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دور الاقليات في العملية السياسية العراقية بعد (2003م) == Role of minorities in the Iraqi political process after 2003

Author name: اكرم طالب مطشر الوشاح
Supervisor name: عادل ياسر ناصر
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

الهجرة غير الشرعية وانعكاساتها على النظم السياسية في اوربا الغربية == ILLEGAL IMMIGRATION And ITS REFLECTIONS ON POLITICAL SYSTEMS IN WESTERN EUROPE

Author name: اسعد عبد الحسين خنجر
Supervisor name: عبد الجبار عيسى عبد العال السعيدي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

صنع السياسات العامة في الجمهورية الاسلامية الايرانية بعد عام 1989 == Public Policies - Making In the Islamic Republic Of Iran After 1989

Author name: عبد العظيم كريم غافل
Supervisor name: عبد الجبار احمد عبد الله
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

حقوق المراة بين الشريعة الاسلامية والقوانين الوضعية == Women's Rights In The Islam Regime And The Laws Rights Of Work Comparative study

Author name: هيفاء خشن جاسم العزاوي
Supervisor name: اكرم عبد الله الجميلي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The dignity is universal not adverbial, but it is not understood in same meaning from age to age and from place to place . From this day we will use the term Democracy in all the wide world started from Greece in it's meaning , that means Public rule , this meaning in the past including in Greece that different meaning in modern age . As we explained before the Attitude of Islam that opinion of prophet Mohammed( God bless him ) in explanation the man , as individual in greeting him and rising his position, this greeting and this rising or change his situation, in his live or after his death . that he obligate on him the Responsibilities and giving him the rights . And because the Islam religion of the life and work , as well as religion of worshipThe man must live in society he must be cooperated with other members in the society . Also the subject of the study included explanation for the reality of the women and her participation with her brother man since going out to start the work , organizing workAnd the getting the fee out side the house and her participation in several fields economic and social and political in the contemporary , and through this explanationWe explain development for the position of the woman . The human Rights issues became as matters in touch with every people 's life , and states with its evolution . with differences of its civilization geography position and its political economic and social regimes . This Issue touch every human being as an individual with his nature and his structure . The nature of human being of double description because of , he is a human being , and social being in the same time that lead to find several respected confirmations , and the tone of this confirmations raised with new international situation . These confirmations have its reflections not only on the most constitutions , regional and national slandered of the women is an important human being in dispensable to erect the life and play a basic role in any progressed or undeveloped society and if this sight for a women is an axiom in our current world , but it is not the same in the previous periods . The human history fill of women's suffering from factor of enslavement and persecution , and tried top quash her humanity and contemn her dignity , than the man who dominated on all administration fall private and general affairs in the society and in the same prevented women to enter in to such fields ./ decreased from her interests , and ignored abilities in its arrangement . As a result of evolution of human society generally the women's position evaluated significantly .In the beginning of 19 century many women movement lead woman resistance against the factor of enslavement and persecution and asked to liberated and grant women her political lawful and economic rights and her equinity with man with all respects . No basic change happened relating with women's position in current age, but if there is decision for quality principles , on constitution today with out mention to equality among citizens and that is with text , there are nit any differentiation among them , no discrimination because of color face , language , or belief that is became as distinguished matter That human rights with its values and institutions is part of Arab current culture in spite of, value of justice equality solidarity and freedom .

الشركات عابرة القومية والمشكلات العامة في بلدان الجنوب == The transnational corporations and public problems in the southern countries

Author name: محمد علي حمود
Supervisor name: مازن اسماعيل الرمضاني | مها الحديثي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The transnational corporations become one of the important factors which effect of the political process in the northern and southern countries. Today transnational corporations play double role in the host countries, the first is positive role in which these corporations help in resolve the public problems and the second is negative role in which corporations create new public problems such as “weakness of national sovereignty, political corruption and crimes ...” The transnational corporations have many means uses to effect in the different faces of political, social and economic process in the southern countries. The important means were the financial, economic and technological power of the transnational corporations, political and military status of their home country and employment policies of the international institutions toward southern countries to support their investments. This study includes tow parts : - The first is the analysis main concepts “The transnational corporations, public problems “, and analysis of the strategy of the transnational corporations which deal with southern countries.The second part is analysis case study of the Brazil and explanation of the important sides and consequences which reflect the relation between transnational corporations and public problems in the southern countries.The main consequents of the study were : - Transnational corporations have important effect in the southern countries through develop many public problems such as unemployment, pollution and crimes. - Transnational corporations effect in public policy through create new public problems such as weakness of national sovereignty and poverty .

جدلية العلاقة بين الاصالة والحداثة وانعكاساتها في الثقافة السياسية العربية

Author name: محمد عدنان محمود الخفاجي
Supervisor name: مها عبد اللطيف حسن الحديثي | عامر حسن فياض
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

العلاقة بين الحكومة والمعارضة في الدول العربية == The Relationship between The Government & Opposition in Arabic countries

Author name: احمد عدنان كاظم
Supervisor name: وصال نجيب عارف العزاوي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: This dissertation has been tackling with specific options concerning with the nature of relationship between Government and Opposition . Thus this subject has different stages during diagnosing of this Political Phenomena , especially with stage of Predominating single - party system which was preventing any political opposition in the political life , besides to that making political groups and parties to be more weakness within political system .In the stage of hegemonic party system , the government excerting too much efforts to containment any political opposition . But the real situation during pluralism in political parties , It has taken another forms , in order to weak any an opposition towarded against Government , therefore the opposition should be working under the conditions which were imposing by Government .The important of this subject was appeared from different basic highlights such as are : - 1. The nature of stand of Government toward an opposition. 2. The style and political paradigm of Arabic elites who were ruling in the region .3. The nature of political culture which was prevalented within society and it's reflections and repercusussions on the structure of an authority .4. The huge of capacities of different political systems in Arabic region to assimulation of all groups of political opposition , such as a partner within institutions of states .From all of that , this thesis devided in to five parts , First chapter deals with conceptual and theoretical themes . But at the Second chapter tackled causes or motivations , and forms of an opposition within political system . In the Third chapter was tackling stages of appearance relationships between Government and opposition . Either within the stage of pluralism in political parties , it has been dealing in Fourth chapter . And in the last chapter has studied the future of connectionship between Government and Opposition by different possible likelihoods which were concerning with reflixable and non - reflixable relationship between two parts of political equation , therefore , it may relation be very dimunitive in vital role between Government and Opposition within political process , in the democratic stage

اثر البنية الاقتصادية في الثقافة السياسية في العراق بعد عام 2003 == Effecting of Economic Structure on Political Culture in Iraq after 2003

Author name: احمد حسين والي البدري
Supervisor name: هشام حكمت عبد الستار العزاوي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The present research includes two main comparisons as to take in and assimilate the Iraqi Society in respect to the political culture of economy reality having effect on the culture structure. The latter is a mixture of text , thought and history. Hence , the meaning of Iraqi culture structure expresses about its self in escalating activities ,alienation disorders , and religious or social( worthy things non violations ). The current study indicates the structure of the Iraqi intellectuality and state of that economic structure and activities ensued from it and not the political culture.In every society there would be discrepancy between non - reality and reality; this discrepancy requires to be interpreted and explained for the individuals of the society having the same social symmetry. From hence , it could notice that the Iraqi society suffers from the following : - Attractively in the subject of the economics : it is the existence of huge and diverse resources ,including strategy ( oil and gas ) , human capabilities and others , these resources live pace by pace with its contradictories as poverty , undeveloped economics , infrastructure and culture structure deforming . These phenomena indicate defects that should be scientifically processed , in the way that it could not logically say that there huge wealth sources beside poverty and unemployment ( violence and corruption). - In reality , the depth of democracy could not be achieved unless there should be equity among the citizens; besides, it requires all energy of personal efforts as to get a suitable living state . The economic and social power should be restricted only to elite having known by its production and capability as to get Iraq out of its present state to the right path. - The problem of Iraq is the structure problem where economic, social, cultural and political 's viewpoint should be valuably sought for. The weakness of political culture and its traditions related to its unity that expresses about the history of the state , political system and economic and social development.

التحول الديمقراطي في الوطن العربي : بحث في امكانية تداول السلطة سلميا == Democratic Development In the Arab World

Author name: قاسم علوان سعيد الزبيدي
Supervisor name: اكرم عبد الله الجميلي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: This dissertation has been talking about the described as democratic developments in the Arab world. Authority represents one of the most important issues, which preoccupied the people and groups as one of the entrances to reform and change, and the access and means to achieve the stated justification for the reform and the wars and conflicts between nations, families, and the elites. In light of the dramatic decline of the totalitarian regimes and one - party systems, and falling one after the other and return to the multiparty system after a series of changes in the world since the late eighties of the twentieth century, the Arab political action, at least the ruling did not give great importance to the issue of a genuine democratic transition and serious lead to the peaceful rotation of power is a prime entry point to get out of the state of degradation and acute crisis experienced by the community of Arab States to varying degrees and different forms, described as democratic developments in the Arab world that they are still limited, and it did not exceed the restricted multi - organizational, and a relative relaxation in the conditions of public rights and freedoms , as the mechanism for the circulation of the Authority in accordance with constitutional rules are still lacking, leading to the absence of one of the foundations on which democracy, the political legitimacy that reflect the will of the people through Balhaquemen the consent of the governed in the administration of the practice of sentencing. The shift means that the passage of a democratic political system to change and dealing with large - scale structure of the authoritarian regime and the democratic transformation that could occur as a result the erosion of the authoritarian regime, which stimulates the elite of society to pressure him for the events of this transformation, or the result of the failure of political leadership in achieving Ahaffha and a realization of the importance of the events political reform, or be the result of a compromise reached between the political elites and social action on the steps of transformation. Through the transformation of our Aldemrati and the devolution of power in the Arab world by reaching the following conclusions : - - 1 - The events of a genuine democratic transition is a key input for a way out of the deficit and the deterioration experienced by the Arab States in their political, economic and social development. Yet, this transformation can only be through the development of solutions to the obstacles and problems encountered in achieving Dikratip lead to genuine citizens to play a role in the process of making public policy. 2 - The best way to achieve democratization and expansion of the provision is through a gradual transition, peaceful, because of the political situation for long periods, and the spread of a culture of cynicism and focus on the problems and worries of everyday life. 3 - The inability of the political systems of Arab perception of the meaning of true power in the authority of the State as found in the service of society and not the authority of rulers, and therefore can not be a monopoly by the socio - political forces, to face a lot of power on the trading of imbalances due to the breach of legal rules governing such currency Although most Arab constitutions referring to this principle. 4 - Despite making a number of parliamentary elections, but the parliamentary life has not lived up to the Arab influence in the devolution of power, or to become a reference for this circulation. 5 - still the party of life in the Arab world are weak despite the existence of political parties but such parties as the advantage of limited influence and did not have the freedom does not have the necessary conditions for access to power and handling, and this is what led to the emergence of many social ills that must be combated such as sectarianism and tribalism.6 - to consider the role of external factors to the events of transition to democracy in the Arab world in the context of the implications of the historical experience of the impact of these factors, as the maximum that can be done by this group is to intervene militarily and to the laying of internal conflict or civil war. 7 - The absence of democracy, whether the popular and official levels led to the existence of gross violations of Arab human rights and freedoms, led to the absence of democratic means to resolve conflict and solve problems, with the result that violence and oppression and abuse is the prevailing means. That the cause of democracy and development at the level of Arab political systems, will remain one of the most critical issues that pose the same urgency to the research and academic circles alike. This research has been divided into an introduction and five chapters and a conclusion and findings, as its first chapter a conceptual framework for democratic transformation and the devolution of power has been divided into three talks addressing the topic of the first democratic transition and the second topic dealt with the concept of devolution of power, while the third topic dealt with the relationship between democratization and devolution of power , The reality of the second quarter and the Arab political systems, where the first topic addressed in the constitutions of Arab political systems, and to address the second topic and sources of legitimacy in the Arab political systems, with the third topic was devoted to discuss the means to take power in the Arab political systems, while addressing the topic, and fourth - party systems Arab political. The third chapter, it was on the levels of democratization in the Arab world, in which the first topic was devoted to study the causes of democratization in the Arab world, while the input of the second topic of democratization in the Arab world and the third topic was devoted to study the obstacles to democratization in the Arab world, while the dedicated topic IV to study the output of democratization in the Arab world. Interested in Chapter IV to study the problem of the devolution of power in the Arab political systems, in which the first topic was devoted to study the constraints of constitutional and political structure of Arabic, while the second topic dealt with the weakness of Arab political opposition, and the third topic was devoted to study the problem of Arab civil society. Chapter V addressed the prospects for democratic transformation and the impact on the devolution of power in the Arab world was divided into three scenes of the first topic dealt with the failure of the democratic transformation scene and continuing crisis of governance, addressing the topic in the second scene of the success of the democratic transition and to broaden the base of governance, the third topic dealt with (What's work?) to refer to some of the steps that can be used for access to a genuine democratic transition.

