Americanization, second, the transnational corporation, third, the international integration. (ch.3) …. Finally, A number of important conclusions emerge from our analysis of the (Internationalization Phenomenon).

المحددات السياسية والاقتصادية لسلوك الدولة في العالم الثالث : الدولة النفطية انموذجا == POLITICAL & ECONOMICAL LIMITATIONS ON BEHAVIOR OF THE STATE IN THE THIRD WORLD : OIL COUNTRIES AS SAMPLES

Author name: سعد صالح عيسى علي الجبوري
Supervisor name: وصال نجيب عارف العزاوي | علي كاظم المعموري
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: تتكون الاطروحة من مقدمة وفصل تمهيدي وثلاثة فصول اخرى لتغطي عنوان الاطروحة الذي هو : المحددات السياسية والاقتصادية لسلوك الدولة في الجنوب : الدول النفطية انموذجا ( السعودية ، فنزولا ، نيجيريا ) . وهي متوزعة على الشكل التالي : الفصل الاول : وجاء في ثلاث مباحث ، الاول ويتضمن الاطار النظري والتاريخي لنشوء الدولة في العالم ، حيث يتضمن تعريف الدولة مفهوما وخلفية تاريخية مع النظريات المفسرة لنشوء الدولة ، ونشاة الدولة في ظل الاستعمار ومفهوم الدولة في المدارس الفكرية المختلفة ، ومنها الفكر الغربي ، ولدى مفكري العالم الثالث والفكر العربي الاسلامي ومفكري عصر النهضة ، والفكر العربي المعاصر 0 في حين يتناول المبحث الثاني نشوء وتكون الدولة في عالم الجنوب من حيث خصائص الدولة حديثة السيادة والتكوين الاقتصادي والاجتماعي لدولة الجنوب وكيفية تكون الدولة في ظل علاقات السيطرة ( التبعية ) 0 اما المبحث الثالث فقد ذهب لبيان خصوصية الدولة في عالم الجنوب من حيث وظائف الدولة وخصائصها0 وياخذ الفصل الثاني في تحليل المحددات الفوقية ( الخارجية ) والتحتية ( الداخلية ) لسلوك الدولة في الجنوب ، حيث يتطرق للمحددات السياسية والاقتصادية والمجتمعية خارجيا وداخليا ، وانعكاس هذه المحددات على نمط سلوك الدولة في الجنوب 0 اما الفصل الثالث فياخذ منحا فكريا متضمنا اتجاها تحليليا للعوامل المحددة لطبيعة الدولة النفطية الريعية / نموذج الدولة في الجنوب ، وواقع وطبيعة الاقتصاديات الريعية من حيث البنى الاقتصادية والاجتماعية والسياسية لدولة الجنوب الريعية ، وعلاقة النفط والريع النفطي بالتنمية والتحديث واتجاهاتها في الجنوب ، واهمية النفط والريع النفطي وطبيعة السياسات المرتبطة به في هذه الدول على الصعيد الاجتماعي والاقتصادي والسياسي والاثار السلبية للريع النفطي 0 في حين خصص الفصل الرابع لعرض انماط السلوك السياسي والاقتصادي والمجتمعي لانموذجات مختارة من دول الريع النفطي ، فمن الدول النفطية الاسيوية تم اختيار ( المملكة العربية السعودية ) ، ومن افريقيا ( نايجيريا ) ومن امريكا اللاتينية ( فنزويلا ) ، اذ يتناول المبحث الاول السلوك السياسي بمؤثراته الخارجية والداخلية ، وفي المبحث الثاني السلوك المجتمعي ( الاجتماعي ) ، اما المبحث الثالث فيتناول السياسات الاقتصادية في دول الجنوب ( المالية والنقدية والانفاقية والاستثمارية وتوزيع الدخل ) ، وفي المبحث الرابع تتناول الرسالة تحليل لانماط السلوك السياسي والاقتصادي والمجتمعي لكل من العربية السعودية ، نايجيريا وفنزويلا ) ، من حيث امكانياتها المادية والبشرية والمالية والسياسات الاقتصادية والاجتماعية ودور الريع في هذه السياسات لهذه الدول 0 فيما جاءت خواتيم هذه الاطروحة بجملة من الاستنتاجات والتوصيات ، متبوعة بالمصادر العربية والانكليزية والملخص باللغة الانكليزية . | The thesis is entiteld “ Political and Economical limitations on behavior of the state in the third word : oil countries as samples ” The thesis is composed of an intrduction ,the more three introductory chapters and other three chapters . The researcher has hypothesized that the more as much you explain the impact of political , econimical , and social determiners with globalization towrds increase of its activity and its reactive impact on the behaviour of a state in the Third World , these states or countries will be margined more and its activity will decrease to the benefit of the international capitalistic system and globalization mechanism represented through the international organizations and multi - national companies through the study of Venezuela , Saudi Arabia and Nigeria and those countries under control compulsorily or optionally to globalization and internationalization and continuous exposition to regional enviromental challenges . The study aims at : 1. Defining the country in general in terms of its theoretical and historical foundation and its privacy in the Third World . 2. Country stereotypes and its concepts in the south countries and how to form a national country . 3. Self - independece of a country in the south and the traditional charactersitics of the contemporary country . 4. Revealing the role of globalization and other external factors and changes in the international environment and global balances and its impacts on the degree of the country development in the countries of the south in specfic . 5. Comprehension of variance in the attitudes of the Third World countries in general and countries of petroleum rent especially concerning changes in the economic world and growth of multi - national companies’ role over the role of national governments . 6. The impact of political , economic , and social limitations in the country conduct in the south countries in general and countries of petroleum rent in specific . The thesis consists of an introduction and an intrductory chapter and other three chapters . The chapters were were dealt with as follows : Chapter 1 consists of three sections ; first section includes the theoretical and historical frame of the foundation of the country in the world . It also includes definition of the country conceptually and a historcal background with the interpretive theories of the foundation of the country under occupation and the concept of country in the various cognitive schools , of them the Western thinking , and by the world thinkers and the arabic islamic thinking and renaissance period thinkers and the arabic contemporary thinking Section 2 deals with the foundation and creation of the country in the south having the characterstics of the modern country , and the economical and social creation of the southern country and how the country is created under control relations Section three deals with the privacy of the country in the south world in terms of the country and its traits in the south world Chapter 2 analyses the upper determiners (external) and lower (internal) of the country conduct in the south . It exposes the social , political , and economic dterminers internally and externally , and reflection of these determiners on the conduct sterotype of the country in the south . Chapter 3 analyzes the thinking frame and the determining factors to the nature of the petroleum rent state /sample of the country in the south . Also it shows the situation and the nature of petroleum rent economies in terms of the economic , social , and political infrastructures of the southern countries and the relation of petrol and the petroleum rent with development and modernization and their decisions towards the south . Also the importance of petrol and petroleum rent nature of the policies related to these countries socially , economically , and politically and the side effects of petroleum rent . Chapter 4 deals with the political , economic , and social conduct of samples chosen from the countries of petroleum rent (Saudi Arabia , Nigeria and Venezuela) . Section 1 deals with the political behavior with its impact externally and internally . Section 2 deals with the social conduct . While section three deals with the economic policies in the southern countries (financial , monetry , expenditure , investmental , and distribution of rent ) . Section 4 deals with an analysis of the political , economic , and social conduct of each of Saudi Arabia , Nigeria , Venezuela) in terms of their financial , human , monetry , political , economic , and social abilities and the role of petroleum rent in the policies of these countries . The final chapter of thethesis exposes the conclusions drawn , and recommendations supported by a number of statistical tables related to the topic .

الدور الاقتصادي والسياسي للعملة الاحتياطية : الدولار انموذجا == The economic and political role of the reserve currency - American’s dollar

Author name: زينب سعد شمس الدين الشيشاني
Supervisor name: هجير عدنان زكي امين
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: ان الاساس المؤثر في النظام النقدي الدولي هي العملة الاحتياطية او العملة القائدة كماهو متعارف عليه، وهي التي تعمل عمل المحرك لهذا النظام وان اي دولة قائمة على نظام اقتصادي مستقر قادرة بذلك على تحقيق النمو والاستقرار وبذلك هي تضمن علاقات تجارية مزدهرة مع دول اخرى، ذلك النظام الاقتصادي الذي بدوره يضمن توفير السيولة من خلال نظام المدفوعات الدولية والاشراف على تنظيم المعاملات الدولية، ومن المتعارف عليه ايضا حسب اراء بعض الادبيات الاقتصادية والنقدية ان العملة الاحتياطية هي عبارة عن عملة وطنية تقوم بوظائف النقود الدولية، ويدعمها اقتصاد قوي متنوع، وتؤهلها العديد من الميزات لتؤدي دور الوساطة في تسوية المدفوعات وسداد الديون، ولتكون ايضا وسيلة فعالة في تحقيق التسويات مما يؤهلها تلقائيا لتقوم بمهام النقد الدولي. ومن اجل ان تبقى هذه العملة محل ثقة واستخدام المجتمع الدولي، فمن المفروض ان تحقق توازن لمصالحها الوطنية والدولية في ان معا دون ان تاثر احداهما على الاخرى، ومع ان النظام النقدي قد انفصل بعض الشيء عن علاقته الوطنية، فاصبح التاثير الاكبر عليه ناتج عما يحدث في مجموع العلاقات الدولية، وان تفاوتت نسب تاثير الدول في تلك العلاقات. وتخضع العملة الاحتياطية الى العديد من التاثيرات، رافقتها منذ قدم تاريخها حتى يومنا هذا، فهي خاضعة لمؤثرات ناتجة من العوامل الاقتصادية والسياسية والقانونية والاجتماعية ترافقها في كل حقبة تاريخية، وبذلك نذكر ان النظام الدولي يعود الى جذور اوربية وتحديدا القرون الوسطى التي شهدت احتدادا للتنافس بين الكنيسة، المسيطر الروحي ذلك الوقت، وبين اصحاب الشان الرفيع لتاتي النتيجة لصالحهم، وبذلك يكون منتصف القرن التاسع عشر هو بداية انشاء الدول القومية في اوروبا. وبتتابع التطور التاريخي للنظام النقدي الدولي، وتحديدا بعد نظام بريتون وودز انتهى شكله الاخير باعتماد العملات الاحتياطية الرئيسة ياتي الدولار الامريكي بالدرجة الاولى على راس هذا العملات. ويحتم علينا القول بان نظام بريتون وودز مهد الطريق امام الدولار ليحتل مكانته كعملة احتياطية اولى ذلك عن طريق منحه امتياز خلق السيولة الدولية من خلال عجز ميزان المدفوعات الدولية، وهذا مايعنى بالامتياز الفائق او المفرط، وهو مصطلح اطلقه الفرنسيين عندما انتقدوا نظام النقد الدولي باعتماد الدولار كعملة دولية, لانه بذلك يعفي الولايات المتحدة الامريكية من العديد من الالتزامات تجاه الدول، ناهيك عن المكاسب الجمة التي تحصل عليها الولايات المتحدة الامريكية باعتبار عملتها عملة احتياطية دولية اولى. ان تمتع الولايات المتحدة الامريكية باقتصاد قوي وقوة نفوذ الدولار الامريكي سياسيا وعسكريا، وذلك كون عملتها عملة احتياطية اولى في العالم، قد منح الولايات المتحدة الامريكية امتيازات فائقة، ومن هذا المنطلق انتهجت الولايات المتحدة الامريكية منهجا خاصا في صنع سياستها الخارجية واقعة بذلك تحت تاثير جهات ضاغطة مثل اللوبيات والشركات متعددة الجنسية او الشركات العملاقة ومن اهمها شركات السلاح وشركات النفط. ان هذه الامتيازات التي تتمتع بها الولايات المتحدة الامريكية، والناتجة من كون عملتها عملة احتياطية اولى في العالم، ساهمت كثيرا في دعم القوة العسكرية الامريكية في سبيل تحقيق اهداف الامن القومي الامريكي، وتمثل ذلك في عسكرة الاقتصاد الامريكي على مدى اكثر من نصف قرن وتمويل الحروب بطرق متعددة، وان كانت الولايات المتحدة الامريكية تعاني من مشاكل اقتصادية لعل ابرزها العجز التجاري القائم في ميزان مدفوعاتها، وذلك نتيجة العديد من الاسباب منها الحروب المكلفة التي خاضت غمارها الولايات المتحدة الامريكية، ولعل ابرزها الحرب الامريكية على فيتنام والحرب الامريكية على العراق، وقد انعكست هذه المتغيرات على طبيعة وسياسة الادارة الامريكية الحالية التي تتبوا مركز القيادة والزعامة في العالم مما اعطى ملامح واضحة للدور السياسي للدولار الامريكي. | The growth and economic stability to any state does not take place only when the availability of the monetary system is capable of providing the necessary liquidity to the economy, monitoring and controlling the various indicators which reflect the economic performance. As well as the international level does not represent a booming trade and economic relations between States unless there is a monetary system including rules and mechanisms to stabilize the international monetary and provide liquidity to the international payments and supervising the organization of international transaction. Probably one of the main components of international liquidity is what is known conventionally currency reserves and the task of leading the international monetary system. Throughout the nineteenth - century and until the beginning of the First World War transactions States were according to the gold standard system, and its banknotes issued by central banks, it's used in state of gold, a cover 100%, The pound sterling, as well as gold, were treated at the international level, and ranks first among reserved currencies. That the power enjoyed by the pound sterling before the First World War was a reflection of the political and economic power and military encamping in that period and was practiced in the field of international trade. The dollar did not play any role at the international level in this period. Since the First World War began, and expanded the requirements of war efforts and military expenditures, it's went out, states began to issue massive amounts of paper money to equal the size of military expenditures, collapse the international monetary system of gold standard, and continued system of international monetary system suffers from many crises since the end of the First World War until the Second World War. The dollar at the beginning of the year 1945, it work began (the Convention on the Breton Woods) and it is covered with gold by 100%, and become the first currency reserved in the world, was awarded the international monetary system concession to U. S. A, and it is a possibility to create the international liquidity through the U.S.A balance of payments deficit. This is what we mean by the word exorbitant privilege. We discussed the associated political and economic side of what is known to privilege, a term reportedly at the France when it blames the adoption of the international monetary system, the dollar as an international currency and providing state - exporting to it, the U.S.A, a privilege exempting them from the real commitment to other countries. The fact that the U.S.A. dollar, supported by a strong economy with high productivity, control over global trade, access to foreign markets, the ability to increase exports, military power and political influence is clear, making it the first reserved currency in the world. The American dollar is supported by strong economics that has high productivity and controls on the world trade and has an access to the foreign markets and it is able to increase the exports , clear military power and political influence making it the first reserved currency in the world that currency which has political dimensions.The international reserved currency through the dollar experience assures the political effects and dimensions of that leading currency through the American foreign policy and demands of the American the national security before and after the events of Sep.2001 and it explains that the most effected sides of making the American foreign policy is the lobbies or the pressure groups and also the multinational companies or the giant companies .The most important ones are the weapons companies and oil companies. The economic momentum supporting the military power in achieving the goals of the American national security represents encamping the American economics more than half century and supporting the wars in multi ways ,the most important ones are taxes , Treasury bills that the American government presents ; the citizens and the foreign people that finances wars that it is engaged in that it suffers from the economic problems ,the most important ones is the deficit in the trading balance.The most prominent American wars that they have high economic and financial costs ,the American - Vietnam wars and the American war on Iraq and it reflects the variables on the nature of the current American administration and the policy of the United states that predicts the leading centre that it gives clear features for the political role of the international reserved currency - the American dollar as sample - that it deals with through the chapters of the research.The Framework of ResearchThis research is divided after the introduction into four chapters ,it deals with the variables concerning with that chapter ,the subject of the first chapter is a conceptual access dealing with the reserved currency in the international currency system through two researches, the first sections deals with the concept of the concept of reserved currency and its contents ,section two deals with the functional role of the reserved currency in the international currency system.Chapter two deals with the international reserved currency during the historical development and its current reality through three sections. Section One deals with the development of the international reserved currency ,section two deals with the dollar as an international reserved currency in the international reserved system and section three deals with the role of the other currencies in the current international system. Chapter three that discuses the economic role of the reserved currency(dollar as a sample)through three sections, section one deals with the financial sides for the economic dominance on the international level, section two deals with advantages and the arranged costs on the American national currency (dollar)as a tool in settling the debts and section three deals with the political economics of the international currency. Chapter four of the research studies the political role of the international reserved currency (dollar experience)through three sections, section one discusses the American foreign policy and interests of the national security and the partners that have an effect on the operation of the American decision making, section two the role of the economic momentum supporting the American military power, that power which is used for achieving the American political goals, the American military factorial community that the United States of America, section three studies the American military power and the most prominent wars of the United states of America and what has happened in the current American policy.