الحريات الاكاديمية في النظم الديموقراطية والنظم الشمولية : دراسة مقارنة

Author name: عماد صلاح عبد الرزاق الشيخ داود
Supervisor name: وصال نجيب عارف العزاوي | فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: Undoubtedly, it was customary to define Academic Freedom as the practice encompassing’’ The granting of professors and students in the academic institution the right for follow - up of research, teaching and publishing without control, monitoring or trusteeship by the university institution or the relevant official bodies”. Such academic freedoms are deemed a brand of civil rights for individuals enjoying them within the legally recognized limits in, generally all countries, particularly those democratic countries. However, Academic Freedoms, in their broader range, embrace the custody of ensuring a warranty for independence of universities from external influences as well as for enjoying autonomy in the management of their affairs. Besides, Academic Freedoms mean protecting the academician against arbitrary or coercive measures of service laying off without recourse to the stipulations safeguards, within the academic institution, for individual security as to guarantee his personal safety and humanitarian mission for the service of higher education procession for the purpose of achieving through him , the right guidance of university administration.It is to be noted that the terminology of Academic Freedoms is derived from the general concept of freedom. You would behold within their folds an approach to various brands of general freedoms which are, consecutively, Freedom of Belief, Opinion, Meeting and Education.Each of such freedoms realizes an articulation of the concept of academic freedom. However, they are indispensable for absolute total definition, particularly the latter, I.E. freedom of Education or Teaching /Learning which has, for long, been a matter of protest especially in constitutional provisions, as being a constitutional acknowledgement for Academic Freedom. Historically (as sequence of dealing with the topics of this study) it is observed that Academic Freedoms as a practice (not as a terminology or as a concept for definition) was known over the succeeding chronological periods of humanity is life since ancient Babylonian and pharonic eras whose early cultures were greatly concerned with this practice and with establishing schools for higher education. It was a practice as well as an action program with sustained development, over succeeding eras, particularly the Greek and Roman eras with its climax in the Arab - Islamic state. Many intellectuals and scientists in the broad expanse of this state worked in the domain of sciences, know ledges and all ’walks’’ of cognizance. This is a positive and live indication of a clear vision with respect of the practice of Academic Freedoms, although (as afore - cited) the terminology had not crystallized as a concept. It is to be noted, that medieval and post medieval Europe witnessed the genesis of the university in its modern concept. This opened the path for the need to rely on the practice of teaching science freely in spite of (cross - disputes) during those eras between influential bodies and men of cognizance which culminated in regrettable incidents. This was in view of the fact that research beyond the known and approved limits were deemed a mere novelty. This, however, did not block the development of academic practice and adoption of the ’paths’’ of Academic Freedoms whose concept crystallized within the western academic institution, particularly the German institution in the nineteenth century culminating in the constitutional acknowledgement in Germany in this new brand of special freedom known as Academic Freedoms. It is to be noted that the hegemony of ideologies and political systems attempts at hegemony over academic thinking led to retreats within the academic institutions administration, waiving its independency, distancing from pattern of prudent administration and boosting of modes of university deviation (corruption)in its lobbies with consequent deterioration of scientific research level and occurrence of discrepancy between universities in advanced countries which recognize university independence and universities of third world countries in which state hegemony and excessive might over other institutions. We witness ,on the other hand, that the status of Academic Freedoms in other universities of other states are undergoing , now and then , a deterioration in the actions of the a fore - cited type of freedoms. This is due to Coup Detats, occupations, economic changes, political changes, repercussions of crises or impact of incidents with consequent suffering of the academic institution and its personnel not only in third world countries and highly centralized states but, oftentimes, and even in established democracy. Such a matter is treated in the folds of this study by adopting “Comparative Approach” and “Case style of study” as a basis for its study.The following were hypothized : With the expansion of democracy’s area and adopting the culture of Human Rights as well as of general / special freedoms in Nordic countries the patterns of reliance on sound implementation of the basics of good management at all levels, particularly in official and private institutions, of which the academic institution in those countries is one. The consequence is the realizations .of progress, escalation of the styles of scientific research and sustained work of academic institutions. In contrast in the countries of the south, there is retreat and recession in such independency as well as retreat in the results of scientific research and huge drain of brains with adverse consequences that led to degradation of the work of universities. This study attempted in its fold to remedy the foreign elaboration in order to reach a set of conclusions and recommendations as summarized hereunder : 1. Academic freedoms are deemed a wide concept which has not been, as yet, fully acquainted with.2. The concept is independent of all brands of known general freedoms. It is deemed a brand of special freedom.3. It means as a concept, a neutrality that frames researches and style of acquiring science. 4. The plurality of paths of knowledge and arriving at results by multiple methods is deemed an objective of academic freedoms.5. The release of academic freedoms means the release for programs that deter the drain of brains.6. One of the fundamental issues sponsored by the principles of Academic Freedoms is the good governance of special institutions, inclusive of universities.The recommendations are summarized as follows : 1. The works of Academic Freedoms requires the exit of the state as the “Guard “type to the “Sponsor” type.2. The understanding, in its broadest range, of the Academic Freedoms means action towards propagating the culture of human rights in society.3. Planning for teaching is a necessity of Academic Freedoms.4. Academic Freedoms stipulate the implementation of the fundamentals of rational government in university management.5. The basis of Academic Freedoms concept is safeguarding the sustained work of the academician with no threat of dismissal from service.6. The establishment of regional and international organizations for defence of Academic Freedoms is deemed a prerequisite. 7. Instead of multiple proclamations for academic freedom, recourse is to be sought for an international treaty (similar to that for rights of the child and the woman) that would unify legislations for defense of Academic Freedoms.These were the major points for remedy by the study and the conclusions. Therefore arrived at in accordance with the research’s plan) which shall clarified in detail in the annexed” index of topics”)

التعددية الحزبية والوحدة الوطنية في الوطن العربي == The Plurality of Parties and National unity in Arab homeland

Author name: ابتسام حاتم عـلوان الدليـمي
Supervisor name: مها عبد اللطيف حسن الحديثي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: Plurality of parties and National unity in the Arab home land.The important of this subject, the balance nature between guarantee real plurality of parties and making this plurality mean to reserve the national unity and not disassembling it .The Majority of Arab nations in the Arab homeland especially those called for following the plurality of political parties are of formal polarity, they put group of obstacles and Restrictions for any real plurality of parties whether on the level of actual practice of arresting and others, or through constitutional obstacles restricted the party polarity and codification this plurality due to laws and restricted constitutions giving the ruling party the ruling party the extent in general to win the Elections and to guarantee keeping power due to formal and forged circulation of power. The Studies depend hypothesis Represented accelerated Relationship referred to the effect of political party plurality on the national unity in the country. The party plurality based on real democratic bases acts its Effective role to ensure the national unity in that society and to maintain the social adhesion in it, While the party plurality based on sectarian , race, and Ethnic bases to Effect negatively on the National unity for Disassembling society and Increasing chasm Between its Individuals this Necessity Putting forward group of questions. How the party plurality in the Arab homeland and what is the general Framework of plurality in the Arab homeland? And what are the reason behind the transformation to plurality in the Arab countries and what are their consequences ?What is the concept of National unity? And what is the party Plurality with the National unity? And What is the peaceful Circulation of power in the Arab homeland ? and how this circulation affects the National unity? Is there party plurality in Iraq, Egypt and morocco and how this affects the National unity considering them applicable pattern for this study?.The Structure of the study has distributed on four Chapters, Moreover, the Introduction and conclusion . The first chapter deals with the state in the Arab homeland and the third deals with the state in the Arab homeland and the second, the origination of the state in the Arab homeland and the third deals with the obstacles Faced the state in the Arab Homeland . The second chapter tries to study the party plurality in the Arab homeland and in three categories, the first one deals with explaining the general framework of party plurality in Arab society, While the second one studies the party Phenomena in the Arab Homeland and through two demands.The first Studies the appearance of party plurality in Arab homeland and the second one studies the Characteristics of these parties and the research pointed out to the Transformation Process from one party regime to party Plurality and through two demands, the First studies the Reason of transformation to party plurality and its Consequences and the second Referred to the reality of party life in Arab homeland, whole the third chapter studies the national unity and partiality on the level of concept in the first research, the Relation of Political Parties with the National unity, While the third Research deals with the Effect of Power in the Arab homeland on the National unity. The Fourth Chapter studies three Arab states, Iraq, Egypt and Morocco as applicable patterns of study and explaining characteristics of party plurality in each state and its Effect on the National unity. The Study has Reached that all the Parties Arab homeland have appeared in democracy absence Circumstances in these states and their appearance have expressed the social categorical and patriotic needs, they obtained Relative Unanimous then transformed in parties, Individuals and leaderships, The conflict is great among them and do not lead to social adhesion and Subsequently to achieve the National unity and this is has noticed in the applicable patterns where the party plurality, but they are of sectarian or Denominational Nature and that Effects Negatively on the National People unity

وضع الاقليات في الدولة الفيدرالية - ستراتيجيات التعامل وسياسة الاحتواء : دراسة مقارنة بين العراق والهند == The Situation of minorities in the federal state : Coping Strategies and Policies of Containment a Comparative Study between Iraq and India

Author name: علي جاسم عبد علي عبد الله
Supervisor name: عامر حسن فياض
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: Those human groups that distinguish it from other citizens were not, have achieved a stable unrivaled referred to Mendez until they have suffered a lot of injustice and oppression, which is still suffering, even in some of the systems developed democracy, that these are distinct from the rest of the community groups dubbed minorities name and that and according to specific criteria applies these groups is consistent with the nature of the name, and it was the closest and most common is the standard numerical these groups, was launched researchers and specialists from several criteria to be called and the possibility of compatibility with the political systems in the countries in which they live and are considered citizens, since citizenship is the rights and duties , he must enjoy those groups full rights and a commitment to full duties, similar to the rest of the citizens of the state, but these rights and duties may encounter complexity depending on the nature of the political system and the extent of the enjoyment of democratic values. In systems where the central state is very strong almost disappear those privacy or even sometimes disappear , whether it be due to deliberate or extreme centralization by which leave no room for such groups to exercise self - rights, such as the use of language and the way of education and practice their own culture which is characterized by which keeps its part to revive that culture and conservation, therefore, we find that minorities in the central states can not full rights to enjoy, but the only commitment to their duties, which in this case has violated one of the pillars of citizenship, namely the rights, and remained live only on the second corner.In spite of the fact that a variety of Federal Regulations (Union treaty and the Union of personal Federation and the Federation of actual, and the confederation), the best one and the most coherent is the Federal Union, which is one of the more regulations efficacy in the management of the issue of minorities, but most effective, the state here with one political system and one flag and the policy of extra - one, but the terms of reference which are distributed between the capital and the so - called (center) and the regions or provinces by the Constitutional labels for the Constitution of the Federal State, and usually happens to these countries or States are gathering a result of a constant threat to its existence in the case of survival of individual, or the presence of common factors between population, which prompts them to integrate in one state while retaining some of its terms of reference and this is according to the nature upbringing in which they arise federal state, The way growing up control of the capture of the powers broader and be specific powers, the federation as a solution to countries in which the plurality of linguistic minorities exist, ethnic or religious, can through the way the administration which is characterized by granting powers to manage own affairs similar to what is in being an independent state, there is a constitution and the authority of the legislative and executive authority private regional as well as judicial, and assume that the management areas Affairs authorities in line with the aspirations of the citizens of those regions and who are, in turn, the citizens of the State of the Union as a whole, but this organization and this administration is not absolute and not subject to the decisions of the center fully and absolutely, they first must take into account the age of the laws and legislation, the Federal Constitution, which is the cornerstone in this union the main pillar in it, as well as to not be the of those Territories mostly authority in the field of relations Foreign conclude agreements or enter into treaties as the continued federal State province, but the important thing here is that this system gives broad powers in the management of private affairs of the citizens of the province and who are often distinct from the rest of the citizens of the state, either linguistically or religiously or ethnically ... etc. of distinctions human, as well as allowing those regions the possibility to participate in political decision - making at the federal level, any internal autonomy in the management of private affairs, as well as participation in the central authority in the management of public affairs, any participation in the two levels of government, federal level Federal and level the other the regional level, Here you find minorities match in achieving stability and administration to its affairs that can not be obtained in other systems, it is worth mentioning the federal could go back Soaking up the majority in that State, The vast could have divided themselves on a geographical basis for the enjoyment of the powers granted in the Federal Constitution.In this federal place systems to become the world's safest communities unique, as it is through the powers it recognizes mainly the existence of discrimination within the geographical boundaries of that State, and also through his powers can these groups to exercise their culture and use their own language and legislation of laws fits (harmonious condition with the Constitution), and also Through its powers are both pillars of the pillars have achieved citizenship (rights and duties), so the sense of citizen full rights and sense not to threaten the group to which he belongs, as well as his sense of caution state parent so to speak, as a state sponsor of his presence and keep it, so his response positive and trying to bring himself second pillar of citizenship, namely the duties that fall upon himself, the state federalism, if what has been applying its own rules correctly, it keeps its unity and integration within distinct communities, saved breed has a desire to perform basic duties, and culture of others is prohibited and the recognition of uniqueness, generate the desire to stay and integration in that State, however, to predict human destiny remains under different systems of the imagination, the final We are studying and dealing with human hearts which is to change the earliest of stability, states and even the federal ones seen some internal vibrations which generated violence that left hundreds but thousands of the dead, but of course, the federal system is the most flexible in absorbing these vibrations and over her response to them.And it is through the foregoing are seeking through this research is to reveal the power of the federal systems in the containment and to deal with these groups and the possibility of maintaining the entity external unified state divided constitutionally internally, and also touched on the strengths and weaknesses in those systems and which could lead to a demand for secession or destabilize threat to internal stability and security of the state.It seeks this research is to clarify the concept, characteristics and models of the federal state, and the extent of the success of countries that adopted and what are the strengths and weaknesses, and go into the details of these points necessitated a theoretical framework to explain the reasons behind the adoption of some States federal model.the importance of studyingMinorities have become since for quite some time, one of the reasons for the spread of the phenomenon of instability, another reason for the intervention of foreign countries in the affairs of the countries where minorities live, and those countries Iraq, and the problem of minorities in Iraq problem back to the genesis of the Iraqi state, and that is the capacity of the subject and the possibility of stand on the achievements of this model in the management of the issue of minorities, we had to search in the federal which absorbed more different communities and differentiated, namely India and of pluralism, linguistic, religious and ethnic, and the possibility of description of these solutions to the case of Iraq and take advantage of how to survive one country for more than seven decades with all What content of pluralism and differences, and whether that Iraq, after less than two decades, could be his rein in Kurdish minority of separation, through integration into a federal state, but it remains to be said here to the actual application of this system and how growing up, this system has met success and acclaim in the States, and troublesome in other countries, including reflected recently on the level of acceptance or rejection of the idea of federalism in modern by the two countries, and therefore we dealt with this subject in detail together with the Indian model and compare it to Iraq, with the difficulty of comparison in terms of the size of the state and the nature of the population linguistic and religious and ethnic differences, but the foundation is how to manage diversity In the federal state.The study hypothesisOff thesis from the premise that, that minorities if they have been dealt with according to respect its presence and recognition, they will be a factor of stability and not a threat factor, and here the hypothesis started from the fact that the best systems for the management of internal diversity is the federal regulations, they provided the flexibility and capacity for absorption through and means available, to contain and to deal with these groups, policy, and who are, in turn, citizens where, here the basis of stability in the multi - religious countries and languages due to the federal system, which contained in those states internal differences, but this model is applied in a country without the benefit of Past experience in the federal rule, that makes this state is weak in the face of problems that may arise in the future, which makes these groups demand the right to secede from the body of the state, and thus its weakness and inability to remedy the other detachable demands, and it Federalism has the ability to full body politic to keep State if applied properly by the parties to form government (federal and regional).