القوى الكبرى واعادة تشكيل النظام الدولي : دراسة في فرضيات الصعود والافول == Great Powers And Reforming International System A Study In The Assumptions Of Ascendancy And Decline

Author name: علي بشار بكر اغوان
Supervisor name: محمد ياس خضير
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: Constitute the rotation exponential relationship dimensions positive and negative between the international system over the different stages of the major powers in various manifestations, argumentative and extensive research and one of the main gates of understanding of international relations at the contemporary stage, this relationship has opened ample room for endoscopy and research in but the international system and major powers dramatically, impact, vulnerability and nutrition, nutrition reverse dual between the international system and major powers relationship has alternated according to each stage and this relationship is the main problem of the balance of power in several stages, and when he was urgently needed because of the international system is to be the foundation standard for classification of power arrogance in the world, we became our international system stable and clearly defined in terms of the formation of systemic in different structural dimensions, that the international system is established the concept of structural and quality of states and impose the rhythm of movement for many reasons, notably that the nature of the regime often imposes itself a great obligation for these forces because adopted for fear of imbalance or break up of certain international situation or threat to the status of this or that country. While it is possible that just the opposite is happening as they become the major powers in the zenith of its power is granted international system and give it structure and posed or change the balance, that is, the major powers here are the ruler and the clutch on the decision to change within the system and not vice versa.Of course, and as far as what the major powers and the international system and the issues of restructuring strategy and the required strategic supplies, it became clear manner that does not accept the argument that the concept of power and public and private as has changed helped broadly to re - read the beliefs of the strategic countries in terms of the ups and build self - mechanisms .Importance of the study : Centric importance of the study of it represents an attempt research earnest to form a new theory to explain how they can through the major powers arise strategic detail the destruction, they also offer hypotheses second supplement to the theory of looking at the mechanics of the fading of states and their tracks and provide detailed explanations of the forms of collapse and form, in the sense that the subject of major powers and reshape the international system based on the assumptions of ascent and decline, it represents an attempt to re - read international relations in general and major powers and the international system, in particular in the pot research focuses on the scientific methodology of the measurement, audit and observation and select the tracks.The problem of the study : The study generally runs from the two problems main ways : the first, which is problematic conceptual theory relating to the characterization of and what the big powers and the international system and the nature of the dialectical relationship rotating between the two, the second is problematic current major powers characterization and put it in its proper place according to the hypothesis of ascent and decline and the compatibility of all the power with these hypotheses.The dilemma conceptual first, since the study is trying through, and over the detective and three chapters, the first - the first, second and third - explain what the clash incident between the international system and major powers, as it is trying to study here and across this part of the dilemma that the disintegration of the complex Association about the presence of overlapping relationship is a clear path between the evolution of the international system on the one hand and major powers on the other hand, due to the complexity of the actors and their diversity and change the concept of power and its vocabulary, this relationship appears frequently as a rotational (ie, when they vibrate and weaken the international system, is restored and fed through strategic reaction of major powers on the form of finding a new strategic balance or maintain the strategic balance as and when it weakens the major powers, the system modifying itself in line with the size of the weakness incident to correspond to the requirements and elements of modernization that has occurred in the international environment and gives the stream additional to those strengths that have benefited from the decline in single actors function or polar strategic act also shall be either by maintaining a balance or modify it identifies with the size and manage change).While Applied dilemma second focuses on practical models of major powers and try to determine its position in the international system based on key assumptions that have been developed and adopted a basic criteria for the rise of the big powers and the eclipse, as it dealt with the last three chapters (IV, V and VI) the issue of the status of all power in the international system - models selected - based on the extent of approaching and distancing itself from the hypotheses that have been put forward both in terms of climb or, moreover study focuses in this part of the dilemma defines the shape of the future of the international order based on the data and the reality of the big powers. It is through this dilemma offers a number of central research questions that the study will try to answer them through the next research context, the most important of these questions are : 1. What is the fundamental nature of the relationship between the international system and major powers?2. How can identify the key ingredients that require their presence in the power of any wish to become a major international scope of the system?3. What are the main forms of balance known to international relations throughout history, the nation - state?4. Who are the actors function capable of control in the international system and restructuring?5. How can identify the entrances of change within the international system and who knows this change?6. What is the most important hypotheses that can be through to become a major force on the international scope of the system?7. How can identify the most important hypotheses decline that lead them to collapse?8. Do not slip United States a world power?9. Is Russia today is on its way toward building the same to you mean by itself as one of the poles of the future world again?10. Is China really able to replace the United States? And how?11. What is Japan's new site in the international system?12. What is the future of the international system in the light of data the rise and fall of great powers?Hypothesis of the study : Consistent with the dilemma that have been submitted and research questions that have been submitted and as well as the main hypotheses that have been adopted by the study systematically through the third quarter in an attempt to form a comprehensive theory, the study starts from the assumption president of that on the basis of (that there is a direct correlation "positive + negative" between the regime the one hand and major powers on the other hand. The more major powers more coherent and stronger the more you process the formation of the international system more discipline, and vice versa, the more the international system more solid whenever the major powers to maintain more balance and less likely to change. And branching out from this hypothesis President, two assumptions in two basic subgroups : The first hypothesis : Whenever any major international force backed away from its position, as it was an opportunity to push a new force to fill the vacuum, and this is a dialectical ascent and decline.The second hypothesis : Whenever a major international force backed away from its position as it was an opportunity to reshape the international system according to the new balance of power. This is the dialectical relationship between the international system and major powers.Curricula : The study used the six - round main chapters range of approaches that are used in scientific research on the scope of political science were as follows : 1. The historical approach, which sought the study through used to display the most prominent of the relevant idea of historical experiences and the subject that the researcher wants to clarify, this has been the approach one of the main approaches that have been through it to identify the mechanisms of the fading of the major powers and the conclusion of which many hypotheses have been one of the most important pillars of the study at various stages.2. Analytical Approach : The study used the analytical approach to the study of various plants for several purposes, the most important cases of the dismantling and re - installed in accordance with the main theme of her service, and the support of the conclusions of this approach is based on the basis of scrutiny of reality and studied extensively studied through strategic insight.3. Approach the international system Analysis : It is one of the most major and modern approaches that study sought to focus on it through international structural analysis and situations experienced by the international system and the dismantling of his limbs and its impact, the study was able bumpy this approach to reach many conclusions based on what provided by this approach of the mechanics to understand the phenomenon and absorbed significantly.4. Approach to measure the strength of nations : one of the most important approaches and, most recently that for its research tools have enabled the study to identify the most prominent features of the strength and the weakness of the major powers and greatly helped to explain many of the phenomena and dismantled as it should.5. Future Approach : It is one of the most important methods you used for the purposes of study, the most important of several identifying features scenes of the future of the international system according to the scene forward - looking unconditional. Structural study : As well as the introduction to the study and details and the conclusion and findings, the study contained two doors presidents by six central chapters, the first section by three chapters titled (conceptual framework and theoretical), while Part II came with three other chapters supplement entitled (Applied and future frame).Ensure that the first chapter of the study, which came under the title (the major powers and the international system), the two main two sections (Section I : what the major powers and the international system) while the second part, titled (forms of power in the international system balance).On the other hand Chapter II of the study, which was titled contained (actors in international relations and the entrances to change) on two sections two main (Section I : actors function traditional and new actors function of non - State actors in international relations), while the second section under the title (the entrances to the change in the system international).Also a third chapter of the study, which was titled (hypotheses rise and fall of great powers) of the two main two sections (Section I : hypotheses rise of major powers) while the second part, titled (hypotheses fading major powers).Chapter IV of the study contains two sections and two presidents, who came under the title (the major powers "core" and measuring hypotheses ascent and decline), was the first topic title (the United States) while the second section title (Russian Federation).On the other hand, Chapter V of the study complements the above by two sections presidents under the title of president of the chapter came a (major powers "emerging" and measuring hypotheses ascent and decline), was the first section of the chapter entitled (China), while the second part, titled (Japan) .