ظاهرة فراغ السلطة في دول عالم الجنوب الاسباب والنتائج == The authority absence phenomena in the Southern Countries World Causes & Results

Author name: اسراء علاء الدين نوري
Supervisor name: مها عبد اللطيف حسن الحديثي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: مما لاشك فيه ان كل ظاهرة من ظواهر الحياة انما تكون عرضة لمؤثرات داخلية وخارجية في نفس الوقت ، وقد تتفاعل هذه المؤثرات فيما بينها لتشكل حالة واضحة من التاثير تجسد طبيعة هذه الحالة واتجاهاتها الرئيسية ، واذا ما طبقنا هذا الكلام على طبيعة النظم الاجتماعية والسياسية فاننا نجدها عرضة وبصورة دائمة لهذه المؤثرات والمتغيرات ، ودول عالم الجنوب تقدم لنا نموذجا واضحا لمدى قوى وحجم تاثير المتغيرات الداخلية والخارجية في طبيعة نظمها السياسية ، ومنذ مدة طويلة ابتدات من المرحلة الاستعمارية وفي جوانبها السياسية والاقتصادية والاجتماعية .واتجهت الانظمة السياسية في دول عالم الجنوب نحو السلطوية وتركيز السلطة في يد فئة صغيرة ونمو نفوذها وممارستها مع تطور هذه الانظمة في بناء السلطة السياسية ، والتي من ابرز مظاهرها قمع القوى السياسية الساعية اليها وتصفية وجودها على ساحة العمل السياسي او تحجيم تاثيرها في الحياة السياسية ، واجهاض مطالب المشاركة السياسية ، والاعتماد على العنف السياسي في تصرفات السلطة السياسية تجاه مجتمعاتها .وان ما دفع لاحتكار السلطة في يد فئة صغيرة في هذه الانظمة هو الاطار الذي جرى بموجبه ممارسة السلطة السياسية ، وطبيعة التنظيم الدستوري الذي تم اقراره للسلطة ، حيث تعززت مكانة القابضين على السلطة ومركزها السياسي ومع تطور البناء الدستوري لهذه الانظمة ، حتى وصلت الى موقعها السياسي والدستوري القائم في هيئة الانظمة السياسية وفي نطاق الحياة السياسية لدول عالم الجنوب بشكل عام .ومع التطور التدريجي لمكانة الفئة الحاكمة ونمو تاثيرها وسلطانها السياسيين في هياكل وبنى ومؤسسات هذه الانظمة واساليب واليات عملها ، وبالتالي اكتسابها النفوذ المطلق والسلطات الواسعة وحصولها على التفوق التام على جميع المؤسسات السياسية سواء كانت الحكومية او التمثيلية او الوسيطة ، ثم التحول الكامل لهذه الانظمة صوب الشخصانية في الحكم والتي من شانها نفي ومصادرة اي شكل من اشكال الممارسة السياسية من جانب القوى والتنظيمات السياسية في الحياة السياسية . وتقترن بالسلطة السياسية في دول عالم الجنوب بعدد من الممارسات السلطوية في الحكم ، منها : 1. الهيمنة الكاملة على العملية السياسية بانفراد الرؤوساء بعملية اتخاذ القرارات السياسية وتقرير السياسات .2. عدم بناء المؤسسات السياسية والتقليل من اهمية المؤسسات السياسية القائمة وتجاوزها من اجل استمرار الهيمنة الشخصية للرؤوساء والمحافظة على نفوذهم .3. الارتكاز والدوران في دائرة العلاقات الشخصية في عملية صنع القرارات السياسية والسياسات العامة .4. اشاعة ثقافة الخضوع وتنمية الشعور بالتبعية لدى المواطنين بدلا من المساهمة النشطة في ادارة شؤون الحكم والسياسة .5. الاستخدام الواسع للعنف والقوة في مواجهة القوى والتنظيمات السياسية الساعية الى المشاركة والممارسة السياسية .6. اغفال قواعد الشرعية الدستورية واللجوء الى الممارسات الشخصية في الحكم والسلطة .وتعاني دول عالم الجنوب من ظاهرة فراغ السلطة والتي من اهم اشكالها وصورها مشكلة بناء الوحدة والوطنية والتكامل القومي ، وعدم شرعية النظم السياسية ، وانتهاكات حقوق الانسان ، والحروب الاهلية والاعتماد على العنف والعنف السياسي من جانب السلطة والشعب ، وهذه القضايا كلها مترابطة بحيث ان بعضها هو سبب لقضايا وازمات ومشاكل اخرى . وان هذه المشاكل والازمات التي تعيشها مجتمعات دول عالم الجنوب تؤدي الى العنف السياسي والنقمة وحروب العصابات التي تجد لها ارضا خصبة في مثل هذه الاوضاع ، مما يسهم في خلق اجواء غير طبيعية تعيق عمل المؤسسات السياسية بل تشلها احيانا ، وهذا يؤدي الى ان تكون الدول ضعيفة وغير قادرة على ايجاد الحلول اللازمة لمثل هذه المشكلات والازمات . وهكذا عندما تعجز السلطة السياسية عن حماية المجتمع والدولة من التفكك وتلبية احتياجات مجتمعها ، تكون قد فقدت اسس وجودها ، حيث ان القابضين على السلطة يعملون على التحكم بها وتحقيق مصالحهم وغاياتهم الخاصة ، وترك واهمال مصالح الافراد في المجتمع ، واستخدامها لاليات القمع والعنف ومحاولة قمع اي نوع من المعارضة لها ولوجودها ، وهذا من جانبه يؤدي الى استخدام واعتماد مجتمعات هذه الدول الى الوسائل غير السلمية باستخدام العنف ( الثورة ، الانقلابات ، الاضطرابات ... ) كرد فعل على سياسات الدولة ، وهذا يؤدي بالتالي الى ظاهرة فراغ السلطة .ومن اجل القضاء على ظاهرة فراغ السلطة في دول عالم الجنوب ، فاهم المعالجات والسياسات التي يجب اتباعها هي تحديد اسس تداول السلطة ، فيجب ان تكون هذه الاسس سلمية كوجود احزاب وهيئات وانتخابات ووجود حرية الصحافة والاعلام ، واحترام الدساتير ، ويقف على راس كل هذه الشروط شرط الوحدة الوطنية الذي لا يمكن ان يتنازل عنه باي حال من الاحوال . وكذلك قيام السلطة السياسية بانتهاج سياسات عدة كانتهاجها لسياسات اقتصادية ايجابية على النحو الذي تجعل المواطن يثق تماما من ان هذه السياسات هي لصالحه اولا واخيرا ، الامر الذي يوفر جوا يحفز المواطنين عامة والاقليات القومية والدينية خاصة وصهرها في بوتقة واحدة ، وكذلك فتح القنوات التي يمكن ان يعبر المواطن عن رايه وبطريق سلمي وفي كافة المستويات وبالشكل الذي يوفر مناخ الاصوات المتعددة بدلا من صوت السلطة الواحدة . وان تحقيق هذه التعددية والحرية يتحقق ليس عبر القرار الرسمي السلطوي فقط ، بل عبر تفاعل ما بين القرار والقاعدة الشعبية بين المواطن والسلطة . ويحدث ذلك عبر ما يلي : 1. الاتجاه نحو بناء مؤسسات سياسية راسخة وثابتة تشكل العماد الاساس لاي نظام سياسي ، هذه المؤسسات تعتمد في قيامها وادائها على حاجات الشعب ، بعيدا عن حالة الاستئثار بالسلطة .2. ان عملية البقاء هذه لا يمكن ان تتحقق الا من خلال اشاعة الوعي السياسي وانفتاحه ، والاستناد الى التعددية السياسية والحرية القائمة على اساس التعددية في الراي والحرية في التوجهات .3. بناء قاعدة اقتصادية متينة تقوم على اساس التعامل مع التكنولوجيا الحديثة والاستغلال الامثل للثروات الاقتصادية وتعبئة هذه الثروات والموارد لتحقيق التنمية الاقتصادية ورفع المستوى المعيشي للفرد والذي سيؤثر بدوره في حل ازمات ومشاكل تعاني منها مجتمعاتها .4. التعامل مع حالة التعددية على انها تمثل مطلبا شعبيا داخليا ، ولذلك يجب توفير المستلزمات الاساسية لنجاحها ، من خلال رعاية هذه المطالب الشعبية والتعامل معها بصدق واضح ، حيث ان التعددية عملية مشاركة الاحزاب والمؤسسات والقوى الوطنية بصورة واسعة وفعلية وهي تتطلب قدرا من الحرية والارادة الحرة للشعب .5. ان النجاح في رسم مستقبل قائم على الحرية والاستقرار ونبذ العنف بكافة اشكاله في المؤسسات السياسية لدول عالم الجنوب ، يتوقف على مبدا اساسي ومهم ، هو تداول السلطة بصورة سلمية وعلى وفق انتخابات حرة ومباشرة ومنتظمة .6. ان النظم السياسية في دول عالم الجنوب اصبحت تواجه في ظل الاوضاع الدولية الراهنة مزيدا من التحديات التي تعصف بها ، ولكي تنجح هذه النظم في مجابهة هذه التحديات فلابد من معالجتها بشكل منطقي ، ويبرز موضوع الوحدة الوطنية من بين هذه التحديات فهناك ضرورة لصيانتها والحفاظ عليها ، بل اصبح هذا الموضوع المفتاح الذي تمسك به القوى المتنفذة لفتح ابواب دول عالم الجنوب والدخول اليه ، لذا يجب الانتباه جيدا لاهمية هذه المشكلة من خلال تعزيز الوحدة الوطنية ودعم ورعاية حقوق الاقليات واحترام حقوق الانسان وتحقيق التنمية بكل اشكالها وارساء دعائم المشاركة السياسية للجميع دون استثناء او تمييز والعمل على جعل المصلحة العليا هي الهدف الاسمى . | It includes the role of the authority in Southern World Countries , this authority seems weak and absent , because of many local and foreign causes , like weak political participation and the continuous changes of the constitutions , and the political authority has used ampeause against the people …ect .This study is divided in to five chapters : Chapter one includes an explanation of the political phenomena , the authority and political authority , and the meaning of " Southern World Countries " , and the phenomena of " absence of authority " .Chapter two discusses local causes of authority absence phenomena .Chapter three discusses foreign causes of authority absence phenomena . Chapter four discusses results of authority absence phenomenain detail . Chapter Five discusses some solutions of the problems of the political authority .

صراع الحضارات والسياسة الامريكية حيال الدول الاسلامية جامعة النهرين، 2008م == Civilizations Conflict and American policy Against Islamic States

Author name: زينب هادي خلف فارس المكصوصي
Supervisor name: صال نجيب العزاوي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: يرمي البحث الى تبيان ان فكرة صراع الحضارات ليست فكرة حديثة بل لها جذور تاريخية عميقة، واثيرت نهاية حقبة الثمانينيات وبداية عقد التسعينيات لسد فراغ القوة بعد انهيار الاتحاد السوفيتي، ورغبة الولايات المتحدة في البحث عن عدو جديد ، ووظفت فكرة صراع الحضارات للتاكيد بان الصراع القادم والذي سيشهده العالم لن يكون صراعا ايديولوجيا بل صراعا حضاريا وان الحضارة الاسلامية هي التي ستكون في مواجهة الحضارة الغربية ، وقد وظفوا احداث 11 ايلول لتاكيد فكرتهم حول الصراع، ولتبرير تدخلهم في شؤون الدول الاسلامية وتغير انظمة الحكم فيها تحت ذريعة مكافحة الارهاب ونشر الديمقراطية والحرية ومفاهيم حقوق الانسان وللحفاظ على السلم والامن الدوليين واعتبار مجموعة من الدول بانها مارقة وراعية للارهاب امثال العراق سوريا ايران ومنظمات التحرير الفلسطينية ويلاحظ ان اغلب الدول الراعية للارهاب دول اسلامية ويستثنى من ذلك الكيان الصهيوني، وتم تناول الموضوع في ثلاث فصول وكالتالي : الفصل الاول : يتناول في مبحثه الاول الاطار المفاهيمي للحضارة والثقافة والمدنية والصراع والحوار، والمبحث الثاني يطرح التاصيل النظري لفكرة الصراع منذ الحروب الصليبية وحتى فترة مابعد الحرب الباردة.الفصل الثاني : يتناول مبحثه الاول سمات الحضارة الاسلامية وخصائصها كونها حضارة انسانية الانسان غايتها وانها حضارة مستمرة العطاء تنادي بالحوار والتسامح والتعايش السلمي وابداعها الفكري استفادت منه البشرية جمعاء لم يقتصر نتاجها على المسلمين والعرب، وفي المبحث الثاني استعرض سمات وخصائص الحضارة الغربية التي انكرت فضل الحضارة الاسلامية عليها وامتازت بنظرتها الاستعلائية وتهميشها لدور الاخر وكان الانسان غايتها لتحقيق تطورها وتؤكد على تفرد حضارتها بصفة الانسانية ، وفي المبحث الثالث يتم المقرنة بين خصائص كلا الحضارتين.الفصل الثالث : تناول في مبحثه الاول الوسائل التي استخدمها الغرب في تصدير مفهوم صراع الحضارات وتشويه الاسلام وقد تباينت الوسائل بين ثقافية (غزو فكري ، اختراق ثقافي، تضليل اعلامي ... الخ) ووسائل اجتماعية واقتصادية (قروض ، ومساعدات) وسياسية (تدخل عسكري، حروب ، .. الخ) ، وفي مبحثه الثاني يتناول اطروحات الدول الاسلامية حيال فكرة صراع الحضارات على المستوى الرسمي داخل منظمة الامم المتحدة ومنظمة الدول الاسلامية وجامعة الدول العربية ، وعلي الصعيد غير الرسمي اطروحات مفكرين ومؤتمرات اسلامية تناقش مسائل حوار الاديان وفكرة صراع الحضارات وما يتعرض له الاسلام من تجاوزات تمس الرموز الدينية للمسلمين ، وفي المبحث الثالث رؤية مستقبلية لما ستشهده العلاقة بين الغرب والاسلام هل ستتجه نحو الصراع ام الحوار ام التفاعل والتعاون. وصولا الى الخاتمة والتوصيات. | Research aims to show that the idea of the clash of civilizations is not a modern idea, but has deep historical roots, and raised end of the era of the 1980s and early 1990s to fill the power vacuum after the collapse of the Soviet Union, and the desire of the United States in the search for a new enemy, and employed the idea of the clash of civilizations to confirm that the next conflict, which place the world would be a conflict ideology, but a conflict civilization and Islamic civilization is to be in the face of Western civilization, was hired September 11 events to confirm the perception about conflict, and to justify intervening in the affairs of Islamic countries and change regimes under the pretext of fighting terrorism and spreading democracy and freedom and human rights concepts To maintain international peace and security and as a group of rogue States as a sponsor of terrorism, such as Iraq, Syria, Iran and the Palestinian Liberation organizations and noted that most state sponsors of terrorism, Muslim countries with the exception of the Zionist entity, has been addressing the subject in three chapters, as follows : Chapter I : Mphath deals in the first conceptual framework for the civilization, culture and civil conflict, and dialogue, and the second topic raises theoretical 84 for the idea of conflict since the Crusades, even after the cold war.Chapter II : The first feature Mphath Islamic civilization and characteristics as human civilization and human purpose it civilization ongoing tender advocates dialogue and tolerance, peaceful coexistence and intellectual creativity benefited mankind not only output on Muslims and Arabs, and the second topic reviewed the features and characteristics of Western civilization, which denied preferred Islamic civilization by virtue outlook and attitudes and marginalization of the role of the other man was designed to achieve development and emphasizes the uniqueness of civilization as humanitarian, and the third topic is Coupler characteristics between both civilizations.Chapter III : Address in the first Mphath means used by the West to export the concept of a clash of civilizations and distort Islam means between the varied cultural (the invasion of intellectual cultural penetration, misinformation ... etc.) and their means of social and economic (loans and aid) and political (military intervention, wars, etc. ..), and the second deals Mphath thoughts about the idea of Islamic clash of civilizations at the official level within the United Nations and the Organization of Islamic Conference and the League of Arab States, and at the informal thoughts of intellectuals and Islamic conferences to discuss issues of dialogue of religions and the idea of the clash of civilization and subjected Islam abuses affecting religious symbols for Muslims, in the subsection III vision for the future would have to fill the relationship between the West and Islam Is run into conflict or dialogue or interaction and cooperation. Towards Conclusion and recommendations