السياسة الامنية الامريكية تجاه النظام الاقليمي في الشرق الاوسط بعد احداث 11 ايلول 2001 == United States Security Policy Toward The Regional Order In The Middle East After The Events Of September 11, 2001

Author name: ظفر عبد مطر التميمي
Supervisor name: سمير جسام راضي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: تعد السياسة الامريكية الخارجية بجانبها السياسي الامني من اهم المفردات التي تشكل احدى ادوات محور البناء والتغيير في منطقة الشرق الاوسط الموسع، وما يليها من مناطق مجاورة ، وذلك بعد انتهاء مرحلة الحرب الباردة، وتغير مراكز القوة العالمية، خاصة مع تصاعد مفاهيم مثل النظام الاقليمي، والاقليمية الجديدة، والامن الاقليمي والتي قد تبرز لتحل محل التعددية القطبية العالمية او على الاقل ستغير من مفهوم الهيمنة الامريكية على النظام العالمي الجديد. ولان القرن الحادي والعشرين بدا امريكيا بامتياز، فان الادارة الامريكية تحاول جاهدة فرض الصبغة الامريكية على هذا القرن حتى نهايته، او على الاقل حتى بداية ضعف الدولة الامريكية. ان منطقة الشرق الاوسط الموسع تمثل حالة من الوفرة في الموارد الطبيعية والديموغرافية فمن المؤكد انها ستمثل حالة من الوفرة ايضا في الخطط الامريكية التي ستؤدي الى تغيير المنطقة وفقا لتطلعات الادارة الامريكية وحلفائها، وبذلك تتناسب منطقة الشرق الاوسط الموسع مع التناغم الحاصل بين فوضى التغيير والنظام الاقليمي الجديد، والتي تمثل افضل السبل لجعل هذه المنطقة المشتعلة دوما باتون الحروب والصراعات اكثر ميلا نحو الاستقرار والسكينة وان تكلف ذلك مددا زمنية ليست بالقليلة او الهينة. وبالتالي فالادارة الامريكية امامها فرصة كبيرة في اعادة خلق المنطقة على وفق تخطيط استراتيجي اداري ناجح يتسم بصيغة المشاركة مع دول منطقة الشرق الاوسط الموسع والسماح بخلق محاور اقليمية جديدة تعتمد على تطوير نظامها الامني وربطه بالسياسة الامنية الامريكية والتي تفسح المجال امام القوة الذكية الامريكية لتؤسس مدارس فكرية جديدة غير بعيدة عن التوجه العسكري الامريكي ولا قريبة من التنازلات الخطيرة التي قد تغير من موازين القوى العالمية . | The American foreign policy is marked with political security one of the most important items that constitute one of the tools of axis construction and change in the broader Middle East, and its next neighboring regions, after the end of the Cold War era, and change centres of global power, especially with the escalation of concepts such as regional system, regional new, and regional security that may emerge to replace the multi - polar world, or at least will change the concept of American hegemony on the new world order , because the twenty - first century the start of U.S. par excellence, the U.S. administration is trying hard to impose American character to the end of this century, or at least until the beginning of the weakness of the American state.The broader Middle East region represents a state of abundance in natural resources, demographic. It certainly will be a case of abundance also in U.S. plans that will lead to change the region in accordance with the aspirations of the U.S. administration and its allies, and thus fit the broader of the Middle East with harmony happening between chaos of change and new regional order, which represents the best way to make this region a flaming always patron wars and conflicts are more inclined towards stability and tranquility and cost periods of time is not uncommon or soft. Thus American administration before a great opportunity to re - create the region according to a strategic planning successful management characterized format engagement with the countries of the Broader Middle East and allow the creation of regional hubs new depends on the development of its security system and link security policy of America, which gave way to smart power American establish schools of thought new non - far from the U.S. military approach does not close serious concessions that may change the global balance of power .

الحكم العالمي في دراسة العلاقات الدولية بعد الحرب الباردة == Global Governance In The Study Of International Relations Post Cold War Era

Author name: اياد هلال حسين الكنانـي
Supervisor name: قاسم محمد عبد علي الدليمي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: For a long time, governance was a syndrome of state sovereignty; the authority of governing all aspects of life in the frame of its regional existence. Its continuous pursue is that all remains under full control, in addition to its refusal to any foreign interference. Therefore the concept of a sovereign nation - state stood as an obstacle facing the process of dividing the authority of the state or even thinking of adopting any role opposite to that of its own. At the same time reality proves that no local or international tools have been developed in order to limit or hinder the power or authority of the nation - state. In that light there hasn't been a significant differentiation between the terms government and governance in the context of social sciences; governance never reached beyond the action of governmental institutions in a certain state. Both terms have been interchangeably used in their meaning and indication when dealing within the frame of nation state authority. This comprehension reflected on the subject of governance in international relations; studies appeared to attenuate centralized governance on international relations in order to reach peace, justice, no war, and organizing international affairs in the same manner of exercising them from inside the state; a vision that ultimately led to suggesting ideal theorists the concept of global governance in its different features.As globalization grows, it becomes more difficult for a state to exercise unlimited domination or produce an absolute social module that could be followed and scrutinized in an authoritarian way on its own and or territory. This kind of control has become totally unpractical. No matter how many institutions a state could build or laws it can legislate, it still remains short of imposing full control on its own lands. This crisis that hit the sovereign country accompanied the reality of governance sharing by other states. These out comers take part in setting standards and building basics and sometimes they might compete and triumph over the mother state itself. What was said represents the local level, and when speaking on the global level, globalization induced other forms of governance and authorities in the field of world policy, including the horizontal and vertical interactions ; sub state, supra state , and trans state, also including organizational initiatives presented by market institutions and the campaigns held by the international social movements. There is a focus on breaking the limits of a single state and heading towards a globalized governance system because of the narrow angle that conventional itself in when compared to a globalized system that enjoys trans - border reactions and exchange that seem to need more than a state's regulations to be controlled. At the same time many issues and problems came to surface that require international intervention. Awareness has also been raised concerning global threats that demand international action. Therefore the dominance of the nation state is gradually transforming towards to (post - national sovereignty) since it is losing its capacity to withhold its public affairs on both the local and international level. In addition to different sides emerging and taking a vital role in what was strictly in the hands of the nation - state alone. Representatives of nation - states today are obliged to be partners when exercising authority, with international organizations, multinational corps, and trans - national political and social organizations or movements in addition that those sides have a rising role in crystallizing interior affairs. This picture led to the demise of the main sign of conventional sovereignty in the past : borders and territory capture. In the light of what was mentioned above, researchers in the field of international relations, especially after the cold war, started the pursue to define modules other than that of a nation - state, as an alternative system. They developed their ideas and theories concerning global governance, and considering it the new analytical concept that describes world politics and power being spread and divided upon global level. Moreover, some researchers considered this a theoretical alternative for international relations perspectives.From this point, it becomes clear, why research in global governance is such an important issue. Since it is the theoretical alternative that could explain the breaking of states' power and how it spreads along different levels. Instead of the conviction that the nation - state reached its end socially and politically, and the retreat of its power, and the opinions that support the transformation of the state's powers and their direction towards a unified hierarchical structure (world government), theorists found a middle position between the chaotic demise of the nation - state and the central grip of the global government, by being more realistic and to the ground. They headed towards the global system that depends on different participating sides in managing state affairs. In addition to the importance of studying global governance by presenting explanations that apply to the global changes. Conventional analysis proved to be short from interpreting those changes in a realistic manner.