ثقافة الديمقراطية واثرها في بناء المجتمع المدني في العراق == Democracy Culture and Its Effect on Building the Civil Society in Iraq

Author name: ياسر علي ابراهيم السلامة
Supervisor name: وصال نجيب عارف العزاوي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: Talking about democracy and democracy culture is diverse and complicated. A group may agree on defining their conditions, importance and concept, another group may differ depending on their view and way of reading both. The study has come to emphasize the importance of the role played by democracy in building the societies through an important and close related side which is "democracy culture" and the effect of the later in constructing a real civil society contributing effectively in making the society and the political system aware. The study concentrates on Iraq for its societal specialty (religiously, ideologically, racially….etc) and the occupation it passes through with all its dimensions. Our research entitled (Democracy Culture and Its Effect on Building the Civil Society in Iraq) is organized in three chapters as well as an introduction, a conclusion and a number of appendices. The first chapter deals with "the essence of democracy" in five sections. Whereas the second chapter is dedicated to study "the essence of civil society" and is divided into five sections also. As to chapter three, it addresses "the reality of democratic transformation and civil society in Iraq" within seven sections.

الحركات الاسلامية وعلاقتها بالنظام السياسي في جزائر

Author name: علي سلمان صايل السلامي
Supervisor name: اكرم عبد الله الجميلي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: Up to this page we have turned over a long chapters that dealt with the links between the Islamic movements and the political regime in Algeria, we have been put before many events in which a tiny one was simply a main cause for next pace , and some large one gave rise to a wider and a more important one . A midst events we found that a geopolitically important country such as Algeria struggle for his objectives and interest facing European and American influence and hegemony . From page to page, we were, committed to draw the issues openly and objectively, by which scientific aims over ride any other obsessions . A cross these & chapters the researcher reached many contents that expressed the relation between the Islamic movement and the Algerian political regime. in many fields . formost among them was the nature of the political orientation of the regime as a loosing and tighting for Islamic movement and their attitudes in the process of change, especially after a wide sector came to a full consent in a peaceful approach to reach the power through the political process which lie in the centre of the process of democracy . Any way Where dose this analysis lead us ? What is the outcomes that may be incurred on the logic aspect of this study in five chapters : - We had set forth the development of domestic political relations between Algerian regime and the political parties ( seculia , and religious ), especially the Islamic powers , headed by Islamic front for rescue, and we focused on the nature of Algerian regime in connection with inner limits and type of reactions, As this regime along the period from 1991 - 2006 do not permit total multiplity, despite the existing parties law, where depriving the Islamic front for rescue and canceling legislation elections this is simply represents the weakness of the regime, and the unwillingness to achieve the democracy with its multiple shape , whether the winner parry in election is secular on Islamic the Islamic front for rescue sees that Algeria is connected with the Islamic world firmly . and thinks that the Islam is the most sign ficant pillar in Arab nationality Hence , it believes that the unopeness of the Algeria regime is relative and not indefinite over the surrounding Islamic and Arabic world . and its openness globally toward Eastern counties . This has turned the educational balance of the Algerian people Eventually these has been changed the Arab nationality to become slender specialty in Algeria Based on this, the Islamic front for rescue and all other Islamic movements see that the power generated from joining is nothing but a great will that can bestow and prohibit, it can also ( remonstrate) the resources of Arab ( wealth) . Which can be a strong credit (reserve) that can be seen globally by their friends, so the policy of the Algerian ragtime has been focused on what the front believes in cooperation with the great state policies especially france and USA , on a raving plans and taccs that ensure encountering the Islamic current in Algeria attempting to contain them one time and strike them by military force another time . there is no difference the vitality the Algerian regime favored has based on great degree of legitimacy as an election outcome that lead the President Bo tafliqa to the power rein for two turns . we can say that the present period in the development of the political regime in Algeria and the inner connection with the other political and Islamic powers especially after the referendum on constitution 29/9/2005 , would be the true streak of the regime capability to achieve the full political participation and continuing in applying democratic approaches in harmony with pietism plurality required . this phase the regime ensure the major consent or deprived of then if the major consent has not been acquired the regime would reach the fragmentation period in which it can witnesses its gradual collapse . It seems that the new Algerian regime has achieved some now a major consent and acceptance especially after a larg number of rescues leader announced in exile their approval for national accord and their support to the referendum , urging the armed groups in the mountains to abandon their weapons and came into a dialoge with the authority . therefore , it would beachange to say that the Algerian regime has truly succeeded to get over the sharp crisis that the country faced through several years , their regime political decisions that is being issued would give its results for next long years . Hence the Islamic front for resue should not gain its legitimacy and the justification for their existence that based on past consideration only , but basically on the necessity of the present situation and the future needs therefore it should see the future form viewing full cooperation and dialogues with regime plus several dialoges to get rid of and finalise the political isolation , moreover to get back their role in the required political participation .

علاقة المجتمع المدني بالنظام السياسي التاثير والتاثر : دراسة حالة مصر والاردن == The Relationship of Civil Society With the Political System Influence and Effect - Jordan and Egypt as Case in Study

Author name: ســداد مــولــود ســبــع
Supervisor name: وصال نجيب عارف العزاوي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: This study tackles a very important subject not for being the subject of debate and argument by the politicians and researchers , but it comes in period that witnesses an increasing calls and pressures for applying the democratic approach in ruling and these pressures come in time that many of the Third World countries submit to the despotic and dictatorial systems that raising democratic slogans without applying this approach .Here , to study the mechanism of modernization and developing these systems , We should study the role of civil society in these systems which represented by alleviating the burden thrown on the state through social , economic and cultural functions of these systems in addition to the political one .The study of the relationship of society with the political system , requires the search in the theoretical fram for main reason and that is development happened on the human science especially , political science . These developments led to the emergence of new concepts , some are disappeared and the other are developed and expanded which requires the study of these developments to understand the public frams of each concept and then apply it on the Arab situation and the study patterns . And this what we tried to do through studying the developments that happened on the political system . more over the rapid development of civil society in the western states and does it reach to our Arab societies .But , the existence of civil society in some our societies evoked an intellectual political debate for being one of the concepts that there is no agree on it's historical background in the Islamic political thought , and some definetly refuse it's existence not only in the Islamic Political thought , but also in the institutions of Arab contemporary state and they do assert that what is existing is traditional institutions took the form of civil society institutions in the west , but the indication is a mere traditional society that devotes the tribal fanatic and this clear in Jordan .This extremist opinion is considered denial of many efforts and activities of civil society institutions , because some could break the barrier of central despotisim of political system in order to explain his opinion and demands freely , as Egypt that has the pioneer role in this respect .The civil society characterized by effectiveness and motion which supported by great powers on purpose or non , these great powers promoted Egypt to appear in a nominal democracy not the real one , because they realize that the real democracy means the choice of Egypt society and this is appropriate with the regional Function of Egypt by the great powers .There is a fact hatcould not be deny that Egypt is considered institutions state , in spite of the domination of decision maker on the political life and puplic life in Egypt , and this domination is one of the problems of Arab states , Thus some systems justified it by using many means one of these is the belonging to the messenger of God ( pray and peace be upon him ) and this indeed what happened in the Jordanian political system which has a little freedom according freedom measurements . This political system a doped multiplicity as the Egyption … , but dealt with it cautiously and this matter left it . clear hard influence especially and civil society and the society generally on here the ability of civil society influence on the political system is very hard that we find some of it's indications in Egypt through its participation beside the government and private sector in commen development programs among the three seetors .After the explanation of this short brief about the subject significant , we must explain the structure of this subject which consisted of four chapter , introduction and conclusion .The first chapter tackles the conceptual fram of each civil and political society with all developments took place in this respect , more over studying the relationship between the two variables after the assumption that the strength and effectivness of the first political system is taken from the effectiveness of civil society ( second ) and revers is true .The second chapter studies the lawful , political , economic and social features through studying the accompanianed problematic of political parties action and the administration of head of state and king for the political process which reflected directly process whether in elections or through political process .While , the third chapter tackles of great interest the accompanianed problematic of concept using by enhance or limit concept borders and also the problematic of civil society existence in Egypt and Jordan but according to the Arab peculiarity and then the main characteristic of Egypt and Jordan .Where as , the fourth chapter tackles the influence of the political system on the civil society through affected the later by the first , but this will not abolish the influence of civil society on the political system , because of the need of political system for civil society or part of it's components to perform development programs and this is clear in Egypt . Finally , the conclusion represents a summary of the main ideas in this study and the conclusions that resulted from this study

التنمية السياسية العربية بين الاصلاح السياسي ودعوة التغيير الخارجي == Arabian Political Development Between Political Reform & External Change invitation

Author name: زيد عدنان محسن العكيلي
Supervisor name: لبنان هاتف الشامي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: مع نهاية القرن العشرين واطلالة القرن الحادي والعشرين شهد العالم ولادة نظام دولي جديد ، اطلق بداياته بحرب الخليج الثانية التي قادتها الولايات المتحدة الامريكية في منطقة من اهم المناطق الاستراتيجية في العالم الا وهي منطقة الوطن العربي حيث شهدت هذه المنطقة حربا اقليمية التمسية ، دولية التاثير ، عالمية الابعاد ، لتعلن ميلاد حقبة دولية جديدة . تمتاز بهيمنة القطب الامريكي الذي اخذ يفرض مفاهيمه على العالم في اطار ظاهرة تحركها قوى المال والاعلام الا وهي " العولمة " واحيانا تستخدم القوة العسكرية لـ(مكافحة الارهاب ، الحد من اسلحة الدمارالشامل) هذه الظاهرة هي التي حملت شعارات الديمقراطية وحقوق الانسان والحريات العامة لتجعل منها معيارا للثواب والعقاب فمن يرفع هذه الشعارات وينفتح على النظام العالمي الجديد يحظى بالثواب ، ومن يعرض عن الديمقراطية وحقوق الانسان والحريات العامة يتعرض لخطر العقاب ، وبذلك وجدت الانظمة السياسية العربية نفسها امام عملية اصلاح ديمقراطي عالمية تقودها الولايات المتحدة مفروضة عليها من الخارج ، وهذه العملية العالمية انتخبت وانتقت مواقع ذات اهمية استراتيجية لتطل من خلالها على العالم . لذا فان الدول العربية امام عملية تغريب سياسي عالمي (الغربنة) من خلال فرض ايديولوجية الغرب الراسمالي ضمن موجة الديمقراطية التي جاءت كرد فعل للمتغيرات الدولية وقد سميت هذه المرحلة بـ(التحرر السياسي) ، لكن نتائج هذا التحول كانت قد اخذت شكل تناقضات شهدها العالم العربي ضمن هذه الايديولوجية المفروضة او الوافدة . اذ ليس بمقدور كل دول العالم النامي بصورة عامة والدول العربية بصورة خاصة ان تطبق هذه التجربة بمناى عن اي تخبطات او تعثرات ، لان بعض هذه الدول غير مهيا اساسا للاصلاح السياسي وبالتالي تنمية سياسية حقيقية ديمقراطية . اذ ان الشعارات والدعوات التي تطلق في ميدان حقوق الانسان والتعددية من قبل دعاة " النظام الدولي الجديد " ، لاتزال تخاطب مجتمعات - هشة - وتستغل الاوضاع المتردية لحقوق الانسان هذه ، لتدغدغ امال الشعوب والمجموعات والجماعات التي تعاني من القمع ، وتظهر وكانها هي المنقذ لها . كما ان الدعوات لملاحقة المسؤولين عن انتهاكات حقوق الانسان بصفتهم الفردية امام القضاء تمهد الطريق نفسيا لتقبل هذه الدعوات والترحيب بها والترويج لها واللجوء الى القوى الخارجية ، فاذا اظهرت الديمقراطية الليبرالية نظما غير متوائمة مع مصالح الغرب فليس هناك اي مانع من اجهاض هذه التجربة على الرغم من الشعارات التي ترفعها . لقد اصبح الفراغ الذي تعانيه المنطقة العربية بسبب غياب مشروع اصلاحي تنموي سياسي ديمقراطي يشكل فرصة سانحة للقوى الدولية التي تمتلك مصالح استراتيجية في المنطقة لتقديم مشاريع (اصلاحية) للانظمة التسلطية في المنطقة هذه الانظمة التي كانت تحظى في السابق بدعم نفس القوى التي بادرت لتقديم هذه المشاريع (الاصلاحية) . حيث ساد الاعتقاد ان الاخذ بالانظمة الراسية وهيمنة الحزب الواحد (الوحيد) سيقود الدول العربية الى الاستقرار السياسي على اساس ان التعددية قد تخلق حالة من الفوضى بسبب الصراع على السلطة بين الاحزاب ، ذلك فضلا عن ان نظام الحزب الواحد سيقود الى انجاز مهم هو بناء الوحدة الوطنية ، والنهوض باعباء تحقيق التنمية الشاملة ، التي تحتاج الى سلطة قوية لاتتوفر في الانظمة البرلمانية التعددية ، لان التعددية تعني الفرقة والتنافر ، فضلا عن كل ذلك فان نظام الحزب الواحد قد حقق واحدا من اهم اهدافه وهو ضمان الاستمرار للنخب السياسية الحاكمة دون مضايقات القوى المعارضة لها ، بهذه القناعة حكمت الانظمة السلطوية العربية ، حيث حظيت هذه الانظمة بدعم احد المعسكرين ابان الحرب العالمية الثانية لابقاء نظام سلطوي يقمع المعارضة ويحول دون انتقال الدولة الى منطقة نفوذ المعسكر الاخر . ولهذا فان المطالبة بالتنمية والاصلاح تقع في صلب المعركة من اجل الوطن الحر السيد الموحد . وهذا الهدف لايتحقق الا في ظل انظمة شرعية تكفل حقوق المواطنين وتحظى بدعمهم وتكسب ثقتهم التي تشكك في المشاريع الاصلاحية المقدمة من قبل الحكومات بسبب خبرتها معها . اذن الاصلاح السياسي الديمقراطي ضرورة يفرضها واقع المجتمع العربي في الوطن العربي ، لخلق حالة من الاستقرار والعدالة داخل هذا المجتمع الكبير الذي اصبحت تنطوي بين جنباته على متغيرات الرفض للانظمة السياسية القائمة والرغبة بالتغيير والاصلاح ، وهذه المتغيرات اذ لم يتم استيعابها في اطار عملية سلمية فانها ستولد انفجار تعجز الانظمة السياسية القائمة على استيعابه ، اذن لايمكن الخروج من الازمة التي تتعرض لها الانظمة السياسية العربية من دون وجود عملية اصلاح شاملة وحقيقية ، تاخذ في اعتباراتها التطورات الدولية ومواثيق حقوق الانسان ، هذا لان نجاح العملية الاصلاحية العربية يتطلب العودة الى الاصول من اجل هضمها وغربلتها واستخراج شيء جديد منها اصيل كاصالتها ، لا ان يعتمد الاصلاح على هوامش الفكر الغربي او يكتفي بالتراث فالاصلاح لايمكن ان يؤسس على هوامش او جزئيات . بل هو كل متفاعل بين معطيات التراث التي تشكل خصوصية المشروع ، والاعتبارات الدولية التي تنطوي على الحداثة ، حتى ينجح المشروع التنموي الاصلاحي فانه يتطلب اذن ثقافة سياسية جديدة تعمل على احلال النزعة النسبية في الوعي السياسي محل النزعة الشمولية ، وتحل التوافق والتراضي والتعاقد محل قواعد التسلط والاحتكار والالغاء . لايمكن لاي مشروع اصلاح سياسي ديمقراطي في الوطن العربي النجاح دون وجود مجتمع مدني نشيط وحيوي يسهم بفاعلية لبلورة مشروع اصلاح سياسي ديمقراطي يناسب خصوصية كل دولة ويستوعب القوى المجتمعية ، وادت حالة التردي التي تعتصر الكيانات العربية وتحايل الحكومات على مشاريع الاصلاح الفرصة لتدخل الاجنبي لاجراء التغيير بعدما فشلت الانظمة السياسية العربية بتغيير نفسها ، اذن الاصلاح امر ضروري وعاجل ، ينبع من داخل مجتمعاتنا ذاتها ويستجيب الى تطلعات الجماهير في بلورة مشروع شامل للاصلاح ، يضم الجوانب السياسية والاقتصادية والاجتماعية والثقافية...الخ ، فالديمقراطية ليست مؤسسات فقط وانما هي ثقافة سياسية وسياسات اقتصادية واجتماعية وثقافية ...الخ ، متفاعلة مع بعضها البعض ، اذن اي مشروع للاصلاح الديمقراطي في الشرق الاوسط حتى يكتب له النجاح لابد ان يميز الوطن العربي عن سواه ، بسبب الخصوصية التي تمتع بها الدول العربية بحيث يسمح المشروع الاصلاحي بالتعامل مع كل دولة على حده ، وينتظم في نسق عام مع القواسم العربية المشتركة الاخرى ، بينما يتيح لكل مجتمع عربي كي يدفع خطوات الاصلاح الخاصة به الى الامام ، ويفعل من الوجود العربي على الساحة الدولية والاقليمية ، ويبعده عن التقوقع والتمحورعلى الذات . | With the end of the 20th century and the outset of the 21st century, the world witnessed the birth of a new world order. It began with the 2nd Gulf War led by the United States of America (USA) in one of the most important strategic regions the world - the Arab Homeland. This Region witnessed a regional and afflictive war marked with international dimensions and impacts announcing the birth of a new international era. This era is branded with the domination of the American pole that started imposing its concepts on the world in the framework of a phenomenon driven by money and media, i.e.," globalization". Sometimes the military force is used for (fighting terrorism or banning the proliferation of the weapons of mass destruction). This phenomenon raised the slogans of democracy, human rights and general freedoms to be used as the criterion for reward and punishment. Those who adopt these slogans and welcome the new world order will be rewarded, and those who reject democracy, human rights and general freedoms will be punished. Therefore, the Arab political systems found themselves facing a world democratic reformation process led by the USA. This process selected strategically important locations to dominate from these locations on the world. Consequently, the Arab states are facing a westernization process through the imposition of the ideology of the capitalistic western world within the wave of democracy that came as a reaction fro the international changes. This stage is called as (political liberation). However, the results of this alteration took the form of contradictions witnessed by the Arab world within the incoming or imposed ideology. Generally, all the developing and Arab countries cannot implement this experiment without stumbling and floundering. That is because some of these countries are not prepared for political reformation and hence a real democratic and political development. The claims and slogans raised in the arena of human rights and pluralism by the heralds of the "new world order", still addressing - fragile - communities and utilizing the bad situation of human rights there to titillate the hopes of the oppressed peoples and groups. They want to look as their saviors. The calls for hunting down those who are responsible for the violations of human rights, in persons, before courts, pave the way psychologically to accept, welcome and promulgate for these calls and resort to the outside powers. So, if the liberal democracy generates systems that are not inline with western interests, then there is no obstacle to abort this experiment despite the slogans it may raise. The vacuity from which the Arab region suffers due to the absence of democratic, political, developmental and reforming project gives a an easy chance to the international powers that have strategic interests in the region to provide (reformation) projects for the dictatorship regimes in the region. In the past, these regimes were backed by same powers that took the initiative of the provision of such reformation projects. There has been a tenet saying that the adoption of hierarchical regimes and the hegemony of one party (the only one) will lead the Arab states to political stability. That was based on the idea that pluralism or (a multi - party - state system) could result in disorder originated from the dispute on authority between the parties. This is in addition to the belief that a single - party - state system will leads to a significant accomplishment, i.e., building the national unity and upholding the extensive development that needs a powerful authority which the multi - party parliamentary systems lack. This is because the multi - party system means disunity and discord. Aside from that, the single - party system has achieved one of its biggest aims - insuring the persistence of the political elites in power without being annoyed by their opposing powers. According to this belief the totalitarian Arab regimes ruled their peoples. These regimes were supported by one of the two camps during the 2nd World War for preserving a totalitarian regime that oppresses the opposition and stands against the transition of the state to the influence of the other camp. Therefore, the call for reformation and development lies at the heart of the battle for a unified, sovereign and free country. This goal cannot be achieved unless there are legal systems that guarantee the rights of the citizens and enjoys their support and credit which suspiciously regards the reformation projects offered by the governments due to their experiences with them. It became clear that the democratic political reformation is a necessity dictated by the nature of the Arab community in the Arab Homeland. And that is to create a state of stability and justice inside the big community which is folding and encompassing the new conditions of rejecting the existing political regimes and the desire for change and reformation. These new conditions or variables, if they were not contained in the framework of a peaceful process, it will generate an explosion which cannot be contained by the existing political systems. Therefore, there is no way out of the crisis which the Arab political regimes face now unless there is real and extensive reformation process that take into its consideration the international developments and the human rights charts. This is because the success of the Arab reformation process requires from us to go to the origins in order to comprehend and sift them to extract something as a new and genuine as it is. Reformation should not depend on the margins of the western thinking or be limited to heritage. It cannot be based on margins and partialities. Yet, it represents the interaction between the given facts of the heritage that formulates the features of the project on the one hand, and the international consideration branded with modernity. In order that the reformation and developmental project succeeds, it requires a new political culture that works on replacing the relativism whim in the political perception with the comprehensive whim. Similarly, harmony and accord replaces the rules of hegemony, monopoly and revocation. No democratic reformation project in the Arab Homeland can succeed unless there is an active civil society that contributes vitally in the building of a democratic political reformation project that fits the specialties of each country and contains the powers of its community. The deterioration that is pressing out the Arab entities and the deception organized by the governments against the reformation projects, gave the opportunity for the foreign intervention to carry out the changing process after the Arab political systems failed to change itself. Reformation therefore is a necessity in our communities and it responds to the expectations of the peoples for the building of an extensive reformation project. This project includes all the political, economic, social and cultural aspects. These aspects react with each other. Therefore, if there is any project for democratic reformation to be successful in the Middle East, it should differentiate the Arab Homeland from the other regions due to features which the Arab countries enjoy. Such a project should give the chance of treating each state alone. It should have a general order with the things that the Arab countries have in - common. It also give the chance for each Arab society to push forward its own reformation steps and invigorates the Arab presence both on the regional and international levels and keep it off from confinement and introversion

النخبة السياسية في العراق 1958 - 2014 : دراسة في التوجيهات والاهداف == The political elites that ruled Iraq (1958 - 2014) studies in trends and goals

Author name: سعدي ابراهيم حسين
Supervisor name: ليث عبد الحسن جواد الزبيدي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The present dissertation consists of four chapters preceeded by an introduction and followed by a conclusion . It sets out from questioning and if the political elites henceforth (P.Es) successivly ruled Iraq for the period (1958 - 2014) are and the same trends and gools ?The dissertation replies This inquiry by hypothesising that the (P.Es) successively ruled Iraq vary in their trends and goals , as each has its own ones . The trends and goals mainle of (P.E) ruled for (1958 - 1963) concentrated on constructing Iraqi state . The (P.E) of (1963 - 2003) was of Arabic national trends and goals . As for the (P.E) came to power in Iraq after 2003 , they are of no clear trends and goals , considering their different national , religions and sectarian trends and goals .To verity of valility of this Aypothesis , Ch1 studies the (P.E) ruled Iraq (1958 - 1963) . Ch2 studies the (P.E) ruled for the period (1963 - 1968) . Ch3 studies the (P.E) ruled Iraq (1968 - 2003) . while Che4 concerns the study for the (P.E) ruled since 2003 till 2014 .The disser tation has come to the following conclusions : First : - the ruling(P.E) of (1958 - 2003) are of persons mostly come from military establishment , with an important exceptions when these elites by headed by civil leaders , as the case with the political (Abdulrhman Al - Bazaz) who became prime minster , and the former Iraqi president (Saddam Hussein) came to power in 1979 as a president. the later , in spite driving himself to the military establish meant by seizing the biggest military rank , he still being actually a civilian .Second : - The (P.E) ruled Iraq before 2003 depended on their own capacities to take the power by making revolutions coups . While the (P.E) came to power after 2003 till the time of concluding this dissertation , depended on external factor represented by USA support to expel the previous (P.E) and substitute it by recent (P.Es) .Third : - The (P.Es) ruled Iraq all over the period specified for the purpose of the present study didn't succeed to a achieve their trends and goals , moreover , they encountered by internal obstacles and the (P.Es) themselves , as well as home and external (regional and international) obstacles .So , we could say the trends and goals that helped (P.Es) to take power , were at the same time reasons behind losing the power , especially before 2003 .After 2003 , the (P.Es) national and sectarian trends and goals were negative factors led rulling system specially and the whole country in general to many economical , political and security problem and crises . the most prominent one is the national and communal political share in rulling Iraq .Finally , the dissertation comes to a list and suggestion , including : - 1 - concerning the future (P.Es) trends and goals it is suggested that the new (P.E) have to adopt popular national trends and goals of all Iraqi people suitable for Iraqi situation , which promots and at the same time supported by the a general unified national identity . the best possible suggested strategy to achieve this to follow the steps and rebuilt state resemble that and ancient Iraqi empires since it unified all Iraqi nation under their title , as no Iraqi Arabs , Kurds and other could deny his Hondo our to be belong to those civilizations .So , we could keep Iraq away from the risk of national and sectarian trends and goals .2 - concerning the mechanism to take the power : - The study suggests that the peaceful exchang of power is that best way must be adapted by the future(P.E) as it is founded by USA in Iraq after 2003, and they must leave the second alternative , i.e the violence to take the power which was the only way the past since 1958 .3 - concerning the political performance , the study concentrates the necessity of correspondence between trends and goals on one hand , and the (P.Es) , performance on the other hand . this could be achieved by adopting reviewing trends and goals periodically by the (P.Es) and reforming these trends and goals to be realistic of applicable within a reasonable and useful period for Iraqi people , not imaginary and Uri realistic like establishing national state , while the existed Arab countries are under the risk of partioning one after one . Neither trying to establish a communal (sinni or Shiite) state while Iraq realy consists of more than one religion or sect .