السياسات الصناعية والمزايا التنافسية في ظل المتغيرات الدولية : دراسة حالة الصناعات التحويلية العربية == Industrial Policies And Competitive Privileges with International changes - Studying the State of Arabic Manufacturing Industries

Author name: ثائر محمود رشيد العاني
Supervisor name: وصال نجيب عارف العزاوي | عبد علي كاظم المعموري
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: ost of the countries in the world including the growing ones have carries out general repetition to their economical policies especially (industrial Policy) in order to be ready for facing any changes taking place and to be ready for 21st century just as looking for a place in international economic that its main sources distributed between liberation of international trade and probing deeply in details of excellent techniques.For this reason the computational abilities formed basic necessity for the state as well as for single producer and became train which drawing all other changes with it.The growing countries have realized these facts lately so they tried to improve their economic by depending on supposed forms of patterns that are published by international institutions (IMF, IBRD) in order to maintain or change the form of economic.The industrial sector did not be far from these changes but it was the important element of them especially that the policies of specialization amid it directly in order to reduce the support to this sector (Whether it includes goods for special or general benefit).And here the philosophy of change lies which means reducing the shortage in general budget of the state and prepare it to pay tits payable debts.We must refer here to the influence of (WTO) which affects all economic sectors including industrial one so that the liberation of international trade will dispose industrial goods in all countries to difficult challenges.The industrial policies used in Arabic countries led to emphasizes the deficion in form of their changing industries which made them lose the opportunity to support their competition abilities in order to face change that happened in international economic.This study depends on the program of research deals with general to special according to its point of view that all national (Local) and international environment play an important role in trace changing industry in addition to that it depends on description methods to analyze economical changes.The study has been divided to four sections, the first one included the main international changes that characterized last century such as establishment of many economical collections and organizing new agreements for international trade.The second section deals with economical policies and competitive ability international trace.Part of this study presents analyzing for the effects of industrial laws within the organization of international trade and possible profits which will given by general agreement of growing countries.This third section deals with challenges of international environment that faces Arabic industries and formal problems which they are suffer from as a result of general policies and changeable role of state. It deals also with what consider as a chances for region to improve the industrial sector.And work hardly to draw some important characters for industrial strategy to Arabic countries in order to support Arabic industrial abilities.

التطور التكنولوجي والحرب == Technological Development and War

Author name: براء عبد القادر وحيد محمود
Supervisor name: لبنان هاتف الشامي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: There is no doubt that the study of one of the future phenomenon , is a process of scientific research , starting from the past of the phenomenon , passing by it's present to look for it's future prospect and factor of change in it . The national security adviser to president (Carter) (Zbigniew Brzezinski) mentioned that (Future can and must be planned , without careful choice , change may cause anarchy) . In reference to the need to predict the future and a willingness to deal with it's variables .War , is one of the phenomena that accompanied time in all it's different dimensions , past and present and future . It is very old because it emerged with the emergence of human societies since the dawn of human civilization , and continues to the present day , and will remain to along time , as far as those communities remain . It is part of human nature which can not be changed , and the highest forms of conflict to resolve the contradictions . Reality proved the incorrectness of that point of view which has been spread after the end of the cold war in (1991) and resulted in apoint of view which stated that the phenomenon of the international conflict in general , including the phenomenon of war , will become a phenomenon of the past , or that the future wars will be conventional wars , the human is still in their planetary - level enough to destroy their planet hundreds of times , but that the land no longer satisfy their appetite and military instincts for destruction , and instead it is transmitted to space and stars war .In a world where technological development has become the key to progress , and competition intensified through technology , and which influence will be extended to the political , strategic and economic aspects , and working towards making technology a controlling factor which qualifyes it's adapter to have the control in any other field , the persistence of the war phenomenon makes it's study and understanding , as asperate which has it's rules and laws and governed by it's specific circumstances , and as a field generated and influenced by various political , economical and social fields , a vital issue , not only to the specialists , since that the management of the war and the development of strategies , is no longer the prerogative of the generals , but these strategies draw on the table of tables , rallied around the leaders , generals , technicians , scientists and the educated , even in the most developed countries . we do not mean that the study of war is a study of battles and military campaigns or to identify the types of weapons and others , but also be studied at a higher level which the level of strategy , operations and tactic .From here stems the problem of the study , that the future wars will view dramatic developments turnes concepts and standards known to the military affairs on it's head , as a result of the accumulation of the impact of the diversity and the evolution of multi - output revolutions , like technology , information , media and economy revolution , and other revolutions that have passed automatically to the military arenas . The contribution of the expert systems and equipments of artificial intelligence and neural networks and X - ray laser , as well as the robot and super computer in defining the target and turning it in moments , in addition to the contribution of algorithm schemes and communication equipment , as well as the development of theoretical and applied science in facilitating the full implementation of war training ahead of time , in a way that enhance success factors and causes of failure . Those contributions are important which lead us study this subject through raising main question : - How future wars will be with the development of military technology , and its recruitment in the means and tools of war ?To answer these questions , the study started from a hypothesis referring to that the recruitment of the technological development for military fields with armed forces , will alter the nature of future war , so that they accommodate with the challenges posed by the third wave at the military level . In the context of answering the question mentioned above, more than one method have been adopted , according to the requirements of the study , for example , including a historical approach in the study of campaigns and battles which have had a significant impact in the development of means and tools of war , and the diversity of strategies and tactics . and also a functional approach to search in the functions and contributions of the new fields of technological development . and also the future approach to predict some elements of future wars , with the benefit from the expertise of modern wars in the last decade of the 20th century , and the first decade of the 21 century . In the light of the hypothesis which has been put forward, and in order to demonstrate it , this thesis will be structured into four chapters provided to answer the question raised , in addition to a conclusion . In chapter one , I have had to study the technology and the war as a conceptual framework , the first section dealt with the concept of appealing against the terms of concepts and approach , while the second section dealt with the dialectic relationship between the two terms , and their effect on policy .Chapter two studied technological development and war in the 20th century in two sections . It tackled the development and war until the second world war in the first section . and during the cold war in the second.Chapter three focused on the development of technology and war after the Cold war and it's impact on military affairs , to deal in it's first section the new fields of technological development . In it's second section , it dealt with revolution in military affairs .Finally , the fourth chapter studied the technological development and the wars of the first decade of the 21 century , to deal in its first section the war waged on Iraq on 2003 as a case study . and the future of technological development and war , in its second section . In addition to the conclusion , summarizing the content of the thesis , and it's deductive and recommendations.It should be noted , that the study of the technological revolution and future wars , is not without a number of difficulties , such as : - The confidentiality of information relating to military affairs , in general , and the war strategies and management , specially . - Limitations and the obsolescence of the available information on the subject of study , particularly with regard to the phenomenon of war . the scarcity of information available in the base , and the descriptive nature of the شwars in the depths of history , each with their own conditions , and are leaving room for doubt one of the difficulties in the future research of this phenomenon .In the end , I ask God Almighty to make the pragmatic scientific work that involves service to the nation , the paper finds it's place in our Arabic library .