معوقات التنمية الشاملة فـي عـراق ما بعد التغيير السـياسي : دراسة في اثر عدم الاستقرار السياسي

Author name: جواد كاظم كطان الشمري
Supervisor name: صالح عباس الطائي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: Development in Iraq were problematic for the President of the successive regimes in spite of the differing motives and justifications have adopted a system in which to proceed, under the former regime was one of development solutions for the political legitimacy required to continue in power, and this is a natural fact that the Development Gateway always explains that contribute in giving some of the legitimate authority in the event it was not in accordance with the generally accepted elements of legitimacy and the most important of which voters choose voluntarily to the ruling authority, for this reason that the former regime began to implement major development during the Sbiniat of the last century is the first decade of the years of his reign, however, that poor Management Authority and the absence of democratic choice and the transformation of the ruling establishment to the individual institution has led to a decline in levels of development, after this process has gradually ceased during the years of the Iraq war - Iran and the subsequent drop in the continuation of the performance of the Iraqi economy by international sanctions imposed by the end of 1990 to show This decline in levels of development through a number of indicators including : deterioration of the Iraqi dinar, a decline in the average annual per capita income and therefore a sharp decline in the gross national product of the state, a gradual increase in the rates of unemployment and the high proportion of the total and starved of manpower, all of which had a bitter reflections indicators of human development, which is a component of overall development, as has the proportion who are literate (Literacy) and a decrease in the average life expectancy and this is what the Twcrh periodic reports of the United Nations and in particular its development program. With the political change that took place in 2003 an international resolution entered a critical juncture of development and perhaps even worse than previous years, if the former regime had been used based on the economic development of the oil wealth to solve the problems of input legitimacy, it is lost under the new system was of course the question of legitimacy with the adoption option the political process as a means of managing power in the country reduced to the question of development in the context of the provision of public services did not take place in this new political climate as a priority after Zahmtha other issues dominated the scene, despite the stated intentions of both the U.S. administration, which came to rule Iraq for about year or by the successive governments have been promising the reconstruction of Iraq and bring about comprehensive development in accordance with an international program along the lines of historical precedents of the heritage inspired by Japanese and German experiences, however, that the events that followed the political change and the reality of this project was postponed because of the continued deterioration of the situation of security and the rise of political conflicts potential between the parties to the political process and turned out to be a sectarian tensions so that the issue of development is not included in the government program, or it turned out to be just one small service delivery policies of local councils, in the sense that the latest development as planned according to a certain extent of time for a change in the social and economic realities as one of the central policies of the State Supreme ignored for the benefit of priority of security that drained a large part of the state budget in previous years remained in the funds allocated for development in the budget is weak and did not meet the real needs. It was the lack of political stability in Iraq is not in the greatest impact of causing FP stop the development process but also the decline of instability Fmkrjat, which were represented in the absence of consensus on government policy and the transformation of the sectarian tension to a civil war which lasted more than a year led to the spread of administrative corruption in state institutions because of poor oversight and accountability mechanisms result concerns the problem of security, which has become the obsession of both the state and the citizen, which in turn has led to disruption of the majority of reconstruction projects, as well as the flight of national capital to markets abroad in search of a more secure, without forgetting that Iraq's transition to a sustainable environment for the violence to make of foreign investment, both in its direct or indirect is not contained at all. On this basis, the security requirement is most urgent is the need for (for the citizen - the voter) and the legitimacy of the government is subject to its ability to provide a more secure environment which reveals a change in political behavior is the re - ordering of priorities in the collective mind on the basis of the prevailing circumstances so that it is to live in completion of a more secure environment proves the legitimacy of authority, and perhaps this new hierarchy of priorities in the collective mind has provided more space for corruption to become the administrative status of the membership of the inherent structure of the Iraqi state, have contributed significantly to the failure of development plans, on the basis of the fact that the conditions are intended to set priorities , development will become a political demand of voters where there is a safe environment so as to become synonymous with the legitimacy of their authority in the implementation of this requirement.

الاصلاحات الدستورية في الدول العربية (1991 - 2007) == CONSTITUTIONAL REFORMATIONS IN ARAB STATES (1991 - 2007)

Author name: حازم صباح احميد
Supervisor name: مها عبد اللطيف حسن الحديثي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: بدات الدعوة الى الاصلاحات الدستورية في الدول العربية منذ التغييرات الكبرى التي حدثت في العالم، خاصة في العقد الاخير من القرن العشرين بعد تفكك الاتحاد السوفيتي والكتلة الاشتراكية، وانهيار نظام القطبية الثنائية بانفراد الولايات المتحدة الامريكية في الساحة الدولية وطرح ما يسمى بالنظام الدولي الجديد، هذه الهيمنة السياسية والاقتصادية دفعت الى تصاعد الدعوات الى الاصلاح الدستوري ضمن اطار شعارات الديمقراطية وحقوق الانسان، وبناء مؤسسات المجتمع المدني وازدادت هذه الدعوات بشكل كبير بعد احداث 11 ايلول 2001 . وفي هذا السياق فقد مثل الاصلاح الدستوري في الدول العربية نوع من الاشكالية من خلال التناقض بين ما هو وطني وما هو عالمي، اذ ان الترابط ما بين مطلب الاصلاح وبين مطلب وضع الدستور وتعديله، هو ترابط تاريخي له ضرورات واقعية، فمن ناحية لا يمكن ضمان واستمرار واستقرار عملية الاصلاح بغير دستور يحميها، ولكن ليس الدستور فقط هو الضامن لعملية الاصلاح، اذ ان الدستور مهما كان صريحا واضحا، الا انه لا يمكن ان يضمن عملية الاصلاح الا اذا توافرت الارادة السياسية للنظام السياسي على البدء فيه او الاستمرار في دعمه وتطويره، فالاصلاح الدستوري هدفه احداث تغييرات ملموسة في بعض او جميع نصوص الدستور تقود في النهاية الى الاصلاح الشامل، اذ لا يمكن ان يتحقق اي اصلاح بدون اصلاح للدستور، ويتم ذلك من خلال وجود دستور يحدد العلاقة بين الحاكم والمحكوم وكيفية تشكيل السلطات العامة، وما مدى صلاحية هذه السلطات وما هي العلاقة بين كل سلطة واخرى، وان يكون هناك نص واضح يبين الحقوق والحريات العامة للمواطنين، واذا كان هناك دستور تجاوزه الواقع، فلا بد ان يتم اصلاح ذلك الدستور لينسجم مع الواقع القائم. وهنا يطرح الاصلاح الدستوري بهدف اصلاح القواعد الدستورية التي تشير عن سيطرة سلطة ما على بقية السلطات، او انتهاك حقوق المواطنين وحرياتهم، او تكريس نظام حكم معين. اما الاليات العملية لاصلاح الدستور فتنص عليها قواعد الدستور، وهي تختلف صعوبة او سهولة بحسب مرونة الدستور او جموده. كذلك فان الدستور هو انعكاس للظروف التي تعيشها الدولة، وعليه فلابد من تعديل نصوصه بما يتماشى مع تلك الظروف، والا حدث انفصام بين النص والواقع. اذ ان كثيرا من الدول العربية تخشى من اثارة فكرة اصلاح الدساتير رغبة في تحقيق وحماية الاستقرار، كما لو كان الاصلاح مهددا او معرقلا للاستقرار، وكيف ان الاصلاح قد يكون مطلوبا من اجل الاستقرار، وان عدم القيام بالاصلاحات الدستورية، او مقاومة متطلبات الاصلاح كثيرا ما كان من اسباب تهديد الاستقرار، وبذلك فقد اصبح الاصلاح الدستوري في الدول العربية هدفا ضاغطا وتحول شيئا فشيئا مع انكشاف ضعف الانظمة الحاكمة في الدول العربية وعجزها عن موازنة الضغوط الخارجية والداخلية، من خلال طرح اشكالية جديدة تتعلق بالعلاقة بين دور الداخل ودور الخارج في تحقيق الاصلاح الدستوري وضمان تقدمه ونجاحه.اهمية الدراسة : يعد الدستور اعلى مؤسسة قانونية في المجتمع، حيث يتضمن قواعد العمل السياسي المشترك ما بين كل قوى المجتمع للانطلاق منها وعبرها الى البرامج المختلفة لتلك القوى في داخل المجتمع عند الوصول الى السلطة، لذلك جاءت اهمية الدستور السياسة في الزام والتزام من في السلطة بتلك القواعد عند الممارسة السياسية. ان اجراء الاصلاحات الدستورية يقود الى ضرورة قبول كل قوى المجتمع بها، والزام الحكام بتطبيقها من خلال اولا الاتفاق على تحديد مجالاتها وثانيا السعي الى تطبيقها لمواكبة التحولات على الصعيدين الداخلي والخارجي.هدف الدراسة : تهدف الدراسة الى تتبع عملية الاصلاح الدستوري في الدول العربية منذ عام1991 - 2007، والمجالات الاكثر حضورا في تلك العملية. اضافة للبحث في مشاريع الاصلاح غير المنجزة ومجالاتها، ومعرفة التاثير السياسي والاقتصادي والاجتماعي لتلك الاصلاحات ومعرفة دوافعها الداخلية ومحدداتها الخارجية.فرضية الدراسة : تقوم الدراسة من اجل بلوغ اهدافها على فرضية اساسية مفادها : ان الاصلاحات الدستورية هي حاجة ملحة لمواكبة التحولات الاجتماعية والاقتصادية والسياسية في اي دولة، وقد تبنت الدول العربية مجموعة اصلاحات دستورية منذ عام1991 الى عام2007، الا ان هذه الاصلاحات ركزت بالدرجة الاولى على متطلبات المجتمع الدولي من جهة ومنح الحكام صلاحيات اوسع من اجل ضمان البقاء في السلطة اطول فترة ممكنة. ومن اجل اثبات ما جاءت به الفرضية، كان لابد من الاجابة عن التساؤلات التالية : 1 - ما هي خصائص الدساتير التي يمكن اجراء الاصلاح عليها؟2 - ما هي التحولات الاجتماعية والاقتصادية والسياسية التي تفرض عملية الاصلاح؟3 - هل للعوامل الخارجية اثر في توجهات الاصلاح الدستوري في الدول العربية؟4 - ما هو دور السلطات الحاكمة في تحديد مجالات الاصلاح الدستوري سواء على الصعيد الاجتماعي - الاقتصادي - السياسي؟5 - هل كان لمطالب المعارضة السياسية دور فاعل في عملية الاصلاح ومجالاته؟6 - هل افرزت هذه الاصلاحات عن نتائج ايجابية، ام بقيت غير مفعلة مبتعدة عن الواقع الاجتماعي - الاقتصادي - السياسي؟ منهجية الدراسة : ان المنهج هو الطريق الذي يودي الى الكشف عن حقيقة معينة، ويكون ذلك عن طريق مجموعة من القواعد والوسائل التي يتبعها الباحث للوصول الى هذه الحقيقة، ولذلك اعتمدت الدراسة من اجل التحقق من صحة الفرضية التي تقوم على منهجين هما : منهج التحليل النظمي الذي يقوم على جمع المعلومات واعتماد المنهج المقارن.اشكالية الدراسة : تبعا لما تقدم ذكره فقد باتت اشكالية الدراسة واقعا عمليا بين السبب وتفاصيله من ناحية الاصول والصياغة اذ تتجسد في تساؤلات عدة تضمنت : - ما هي الفائدة التي عادت على الدول العربية مما يطلق عليه بالاصلاح الدستوري؟ - وهل ما تم من تغيير او تعديل على نصوص الدستور يعد اصلاحا دستوريا حقيقيا؟ - وما هي القوى السياسية التي دفعت باتجاه القيام بتلك الاصلاحات الدستورية؟هيكلية الدراسة : تقوم الدراسة على هيكلية تتكون من مقدمة واربعة فصول وخاتمة وهي كالاتي : - الفصل الاول خصص للاطار النظري والمفاهيمي اذ سيتناول الاصلاح ومجالاته، من خلال ثلاثة مباحث. - الفصل الثاني فقد خصص للبحث في نشات وخصائص الدساتير في الدول العربية، من خلال ثلاثة مباحث . - الفصل الثالث فقد تناول دوافع الاصلاح الدستوري في الدول العربية من خلال مبحثين. - الفصل الرابع تناول الاصلاحات الدستورية ومشاريعها المستقبلية، من خلال مبحثين . | The interest of this study stand on the main changes that happened in the world, exclusively after the soviet union decline and socialist block, and the USA as a unipolar international system. The new world order pushed the states to take the constitutional reformation as one of the main issues, this issue developed after the 11 Sep. events and what were Arab States accused for it. The Constitutional reformation in Arab states occur between what's was democracy and what was nationally. And there was relationship between any reformation and the political will. Many of Arab states afraid to provoke the idea of constitution reformation in order to achieve and protect their stable. Because the Arab political regime saw that any constitutional reformation may threat their presence. Moreover the reformations goals in these states discovered it's weakened. Here, set some questions are : - What are the benefits that belong to Arab states from the constitutional reformation? - is what change to constitution considered as a really constitutional reformation? Study structure includes four units abstract and conclusion as below : - Unit one : aspects and theoretical frame in three chapters, the first : the aspects of reformation, second : reformation sides and its similarity aspects, third chapter : the constitutional reformation and its similarity aspects. - Unit two : the born and characterize of conditions in three chapters, first chapter : the beginning of constitutions born, second : the method of Arab constitutions, third chapter : the Arab states constitutions characteristics. - Unit three : the constitutional reformation in Arab states into two chapters, the first chapter : the legal, political, social and economic internal motivation, The second : political and economic external motivation of constitutional reformation. - Unit four : the constitutional reformation and its future protect into four chapter, first chapter : the political side, the second chapter : the social sides, human rights and public liberty, third chapter : economic sides and the last chapter : the main conditional reformation projects. Ended with abstract, conclusion and recommendations.Study conclusion : 1 - The Arab political regime has not the devise and will enough to act the constitutional reformations because they thought that and reformations threat their presence.2 - The importance of the Arab states constitutional reformation is very necessary because of threats and challenges that occur around them.3 - The constitutional reformations in many Arab states come from the political leadership alone and represented the decision maker vision in every change, after and remove constitutional provisions.4 - Major of constitutional reformation in Arab states occurs with isolation to their people and it seeks to control the power in one side without any participation in their life.5 - It's needed judicial and legislature reformations without any political obstacles that stop it like curfew.