الفاعلون الجدد في السياسة الدولية : فاعلو الشبكة انموذجا

Author name: امنة رسول عبد الزهرة
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

المتغيرات المؤثرة في اداء المنظمات الدولية الحكومية بعد الحرب الباردة : منظمة الصحة العالمية انموذجا == Variables Affecting the Performance of Organizations After the Cold War : WHO Model

Author name: مروان حسين ياسين حمد
Supervisor name: محمد ياس خضير
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: International organizations are one of the international organizations thatregulate international relations between different countries. They operateaccording to a mechanism approved by the countries they created. The limitsof competence of the organization are subject to the decisions of the memberstates of the international organization. the organization .International organization has developed with the emergence of the liberaltrend as a theoretical thought that explains the nature of the relationshipbetween states, Liberal thought emerged as a reaction to the realistic thoughtthat international relations tended to have a major tendency towards conflict ,Conflict is inherent in the human psyche. International relations are chaoticand lawless. The determination of interests is subject to the nature of theforces possessed by each State in the international system.The most important of these organizations is the World Health Organization(WHO), which has emerged to regulate the health situation by mobilizinginternational efforts to counter the spread of disease and epidemics andreduce its incidence in conflict and war - prone environments.The importance of the study comes from its attempt to research the work ofinternational organizations, Especially the United Nations and somespecialized international organizations, And try to identify the joints of themovement of these organizations, And by comparing the objectives of theestablishment with the current reality of these organizations in practice andin practice to identify the most important variables that led to the impact ofthese organizations' work, Whether positive or negative.As the importance of the subject comes from our attempt to search for asubject that was not previously discussed as a master's thesis before, Thestudy model, the World Health Organization (WHO), has not receivedresearch and analysis as the other international organizations despite theirimportance and effectiveness at the global level. In addition, it is alsoimportant that the reports issued by the World Health Organization (WHO)have a wide impact on international interactions. Many reports have led toconfusion at the level of state - to - state relations, And its reports on the spreadof disease and epidemics and appeals to States are widely affected at theinternational level.bThe study was divided into three chapters, as well as the introduction andconclusion. The first chapter dealt with liberal theory and the emergence ofinternational intergovernmental organizations and divided into three sections : The first dealt with liberal theory.The second dealt with the emergence of intergovernmental organizations.The third dealt with the functions of intergovernmental organizations.The second chapter dealt with the variables affecting the performance ofinternational intergovernmental organizations and divided into two sections : The first dealt with the subjective variables.The second dealt with external variables.The third chapter dealt with the World Health Organization and divided intotwo sections : The first is the emergence of the World Health Organization.The second dealt with the roles and functions of the World HealthOrganization.Conclusions : 1 - International organization is an indispensable need, despite the decline ineffectiveness, as a result of political conflicts and different visions in theinternational system , Different trends, visions and conflict of interestsbetween international actors lead to a decline in the work of the internationalorganization and international organizations.2 - The conflict of interests and the lack of harmony between the internationalactors have led to the result of the decline of the work of internationalorganizations, but this did not cancel its presence.3 - That the continued presence of international organizations is an importantindicator that cooperation is a continuous phenomenon, and is one of themost important phenomena of international relations, despite the increaseand indicators of its decline and the emergence of the phenomenon ofconflict as a general phenomenon of comprehensive international relations

اثر الازمة السياسية في التنمية الاقتصادية : دراسة انموذج تركيا 1946 - 2055

Author name: زينة مدحت محمد شريف الهموندي
Supervisor name: عماد عبد اللطيف سالم
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

السياسة الخارجية التركية اتجاه منطقة القوقاز بعد الحرب الباردة == Turkish Foreign Policy Towards Caucasia Region after the Cold War

Author name: صبا سليم محمد علي الجبوري
Supervisor name: مصطفى جاسم حسين البهادلي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: بعد انتهاء الحرب الباردة وتفكك الاتحاد السوفييتي عام 1991 واستقلال دول القوقاز عنه، افضت تلك التحولات التي تبلور مجموعة من المتغيرات والقضايا التي اثرت في العلاقات التركية مع دول جنوب القوقاز، فشهدت السياسة الخارجية التركية مع هذه الدول الثلاث ارمينيا واذربيجان وجورجيا، حقبة من التفاهمات والاستقطابات بسبب هذه العوامل والمتغيرات الداخلية والاقليمية والدولية. وقد احتوت الرسالة المعنونة (( السياسة الخارجية التركية اتجاه القوقاز بعد الحرب الباردة )) على مقدمة وخاتمة وملخص باللغة العربية والانكليزية واربعة فصول . ونظرا لما تتمتع به منطقة جنوب القوقاز من اهمية سياسية واقتصادية وجغرافية، فقد اصبحت محط اهتمام العديد من الدول الاقليمية والقوى الكبرى وساحة للتنافس الاقليمي والدولي. اذ يبحث الفصل الاول عن الاهمية الاستراتيجية لدول اقليم القوقاز الجنوبي الثلاثة (اذربيجان وجورجيا وارمينيا )من خلال اربعة فصول رئيسة ،المبحث الاول يتناول الاهمية الجغرافية والجيوبوليتيكية لمنطقة دول اقليم القوقازالجنوبي ،والمبحث الثاني يتناول الاهمية الاقتصادية ،والمبحث الثالث يتاول الحالة الاجتماعية والديوغرافية ،والمبحث الرابع تناول القدرات العسكرية والامنية .اما الفصل الثاني فقد تطرق الى اهداف ووسائل تنفيذ السياسة الخارجية التركية اتجاه دول اقليم القوقاز الجنوبي ،وذلك من ثلاثة مباحث رئيسة ،فالمبحث الاول تناول عملية صنع القرارفي السياسة الخارجية التركية ،والمبحث الالثاني تناول الاهداف الرئسية للتوجه التركي لمنطقة اقليم القوقاز ،والمبحث الثالث تناول اهم الوسائل لتنفيذ السياسة الخارجية التركية تجاه المنطقة .اما الفصل الثالث ،فقد تطرق الى الادوار الاقليمية والدولية في منطقة اقليم القوقاز الجنوبي ،وذلك من خلال مبحثين ،المبحث الاول تناول الدور الاقليمي المتمثل بروسيا الاتحادية والجمهورية الاسلامية الايرانية ،والمبحث الثاني تناول الدور الدولي المتمثل بالولايات المتحدة الامريكية و(اسرائيل )والاتحاد الاوروبي .والفصل الرابع فقد تطرق الى مستقبل التوجه التركي لدول منطقة اقليم القوقاز الجنوبي ،وذلك من خلال ثلاثة مباحث رئيسة ،المبحث الاول تناول مشهد استمرارية التعاون مع هذه الدول ،والمبحث الثاني تناول مشهدالتراجع ،والمبحث الثالث تناول مشهد المؤامة . وبعد صعود حزب العدالة والتنمية، وتطبيق الحزب لرؤية جديدة خاصة بالسياسة الخارجية تقوم على توظيف مباديء جديدة تهدف لتحويل تركيا من دولة جسر لدولة مركزية في دول جنوب القوقاز الذي يمثل واحد من الاقاليم المهمة للسياسة التركية، وذلك لما يتيحه من فرص للسياسة الخارجية التركية في بناء علاقات متوازنة وبراغماتية مبنية على التعاون والتنافس وما يفرضه من مخاطر قد تهدد الامن القومي التركي. | After the end of the Cold War and collapse of Soviet Union 1991 and the independence of Caucasian States many changes and issues appears which effect the relations of Turkey and the states of south Caucasia .Turkish foreign relations with these states, Armenia ,Azerbaijan and Georgia witnesses period of understanding and polarize due to theses internal ,regional and international factors and changes This theses titled (Turkish Foreign Policy Towards Caucasia after the Cold War ) includes an introduction ,four chapters , conclusion and abstract . As south Caucasia enjoys political , economic and geographic it becomes the focus of the interests of regional states , great powers and the field of regional and international competition . The first chapter discusses the strategic importance of the three states of south Caucasia region (Armenia ,Azerbaijan and Georgia ) .It includes three enquiries .First enquiry discusses the geographic and geopolitical importance of south Caucasia region states .The second enquiry discusses the economic importance .The third enquiry discusses the social and demographic situation .The fourth enquiry discusses the military and security abilities .The second chapter discusses the 0bjectives and the methods of implementing Turkish foreign policy towards south Caucasia region .It includes three enquiries .The first enquiry includes the decision making in Turkish foreign policy .The second enquiry discusses the main objectives of Turkish policy for Caucasia region .The third enquiry discusses the most important methods to implement Turkish foreign policy towards this region . The third chapter discusses the regional and international roles in two enquiries .The first enquiry discusses the regional role represented in Russia federation and Iran Islamic Republic .The second enquiry discusses the international role represented in United States of America , (Israel ) and Europe union .The fourth chapter discusses the future of the Turkish policy for south Caucasia region in three enquiries .The first enquiry discusses the continuous cooperation with these states .The second enquiry discusses the withdraw. The third enquiry discusses the conspiracy. After the ascension of Justice and Progress Party, and the application of the new perspectives concerning the based on the employment of these new principles aiming at changing Turkey from a bridge state into a central power in the south Caucasus region, which is one of the important regions as far as the Turkish policies are concerned. Because the opportunities it provides opportunities for the building of a balanced and pragmatic relations based on the cooperation and competition, as imposed by forces that threaten the Turkish security

السياسة الخارجية الايرانية تجاه الخليج العربي منذ عام 2003 وافاق المستقبل == The Foreign policy Of Iran Towards Arabian Gulf Since 2003 and The Horizons of Future

Author name: نشوان علاء حسين
Supervisor name: فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

الردع النووي الاسرائيلي في ضوء المتغيرات الاقليمية : الواقع والمستقبل == Israel Nuclear Deterrence In Spot Of Regional Variables ( Present And Future )

Author name: شجاع عدي محمد الحمادي
Supervisor name: محمد ياس خضير
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

مكانة الصين في النظام الدولي : دراسة مستقبلية في استراتيجية الشراكة الدولية == China's Status in the International System Prospective Study in the Strategy of the International Partnership

Author name: كرار انور ناصر البديري
Supervisor name: فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

الدرع الصاروخي وميزان القوى الاستراتيجي == missile Defense and strategical powerful balance

Author name: عباس جبار حاتم المحمداوي
Supervisor name: قاسم محمد عبد علي الدليمي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

السياسة الخارجية الروسية حيال القضايا الدولية : الانتشار النووي انموذجا == RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS THE INTERNATIONAL ISSUES NUCLEAR PROLIFERATION ((AS A SAMPLE))

Author name: شيماء تركان صالح
Supervisor name: منعم صاحي حسين العمار
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

مؤسسات المجتمع المدني والسياسة العامة : العراق انموذجا == Civil Society Institutions and Public Policy : Iraq as a Case Study

Author name: سارة ابراهيم حسين
Supervisor name: هشام حكمت عبد الستار العزاوي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

التحول الديمقراطي للنظام السياسي في العراق واليمن بعد عام 2003 == Democratization of The Political System in Iraq and Yemen After 2003

Author name: عبد الكريم عبد الصاحب حسن دروش الحمداني
Supervisor name: حبيب عبد القادر محمود الشاوي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

صياغة استراتيجية الامن الوطني العراقي : دراسة مستقبلية == Formulation of Iraq's National Security Strategy Prospective Study

Author name: اياد نوري جاسم
Supervisor name: منعم صاحي حسين العمار
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

العلاقات التركية - الاسرائيلية وانعكاساتها الاقليمية == The Turkish - Israeli Relation and its Regional Reflections

Author name: محمد سامي نوماس
Supervisor name: عبد الصمد سعدون عبد الله الشمري
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

مشكلة الفساد في العراق واليات هيئة النزاهة في مكافحته == The problem of corruption in Iraq and the mechanisms commission of integrity in comboiting

Author name: حيدر علي عبد الله
Supervisor name: محمد علي حمود العيثاوي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

العولمة وانعكاساتها على الامن القومي العربي == Globalization and its Effect on The Arabs National Security

Author name: اياد رشيد محمد ال كريم
Supervisor name: خضر عباس عطوان
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

السلطة التشريعية وصنع السياسة العامة في الدول العربية : الاردن انموذجا

Author name: نصر دحام اسماعيل الشاوي
Supervisor name: هشام حكمت عبد الستار العزاوي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

متغيرات البيئة الداخلية والسياسة الخارجية التركية بعد عام 2002 == Internal Environment Variables and Turkish Foreign Policy After (2002)

Author name: احمد يوسف كيطان الجميلي
Supervisor name: نادية عبد القادر المختار
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

السياسة الخارجية الفرنسية حيال المشرق العربي : حقبة مابعد الحرب الباردة == French foreign policy toward the Arab Eastren (the period after the Cold War)

Author name: رواء طه درويش
Supervisor name: فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

الهيمنة الامريكية وسيادة الدولة القومية بعد الحرب الباردة : دراسة حالة العراق == THE AMERICAN HEGEMONY AND SOVEREIGNTY OF THE NATION - STATE AFTER THE COLD WAR (CASE STUDY : IRAQ)

Author name: انمار موسى جواد
Supervisor name: علي حسن نيسان
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

التدخل الدولي الانساني ومبدا السيادة الوطنية بعد الحرب الباردة : العراق انموذجا == International Humanitarian Intervention And The Principle Of National Sovereignty After The Cold War Iraq A Model

Author name: عبد الامير عبد الواحد فليح
Supervisor name: فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

العلاقات الروسية - الصينية للفترة (2000 - 2012) == The Russian - Chinese relations for the period (2000 - 2012)

Author name: سداد نوري جاسم العيساوي
Supervisor name: خضر عباس عطوان
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

العلاقات الامريكية - المصرية 2001م == United States of America - Egyptian relations after the events 11, September, 2001

Author name: مصطفى اديب حميد عبد الربيعي
Supervisor name: مالك دحام الجميلي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

الحصانات والامتيازات الدبلوماسية واثرها على الامن الوطني

Author name: محمد فاضل نعمة
Supervisor name: فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

دور العراق السياسي في جامعة الدول العربية (1979 - 2001) == Iraq's Political Part in the League of Arab Nations 1979 - 2001

Author name: كفاح وادي عبد علي العزاوي
Supervisor name: سهيل صبحي سلمان الخزرجي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