المشاركة السياسية في دول مجلس التعاون لدول الخليج العربية

Author name: عبد الرحمن حسين محمد الجميلي
Supervisor name: طارق حسين البياتي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: يشهد العالم النامي منذ سنوات تجارب في المشاركة السياسية تتفاوت في شكلها ودرجتها واسبابها ومكوناتها ، ولكنها تتفق في تاكيدها على اهمية توفر الحريات الاساسية لبناء وتطوير المجتمعات المعاصرة وضرورة التخلص من الاستبداد والتفرد بالسلطة ، ودول مجلس التعاون لدول الخليج العربية ليست استثناء من هذا التوجه ونظرا لما شهدته دول مجلس التعاون من تحولات اقتصادية واجتماعية تلت مرحلة اكتشاف النفط وما تبعها من تدفق للعوائد المالية الكبيرة حيث رفعت مجتمعات هذه الدول من حياة الكفاف والفقر الى حياة الرفاه والاستهلاك ، والى جانب تحسين المستويات المعيشية والصحية والتعليمية والى ازدياد الاحتكاك بالعالم الخارجي ، مما ادى الى بروز شرائح اجتماعية متعلمة تطمح للمشاركة السياسية والانخراط في الحياة السياسية ومحاولة التاثير في الواقع السياسي والاقتصادي والاجتماعي في هذه الدول . وعلى الرغم من ان دول المجلس قد شهدت في الاونة الاخيرة بعض الاصلاحات السياسية والدستورية التي تهدف الى تحقيق قدر من المشاركة السياسية ، الا ان هذه الدول لن تستطع من تطوير اشكال الممارسة السياسية فيها بما يتلاءم والتطورات الحاصلة في العالم وذلك بسبب انغلاق البنى السياسية للانظمة الحاكمة واحتكار السلطة لفئات معينة من الاسر الحاكمة وبعض الفئات العشائرية والقبلية والطائفية ، وتركز عملية اتخاذ القرار بيد الحاكم وجماعات صغيرة من التابعين والمؤيدين له مما يؤدي الى تعثر عملية المشاركة السياسية في دول المجلس . ولقد جاءت هذه الدراسة للبحث في المشاركة السياسية في دول مجلس التعاون ، حيث تم تناول الموضوع وفق هيكليلة دراسية موزعة على مقدمة وفصل تمهيدي واربع فصول تخص مضمون البحث مع خاتمة تتضمن اهم الاستنتاجات التي توصلنا اليها . ففي الفصل التمهيدي تناولنا ، ضمن اطار نظري، مفهوم الديمقراطية والمشاركة السياسية ومفهوم حقوق الانسان فيما خصص الفصل الاول لدراسة التكوين السياسي والاقتصادي والاجتماعي لدول المجلس ، وتناول الفصل الثاني دراسة موقف المؤسسات السياسية والدستورية من المشاركة السياسية ، فيما كرس الفصل الثالث لدراسة التيارات والقوى السياسية في هذه الدول ، وقد تناول الفصل الرابع من هذه الدراسة المشاركة السياسية لدول المجلس في ظل الوضع الدولي ، ثم تبع ذلك خاتمة الدراسة . وقد توصلنا من خلال هذه الدراسة الى الاستنتاج بان المشاركة السياسية الممكن تحقيقها في دول مجلس التعاون ، هي المشاركة التي يمكن ان تعتمد على مبادرات من جانب الانظمة السياسية الحاكمة في هذه الدول التي تهدف الى تحقيق نوع من المشاركة السياسية وذلك بادخال قدر من الديمقراطية في هذه الدول من خلال نظام يعلن فيه عن مشاركة سياسية للفئات التي ترغب في الانخراط في العملية السياسية واقامة مؤسسات سياسية وقنوات تمكن الانظمة الحاكمة من استيعاب مطالب الجماهير والنخب المثقفة وطاقاتها وذلك بالانفتاح السياسية المشروط وافساح المجال امام مؤسسات المجتمع المدني للاسهام الفاعل في المجتمع ، ولكن في ظل مراقبة واشراف السلطة واحتواء مطالب المشاركة السياسية ، لا سيما وان اغلب الفئات المطالبة بالمشاركة السياسية لم تشكك في شرعية الانظمة الخليجية ، بل تطالب القيام باصلاحات سياسية ضمن الهياكل والبنى السياسية الحالية القائمة في دول المجلس | The Gulf Cooperation Council ( GCC ) States have faced since the beginning of the 21st Century from the claims call for political reformation and increasing of the political participation of the social categories and support the institutions of the civil society in the ( GCC ) States . The political participation has become more important in the societies that have witnessed economic development , as the societies of the ( GCC ) States when these states started investing the huge oil revenues they received because of these economic and social changes led to emerge the new educated social categories have ambition to participate in the political life in these states , and attempt to effect in the political situated in the ( GCC ) States . On the other side , the ( GCC ) States have suffered from the lack of political institutions as a result of the family system which has become the core of the states , consequently, the state in the ( GCC ) States tend to be totalitarian and authoritarian .In spite of the ( GCC ) States have begun some political and constitutional reformations in order to achieve the political participation and response to the internal and foreign pressures toward these states but the political institutions in these states have failed to achieve all the demands of the new social categories to came up there ambitions in political participation .Therefore the study is then an attempt to explore the nature of the political participation in the ( GCC ) States , which is divided in to preface chapter , four chapters and the conclusion .The preface chapter deals with the democracy , political participation and human rights with regard to the theoretical framework and notions .The first chapter studies the political , economic , and social construction of the ( GCC ) States , whereas the second chapter discusses the attitude of the political and constitutional institutions toward the political participation in ( GCC ) States , it tries to clarify the attitude of the executive authority and the legislative authority in these states toward the political participation .The third chapter is dedicated to study the political powers and trends in the ( GCC ) States , whereas the fourth chapter devoted to discuss the political participation in the ( GCC ) States under the international order , throws light on the claims of the democracy in these states and the influence of the Globalization on the political participation , It also discusses the human rights and the role of civil society in the ( GCC ) States , at the end of this chapter we have discussed the future of the political participation in these states , and followed by the conclusion of the study

اداء النخبة السياسية في اقليم كوردستان العراق (1991 - 2013) == Performance of Political Elite in Kurdistan Region of Iraq (1991 - 2013)