القدرات النووية لكوريا الشمالية وانعكاساتها على الامن الاقليمي الاسيوي == North Korean Nuclear Capabilities and its Reflects on Asian Regional Security

Author name: عبد الرزاق ربيع احمد
Supervisor name: غيث سفاح متعب الربيعي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

مستقبل الدور الامريكي في النظام السياسي الدولي == Future of the American Role In the International Political Order

Author name: نوال عبد السادة كريم الصبيحاوي
Supervisor name: وائل محمد اسماعيل العبيدي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

العلاقات الامريكية الروسية بعد الحرب الباردة وافاقها المستقبلية == The American - Russian Relations in the Post Cold War and their Future

Author name: طارق محمد ذنون الطائي
Supervisor name: صلاح حسن محمد
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Mosul
First pages:

سياسة ايران الاقليمية تجاه دول الجوار الجغرافي وانعكاساتها على الوطن العربي 1990 - 2000

Author name: ضاري سرحان حمادي الحمداني
Supervisor name: حسيب عارف نايف العبيدي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

التغيير السياسي المصري وانعكاساته على اسرائيل == Egyptian Political Change and its Reflections on "Israel

Author name: سند وليد سعيد نعمان العبيدي
Supervisor name: ميادة علي حيدر الخالدي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

واقع ومستقبل جامعة الدول العربية

Author name: رسول حسين علي
Supervisor name: حبيب عبد القادر محمود الشاوي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

الدور الامني - العسكري الامريكي الجديد في افريقيا 1991 - 2012

Author name: بان علاء كشكول جواد
Supervisor name: علي عودة العقابي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

نظام الامن الجماعي بين نصوص ميثاق الامم المتحدة والهيمنة الامريكية : دراسة حالة العراق

Author name: سعد سلوم عباس
Supervisor name: حبيب عبد القادر محمود الشاوي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

الازمة الاقتصادية العالمية 2007 وتاثيرها في اقتصاديات الدول النامية : السعودية ومصر انموذجا == The World Economic Crisis 2007 and Its Effect in the Economies of the Developing Countries suadia and Egypt as a sample

Author name: سعد ساهي عباس
Supervisor name: سلمان عبد الله سلمان
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

اثر المتغير الامريكي في العلاقات العراقية الايرانية 2003 - 2011 == Affect of American Variable in Iraqi - Iranian Relations (2003 - 2011)

Author name: هناء حسن عبيد نصر الله الفريجي
Supervisor name: سعيد مجيد دحدوح
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

التوظيف السياسي للمحكمة الجنائية الدولية : دراسة حالة السودان == POLITICAL EMPLOYMENT OF THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT CASE STUDY : SUDAN

Author name: ميعاد عبد الرزاق عبد الوهاب
Supervisor name: اسامة مرتضى باقر السعيدي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

واقع العلاقات الروسية - الايرانية وافاقها المستقبلية == Reality of Russia - Iran relationship and its future prospects

Author name: مصطفى سلمان علوان العبودي
Supervisor name: حبيب عبد القادر محمود الشاوي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

السياسة الخارجية الامريكية حيال الخليج العربي بعد عام 2003 == The United States Foreign Policy towards Arabian Gulf Region after 2003

Author name: عبد الجبار كريم عبد الامير الزويني
Supervisor name: فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

الموقع الجيو سياسي لدولة الامارات واثره في السياسة الخارجية

Author name: عباس محسن محمد
Supervisor name: عبد الامير محسن جبار الاسدي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

مستقبل الدور الصيني في النظام السياسي الدولي

Author name: سميرة نعيم عبد الرضا الموسوي
Supervisor name: اسامة مرتضى باقر السعيدي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

دور مراكز البحوث الاستراتيجية في تخطيط السياسة الخارجية الامريكية : العراق انموذجا == THE ROLE OF THE STRATEGIC RESEARCHES CENTERS IN THE AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY MARING OR PLANING

Author name: رندة علوان حسين علي
Supervisor name: عزيز جبر شيال
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

الوظيفة الاقليمية لتركيا بعد عام 2003 == The Regional role of Turkey after 2003

Author name: بلسم سعد عبد الستار العبيدي
Supervisor name: باقر جواد كاظم السوداني
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

مستقبل العلاقات الامريكية - السعودية وانعكاساتها على منطقة الخليج العربي == The future of U.S. - Saudi relations and their impact on Gulf Site

Author name: حيدر عبد الله محمد السوداني
Supervisor name: وائل محمد اسماعيل العبيدي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

السياسة الخارجية الامريكية تجاه البرنامج النووي الايراني والاسرائيلي

Author name: رحمن عبد الحسين ظاهر الشويلي
Supervisor name: عزيز جبر شيال
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

تحديد المجالات البحرية العراقية على الخليج العربي

Author name: حسام حميد شهاب
Supervisor name: اكرم داود الوتري
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

الاتحاد الافريقي ودوره في حل المشكلات السودانية : دارفور انموذجا == African United and its role in Solving sudanians issues - Darfur as an Example

Author name: امل فاروق ابراهيم
Supervisor name: شوقي علي ابراهيم
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

السياسة الخارجية الفرنسية اتجاه القضايا العربية في عهد نيكولا ساركوزي == French Foreign Policy Toward Arabic Issues In The Era of Nicola Sazkoy

Author name: اماني خالد عبد الهادي الزهيري
Supervisor name: نوار محمد ربيع الخيري
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

العلاقات الامريكية - الباكستانية : مرحلة مابعد الحرب الباردة == Ameriican - Pakiisttanii rellattiionshiip postt - colld war

Author name: الاء حسين محمد المكصوصي
Supervisor name: عبد الجبار عيسى عبد العال
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

التنافس الروسي الامريكي في اقليم المحيط الهادي بعد الحرب الباردة == US - Russian Rivalries in Pacific Region following the Cold war

Author name: اصيل كمال عبد الحسين
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

التوازن الاستراتيجي الاقليمي في منطقة الشرق الاوسط بعد عام 2003 == THE REGIONAL STRATEGIC BALANCE IN THE MIDDLE EAST AFTER 2003

Author name: فراس محمد احمد علي الجحيشي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

الدور الاسرائيلي في السياسة الخارجية الامريكية حيال الشرق الاوسط بعد احداث 11/ايلول/2001 == israeli role in U.S. foreign policy towards the Middle East after the events of September 11/2001/

Author name: املان عباس محسن زغير الغريري
Supervisor name: صالح عباس الطائي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

السياسة الخارجية التركية تجاه العراق 1958 - 1967 == Turkish Foreign Policy Towards Iraq 1958 - 1967

Author name: عبد القادر عبد الرزاق احمد السامرائي
Supervisor name: عبد الامير محسن جبار الاسدي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

التسوية القضائية للمنازعات البحرية العربية - العربية

Author name: ايمان خليل شعلان الاسدي
Supervisor name: حبب عبد القادر الشاوي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

الوسائل السلمية لتسوية النزاعات في العلاقات الدولية == Diplomatic means for Settlement Disputes Word in International realations

Author name: خضير ياسين خير
Supervisor name: اكرم عبد الله الجميلي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

سياسة تركيا الخارجية تجاه العراق في عهد توركوت اوزال == Turkish Foreign policy toward Iraq at age of TOURKIT UZAL

Author name: علاء جاسب عجيل
Supervisor name: عبد الامير محسن جبار الاسدي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

الافاق المستقبلية للعلاقات العراقية - الكويتية ما بعد نيسان 2003 == Future Horizons of the Iraqi - Kuwaiti Relations after April - 2003

Author name: عدنان احمد سلوم الجميلي
Supervisor name: اسامة مرتضى باقر السعيدي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
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