Author name: ياسين اشور جوهر
Supervisor name: مها عبد اللطيف حسن الحديثي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: مما لاشك فيه ان كل مجتمع ينقسم على شريحتين رئيسيتين، وهما عبارة عن الشريحة الحاكمة والمحكومة، غير ان خصائص وسمات هاتين الشريحيتين تختلف من مجتمع لاخر، وتختلف باختلاف الامكنة والازمنة. وان الاسباب التي تولد تلك المفارقات ترجع الى مسالة تطور المجتمع وتجاوز الظروف السياسية والاقتصادية والاجتماعية والتراثية المتخلفة. لذا نجد ان صفات وخصائص النخبة الحاكمة في المجتمعات المتقدمة والمتحضرة مقارنة بمثيلتها في المجتمعات المتخلفة او المجتمعات النامية، مختلفة. ففي المجتمعات المتقدمة والمتحضرة نجد ان النخبة الحاكمة نتيجة لالتزامها بسيادة القانون وعقلانية ادارة السلطة ومحاولاتها بناء دولة مؤسسات وفصل السلطات والايمان التام بعملية تبادل السلطة بين القوى السياسية وايمانها بمبادئ الديمقراطية والحريات الفردية والجماعية، هي نخبة لها القابلية على التجديد والتغيير من خلال التعبير الصادق والحقيقي عن اهداف وامال الافراد في المجتمع الواحد، هذا من جهة، ومن جهة اخرى، نايها عن احتكار السلطة من اجل الاستمرار بالبقاء على كرسي الحكم لمدة طويلة، فضلا عن عدم قدرتها استغلال الدستور وتغيير القوانين من اجل مصالحها الخاصة. ان الافراد في المجتمعات المتقدمة والمتحضرة ليسوا مكتوفي الايدي تجاه النخبة الحاكمة، بل ان وعيهم السياسي يبلغ مستوى يجعل منهم قادرين على منع الحكام من التهور وارتكاب الخروقات الدستورية والزامهم بالخضوع لبنود القوانين والاحكام المتفق عليها بين الطرفين، ولهذا نلحظ وجود التعاون والتوازن المشترك بين النخبة الحاكمة والمحكومة في تلك المجتمعات من ناحية القوة والشرعية ووسائل الصراع، ونجد باستمرار ان التغيير في تلك المجتمعات يكون مستندا الى القانون والدستور ويكون خاليا من اي عنف او انقلاب عسكري. وفيما يتعلق بالمجتمعات المتخلفة او المجتمعات التي هي في طور الانتقال الديمقراطي، فنجد ان العلاقة بين النخبة الحاكمة والمحكومة هي علاقة غير راجحة مليئة بالمشكلات. ان ما تمتاز به النخبة الحاكمة في تلك المجتمعات، انها نخبة منطوية على ذاتها ومنعزلة لا تفسح المجال للتغيير وتتبادل باستمرار السلطة فيما بينها، ولاجل ذلك يلجاون الى اعتماد شرعية سياسية ضعيفة وخالية من المضمون وانتخابات غير بناءة، او استخدام العنف والظلم بحق المواطنين. من جهة اخرى، ان النخبة الحاكمة في مثل تلك المجتمعات بغية بقائها في السلطة والتمسك بمقاليد الحكم، تلجا الى خطاب قومي او ديني او اشتراكي او ليبرالي او اي خطاب اخر تجذب من خلاله الحس العاطفي للجماهير، وفي الوقت نفسه نجد تلك الخطابات خالية من اي مضمون حقيقي او التزام بالمفاهيم الواردة فيها. ان هذه اللامبالاة والبعد عن الخطوط العريضة لتلك الخطابات تولد شيئا من التشاؤم لدى شريحة المحكومين، فضلا عن ذلك، ان هذه الخطابات لم تفلح في ان تصبح بديلا جيدا لانتماء الفرد للعشيرة او القبيلة او الاسرة او المنطقة، بمعنى اخر لم تستطع ان تؤسس لهوية عليا هي في غنى عن الهويات الفردية او الفرعية الاخرى في المجتمع، حتى يتقيد به الجميع بغض النظر عن الانتماء الديني او القومي او اللغوي او الطائفي او الجغرافي. كل هذه الامور تقف عائقا امام تلك المجتمعات وتحد من قدراتهم على تاسيس سلطة مدنية تتكفل حقوق وواجبات الافراد بلا فارق. في المقابل نجد في اغلب الاحيان ان موقف الجماهير في تلك المجتمعات هو موقف المتفرج اذ لا دور له في بناء القرار السياسي وحضوره السياسي محدود، فينتهي في اغلب الاحيان بالتصويت في الانتخابات فقط، وليس له وعي سياسي كافي بحقوقه ولا يملك وسائل استحصال تلك الحقوق، لذلك نلاحظ ان التغييرات التي تحصل في تلك المجتمعات في الغالب تكون اما بتدخل خارجي او عن طريق العنف او القوة المادية او انقلاب عسكري او ثورة. وفي المحصلة نجد ان تلك المجتمعات تدور في فلك اللاستقرار والازمات السياسية ولا تستطيع ان تصل الى مرحلة المؤسساتية والتصالح الاجتماعي والسياسي التام. هذه الاطروحة الموسومة بـ (اداء النخبة السياسية في اقليم كوردستان 1991 - 2013)تتضمن اربعة فصول، يتناول الفصل الاول مدخل نظري مقسم على عدة موضوعات، اما الفصل الثاني فيتناول الحديث عن تاريخ النخبة السياسية في اقليم كوردستان العراق، وقد قسم على ثلاث مراحل رئيسية، المرحلة الاولى تبدا من (1919 - 1939)، تحدثنا فيها عن بدايات ثورات الشيخ محمود الحفيد وغيره، فضلا عن محاولات بعض المنظمات السياسية والجهات الكوردية التي سعت كثيرا لاستحصال حقوق الكورد في عيراق تلك الفترة. اما المرحلة الثانية فتبدا من تاريخ (1939 - 1979)، تحدثنا فيها عن بدايات التنظيمات السياسية، فنجد ان النخبة السياسية استطاعت ان تنظم نفسها في عدد من الاحزاب السياسية في محاولة منها لنيل حقوق الكورد. وفي هذه المرحلة تحدثنا عن دور ( الملا مصطفى البارزاني) الذي خاض الثورة في بدايتها كشخصية عشائرية ضد الحكومة العراقية انذاك، ثم اصبح قائدا سياسيا وقوميا كورديا على مستوى داخل وخارج العراق. اما المرحلة الثالثة فتبدا من (1975 - 1991)، تحدثنا في بدايتها بشكل مختصرعن تلك السياسات والمظالم التي حلت بالكورد من قبل الحكومات العراقية في تلك الفترة، ثم تطرقنا الى الحديث عن اعادة النخبة السياسية الكوردية لصفوفها في عدة احزاب سياسية مختلفة في ارائها الفكرية والايديولوجية والتنظيمية والجماهيرية. اما الفصل الثالث من هذا البحث فيعد بداية لمنعطف كبير في الكفاح السياسي والعسكري للنخبة السياسية الكوردية والشعب الكوردي على حد سواء. في بدايته تحدثنا عن الجغرافية البشريةوالطبيعية لاقليم كوردستان كمدخل ضروري من اجل فهم اداء النخبة السياسية الكوردية، لغنها بعد انتفاضة (1991) تقلدت السلطة في اطار قانوني ومؤسساتي بصورة فعلية. كذلك تحدثنا عن محاولات النخبة السياسية الكوردية في مسعى منها لتنظيم انتخابات برلمانية بعيدا عن سلطة الحكومة المركزية، وتاسيس برلمان وحكومة ومؤسسات حكومية مستقلة. فضلا عن ذلك، تحدثنا فيه عن التوجه الفكري واهداف تلك النخبة عن طريق الاحزاب السياسية الداخلية التي كانت لها دور وتاثير وثقل في تلك الفترة، اضافة الى الصراعات الداخلية التي نشبت بين الاحزاب كنتيجة لمحاولات كل منها فرض سلطتها الحزبية والمناطقية في اقليم كوردستان. اما في الفصل الرابع فتحدثنا عن اداء النخبة السياسية الكوردية بعد سقوط النظام السياسي في العراق عام (2003)، كيف كانت، وكيف استطاعت ان تؤقلم نفسها مع التغييرات الجذرية التي حصلت في العراق عامة واقليم كوردستان خاصة. تكلمنا ايضا عن دور النفط كورقة اقتصادية مهمة ورئيسة له دور كبير في تعزيز سلطة النخبة السياسية الكوردية في الاقليم. كذلك سلطنا الضوء على التبادل الدوري الحاصل بين النخبة السياسية وبقائها في السلطات التشريعية والتنفيذية. وفي الختام تحدثنا عن دور النخبة السياسية الكوردية في ايجاد الحلول او تفاقم ازمات التنمية السياسية في اقليم كوردستان العراق. توصل البحث الى عدة نتائج منها : ان كل مجتمع يتمتع بنخبة سياسية تقوم بتنظيم شؤونه السياسية على مستوى الداخل والخارج، وتعبر عن امال واهداف افراده. اما فيما يخص النخبة السياسية الكوردية قبل(1991)، فانها كانت باستمرار في جبهة الدفاع وقيام الثورات ضد الحكومات العراقية اذ لم تكن صاحبة سلطة في الاقليم، ولكن هذا لا يغنينا عن الاعتراف بان هذه النخبة، ونتيجة لاسباب داخلية وخارجية، كانت في كثير من الاحيان تقف ضد بعضها، حتى ان احتدام العداء بينها دفعها الى اللجوء لقوى خارجية في سبيل محو الاخر، فضلا عن انها لم تكن نخبة سياسية موحدة وهذا ما اثر سلبا على تحقيق اهدافها السياسية. بعد عام (1991) على الرغم من ان هذه النخبة استطاعت سد فراغ السلطة في اقليم كوردستان العراق، لكن لم يكتب لها النجاح في ذلك، لانها فشلت في ماسسة السلطة، كما لم تفلح في الانتقال بالمجتمع الكوردي الى مرحلة الاستقرار السياسي والاقتصادي والاجتماعي المتين، ولم تستطع ان تنظم السلطة وفق المبادىء الديمقراطية، وفشلت في تثبيت مبدا تبادل السلطة، وتجديد نفسها، وفسح المجال امام القوى السياسية الاخرى حتى يكون لها دور في العملية السياسية وصياغة القرار السياسي في الاقليم، هذا ولم تستطع ان تغني نفسها عن ميراث الاقتتال الداخلي ومحو الاخر من خلال اتفاق سياسي وحزبي فيما بينها بالاعتماد على انفسهم لحسم صراعاتهم وخلافاتهم، ولكن على النقيض من ذلك نجد تلك النخبة ولحد الان تعتمد على القوى الخارجية اكثر من اعتمادها على جماهيرها. بالرغم من ذلك لم تستطع تلك النخبة ان تحسم نفسها ويكون لها خطاب سياسي واضح وصريح توجهه الى الداخل او الى السلطة المركزية في العراق، بل الذي نجده انما هو خطاب سياسي متغير معتمد على اهداف واستراتيجية الاحزاب الكوردستانية وخاصة الحزبين الديمقراطي الكوردستاني والاتحاد الوطني الكوردستاني . ومن النتائج الاخرى التي توصل اليها البحث، ان النخبة السياسية الكوردية بالرغم من تحقيقها بعض التقدم على المستويات السياسية والاجتماعية والاقتصادية في الاقليم، لكنها فشلت في تاسيس اقتصاد قوي يلبي - في الاقل - الاحتياجات الداخلية للاقليم، وبدلا من ذلك، ذهبت الى الاهتمام بتنمية الاقتصاد الاستهلاكي والاعتماد الكلي على قطاع النفط لادارة المجتمع الكوردي في العراق، وهذه السياسة كانت لها تداعيات سلبية مثل : تحطيم البنى التحتية للاقتصاد الزراعي والصناعي، كذلك توسيع القطاع العام على حساب القطاع الخاص، وربط مصادر عيش المواطن بالحكومة ومصادر تمويل الحكومة بالاحزاب السياسية، والاسوا من ذلك، ان هذا النوع من الاقتصاد الى حد بعيد، اصبح سببا من اسباب تقوية الاحزاب من خلال استحصال رؤوس اموال كبيرة والسيطرة على اقتصاد الاقليم. اما من الناحية الاجتماعية، فان هذه النخبة وخاصة بعد عام (1991) اصبحت سببا من اسباب احياء الروح القبلية والعشائرية والاسرية، بدلا من ريادة المجتمع باتجاه العقلانية وبناء دولة مؤسسات، هذا لان المجتمع الكوردي في الاساس هو مجتمع تقليدي وقبلي، وبدلا من تجاوز وكسر هذه العادات الاجتماعية واضعافها، لجات الى تقويتها وتقديسها، كل هذا من اجل بقائها في السلطة والحكم، وفي المحصلة فشلت هذه النخبة في تاسيس هوية واضحة لسكان اقليم كوردستان، وبناء شرعية قوية لها، فضلا عن هذا، لم تستطع تحقيق العدالة الاجتماعية والسياسية والاقتصادية في المجتمع الكوردي، وتوجيهه نحو تحقيق اهدافه وتخليصه من ازماته. ايجازا، نستطيع القول، ان اداء النخبة السياسية الكوردية في فترة حكمها، كان اداء ضعيفا، اذ لم تستطع خلق نموذج ايجابي ومختلف لنظام حكم في العراق والمنطقة، بل اخذت صفات وخصائص المجتمعات المتخلفة التي اشرنا اليها سابقا. | Undoubtedly, each community of humans is divided into two levels : the first level consists of leaders, governmental officials, while the second one is the ordinary citizens. The characteristics of these two levels differ and vary from one society to another, and change from specific place and time to others. This occurs when the communities are stepping toward development in the political, economic, social, and cultural aspects. The characteristics are entirely different in progressed societies rather than those in non - developed ones or newly developed. In the developed ones, and due to the superiority of law, reasoning the authority, having an establishment system in disturbing and handing out the power depending on democratic basics accompanied by society’s and individual’s freedom, it can step forward both into flourishing and renovation. This will be achieved through having a clear public goals and wishes of all the population, and through non - monopolization of power for the sake of lasting longer times as much as possible. On one hand, we notice that all the individuals in developed societies are more cautious about the performance of the government and they do not let them deviate from every segment of the country’s constitution and its authorized power and make them be abided by the law.as a result, we could easily observe that there’s a mature sort of cooperation between the people and government, and even the changes will be done according to legislative processes which are not opposing the items of law and constitution. On the other hand, the non - developed societies or the initial democratic ones face current problems and unhealthy relations in the terms of both the people and the government. Leaders in the government will not allow the throne to flee from them and they try their hard not to be dethroned and not to lose the power, and to sustain this, they rely on misleading election process to deceive the public or to oppress them by using power to force them to be yielded. Sometimes for convincing the public, they announce their false enthusiastic nationalism or their entire faith for religion or their cunning liberal, social policy for running country. Therefore, people would not touch any hopes in their meaningless emblems that could not be even suitable alternatives for the tribal, religious, and regional beliefs in which people had been suffered a lot because of them. All these factors helped not to have serious steps toward establishing a very modern and systematic government that reserves the rights and duties of all without hindrances and injustice. Besides, people sometimes are not aware about the complete items of their official rights, and they act like onlookers only watching and staying disconnected to what are going on. So, a foreign force may interfere to uproot a specific regime as the people are idle in attempting to make changes, or through an internal codetta or an uprising, the change may be happened. And this will bring great damage in a way that security would be lost for longer times and a chaotic state spreads everywhere in country. The dissertation, is entitled (The Performance of the Political Elite in Kurdistan Region from 1991 to 2013), consists of four parts, the first one includes a theoretical entrance to the subject of the project which is divided into several sections, each on has an abstract on what relates to Elitist Theory. The second part explains a historical survey of elitism in Kurdistan region, and it’s graded into three stages, the first stage starts from 1919 to 1939, includes Shekh Mahmud’s revolution and some groups who tried to regain Kurd’s rights from different Iraqi regimes. The second stage, from 1939 to 1975, witnessed an organized way of political system to have some parties for acquiring the national rights of Kurds, and Mala Mustafa Barzani was one of the prominent figures who started first as a tribe leader to revolute against the regime, then he turned to represent Kurds as a political and national leader that affected the political process to certain extends. The third stage, 1975 to 1991, sheds lights on the tyranny of Saddam’s policy and the regime’s oppression against Kurd, also it surveys the reorganization of all the Kurdish political parties to direct people to new ideological trends. The third part, from 1991, elaborates a very important period in the history of Kurds since they achieved their real autonomy and separated from other parts of Iraq, and they started to rule themselves. This will be the core for the project to observe the political elite. In this part, the project elucidates the Kurdish political elite and how they, for the first time and far from Iraqi regime’s threats, were able to hold an election, besides, their being able to establish parliament and government and other governmental directorates. And the political parties tried their best to obtain more popularity in order that they might gain more posts in the authority, and this caused several conflicts and struggles among those parties. The Fourth part explains the Kurdish elite performance after the crashing down of Baath’s regime in 2003, and how they were capable of handling the political role in both Baghdad in Kurdistan. Also, the case of oil as a significant economic and political sector which fostered Kurdish elite. The last pages of this part clarify their positive and negative contributions in decreasing and increasing the obstacles and problems. This project (dissertation) has reached some conclusions like each society has its own elite politicians that organize society’s political affairs as well as representing the wish and needs of people on both internal and external levels. In relation to the Kurdish political elite prior to 1991, they’ve always been in defense and rebellion against the central government in Iraq and with no power in Kurdistan. Due to many internal and external factors, these elite groups have often been in bitter fighting with each other in a way that they sometimes sought help from foreign forces to defeat each other. They have always been in difference and not united which made them unable to achieve their political goals. However, after 1991, despite filling the power vacuum in Kurdistan, these elite were unable to transfer the Kurdish society to the state of political, economic, social and cultural stability. They could neither regulate the power democratically and bring about the bases for peaceful power transfer in Kurdistan nor renew themselves and give way to other political factions to have roles in the process of decision making and the political process in Kurdistan region. Furthermore, instead of making some kind of political agreement and depend on themselves for settling their disputes, they could not rid themselves from deleting each other and the inheritance of the civil war. These elite groups have continuously and still relied on foreign support rather than their people. Moreover, they have not been able to make their mind up and have a clear message to Kurdistan region or the central government in Iraq. What they have is a political message that changes according to the goals and strategy of the parties in Kurdistan especially (P.U.K) and (K.D.P). Another conclusion of the project is that in spite of some progressing that the Kurdish political elite achieved but they failed in founding a very enhancing and strong economic system which conveys the internal needs of Kurdistan region, they depended on oil sector to provide the assumptions, but on the other hand it created a great damage in agricultural and industrial sectors which are considered the most vital bases into development. It led to the declining of private sectors and expanding the public ones, and they connected the people’s earn living with the government and the latter was matched with the political parties. Thus, the Kurdish political elite monopolized all the economic and commercial sectors of the region. In social sense, and for the sake of lasting in the throne as much as possible, they helped the tribal culture to be strengthened again since the Kurdish society was still a very traditional one which reflected negatively in the process of development. They could not make a true, modern, updated, and developed identity for Kurdish people in Iraq and the Middle East, and they were not able to invent a very standardized style of government so as to be taken as a unique sample for Iraq and other countries

التعددية السياسية في الفكر السياسي الاسلامي المعاصر

Author name: مـعـد صالح حــسن العبيدي
Supervisor name: مها عبد اللطيف حسن الحديثي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: There are many Quranic verses put us in front absolute truth should be considered by every mindful beings is the omni existence of the Allah, and the diversity of his creatures. We should admit that multipality and diversity beside the difference is a theological act that induced by Allah wisdom and indicated to it by Islamic doctrine from its essential sources : The Quran and prophetic tradition, Islamic doctrine urges us to positive diversity which guides to the acquaintance and cooperation in addition to intimacy, mean while it’s preventing the negative diversity and difference which lead the nation to fighting and mutual killing, and the last one is the worst according to Islamic doctrine and for the necessity of development which witnessed in all humaninty fields, some of Islamic thinkers and intellectuals, in plus to some Muslim pioneers, presented their opinions and ideas which related to the topic of diversity and differences in all it’s aspects, weather it is religious or cultural or even ethnic or political that enrich wildly the modern Islamic political thought, specially after the wide spreading of “Diversity” as term and a concept linked to western liberal political thought innorated by western thinkers like : Jean Jack rousseay and Jean luck. Islamic political thinkers endeavour to extract their pretext and evidences from Islamic doctrine sources for the purpose of coexistence with political diversity according to up mentioned rules so the thinkers divided in to groups, some of them refuse it definity and other who support it with some disciplinasy conditions, mean while the others who support it definitely in Islamic Society and every one of of them has its own pretext and justifications that addressed to enhance his position of this subject whether they are with or no. Despite nemurous supporters for the political diversity of Islamic society in context with Islamic doctrinal rules and its traditions but we should realize that all controversy about this topic among all political currents not considering more than the oritical intellictural debut if it’s not transferred to be applied as political act on reality wether it was in the past or in recent century, there is no Islamic society applying Islamic gouverning system complety according to religious teachings so that the interesting people in political systems affairs could emit their judgment at validity on political diversity in a such society or not. So all which exposed by a Islamic scientists and juriprudents and followed pioneers of modern Islamic political thoughts of their opinions in this concern not consider to be more than a vow for purportedly. Islamic society does not exist on the ground of reality in our recent century. In concerning with Iraqi Islamic political parties indicate in their intellectual programs the topic of political diversity of Islamic society but they are not come out of General outline which was drawing by modern Islamic political thought.

دور زبغينو برجنسكي في توجيه الاستراتيجية الخارجية للولايات المتحدة الامريكية == Zbigniew Brzezinski's role in shaping the United States of America's foreign strategy

Author name: خالد احمد حسن صادق
Supervisor name: سعيد مجيد دحدوح
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
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