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دور جورج كينان في تخطيط السياسات الاستراتيجية الامريكية 1947 - 1953م == George Kennan's Role In Planning The American Strategy Policy 1947 - 1953

اسم المؤلف: قاسم نمر جلوب السعيدي
اسم المشرف: اميرة رشك لعيبي الزبيدي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: دكتوراه
الجامعة: جامعة البصرة
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: البصرة
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The Study Aims To Explain The Strategic Role Played By Kennan And Its Impact On The American Foreign Policy Between (1947 - 1953). During The Time, Kennan Exercised His Greatest Influence In Implementing The Policy Of Containment. The Study Endeavours To Expose Kennan's Comprehensive And Coordinate Role In The Cold War. Kennan's Long Telegram Which He Prepared In 1946 Drew The Attention Of Such Major American Policy Makers In Washington D. C. As The Secretary Of Navy James Forrestal. The Telegram Offered Reasons And Justifications To Change The Aims Of The American Foreign Policy In Relation To The Soviet Union. Kennan Stated In His Evaluating Reports That The Communist Soviet Expansion Threatened The American Interests And Security. It Is Worth Mentioning That Kennan Did Not Name A Specific Strategy When He Wrote His Long Telegram. However, His Ideas Began To Clarify When He Gave Lectures At The National Defense University. These Lectures Made Clear His Ideas And Opinions In Relation To The American Foreign Policy. In The Meantime, Kennan Started To Outline What Is Termed As The Containment Strategy. Though His Ideas Did Not Design The Formal Strategic Line Of The State Department, They Had A Great Impact On The American Public. Therefore, The Long Telegram And The Lectures That Kennan Gave At The National Defense University Were Helpful Factors In Understanding Some Of His Ideas And Explaining Their Influence In Redefining The Concepts Of The Soviet Threat.The Conclusion Lists The Main Results Of The Study

العلاقات التركية المصرية 1980 - 1993 : دراسة تاريخية == Turkish - Egyptian Relations 1980 - 1993 (Historical study

اسم المؤلف: عمار عبد الرضا ماهود الزبيدي
اسم المشرف: طيبة خلف عبد الله
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: دكتوراه
الجامعة: جامعة البصرة
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: البصرة
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: الاقليمي في المنطقة, وتجمع بينهما مجموعة صفات متقاربة او مشتركة, فمن حيث الموقع الجغرافي يتمتع البلدان بموقع جغرافي ممتاز, له اهميته الجيوسياسية في منطقة مهمة واستراتيجية من العالم, هي منطقة الشرق الاوسط, وهما البلدان الوحيدان في المنطقة اللذان لهما امتدادات في قارتين؛ فاراضي تركيا تتوزع بين اسيا واوربا, وتشكل حلقة اتصال بينهما, وكذلك مصر التي تمتد اراضيها في قارتي افريقيا واسيا, كذلك يمتلك البلدان سواحل طويلة على البحر المتوسط, كل ذلك جعل البلدين يتمتعان باهمية بالغة في الشرق الاوسط. ان النظام السياسي في كلا البلدين نظام جمهوري, تلعب فيه المؤسسة العسكرية دورا بارزا, وتولى ضباط الجيش منصب رئاسة الجمهورية, مع وجود رئيس للحكومة عادة ما يكون مدنيا, يتولى ادارة شؤون البلاد الداخلية والخارجية, فضلا عن انهما من البلدان النامية, وتشكل الزراعة فيهما النشاط الاقتصادي الرئيس للسكان, وانهما يعانيان من مشاكل اقتصادية متشابهة متمثلة في التضخم, وزيادة المديونية الخارجية, لذلك اتبعا مجموعة نظم واجراءات اقتصادية, من اجل التخلص من هذه المشاكل, فضلا عن ذلك هنالك تماثل في التكوين الاجتماعي, وفي عدد السكان في البلدين, والتداخل الديموغرافي بين ابناء الشعبين (التركي والمصري), فهناك مصريون من اصول تركية, وهناك اتراك من اصول عربية مصرية. اضف الى ذلك كون البلدين يرتبطان بعلاقة متميزة مع الولايات المتحدة الامريكية طيلة المدة التي هي قيد الدراسة, وكانا اكثر بلدين يتلقيان مساعدات اقتصادية منها بعد "اسرائيل" من الولايات المتحدة الامريكية, كذلك يرتبطان دون غيرهما من البلدان الاسلامية, بعلاقات دبلوماسية جيدة مع "اسرائيل" في هذه المدة. كل هذا التشابه بين البلدين وغيره, دفع الباحث الى اختيار الموضوع, فضلا عن افتقار المكتبات في الجامعات العراقية والتركية والمصرية, الى دراسة اكاديمية تتناول بحث العلاقات التركية المصرية, وتحليلها في المدة 1980 - 1993, تقف على نقاط التشابه التي تم ذكرها, ودورها في تنمية العلاقات بين البلدين في مختلف الجوانب. اما سبب تحديد عام 1980 لبدء الدارسة فيكمن في ان العلاقات التركية المصرية شهدت الانطلاقة الحقيقية نحو التطور في هذا العام, بعد تسلم كنعان ايفرين رئاسة الجمهورية التركية, على اثر الانقلاب العسكري في الثاني عشر من ايلول 1980, وسعيه الى توثيق علاقات تركيا مع الدول العربية, والدور الذي لعبه توركوت اوزال في توجه تركيا نحو مصر وباقي الدول العربية, سواء عندما كان رئيسا للوزراء على دورتين (1983 - 1989), ام بعد توليه رئاسة الجمهورية (1989 - 1993), وقد توقفنا في البحث عند عام 1993؛ لانه يمثل سنة وفاة توركوت اوزال الذي كان له دور الرئيس في تطوير سياسة تركيا الداخلية والخارجية, وعلاقاتها السياسية والاقتصاد مع مصر وباقي الدول العربية, وبذلك انتهت الحقبة الاوزولية التي امتدت من عام 1983 حتى عام 1993. وقد اعتمد الباحث في تقسيم الدارسة على وحدة الموضوع, مع مراعاة المنهج التاريخي بما يتطلب من تتبع للاحداث والوقائع المختلفة، حسب التسلسل التاريخي, مما يجعل التعمق في بحث الاحوال والمؤثرات التاريخية امرا ضروريا؛ لفهم تطور العلاقات التركية المصرية, ولذا كان ترتيب الفصول على الشكل الاتي : الفصل الاول, تناولت فيه طبيعة العلاقات التركية المصرية قبل عام 1980, وهو فصل تمهيدي, يعرض بالبحث والتحليل العلاقات التركية المصرية منذ قيام النظام الجمهوري في مصر عام 1952, واسباب توتر العلاقات التركية المصرية في هذه المدة حتى عام 1965, ثم دراسة العوامل التي دفعت تركيا الى تغيير سياستها تجاه مصر وباقي الدول العربية, ومراحل تحسن العلاقات بين البلدين, وصولا الى عام 1980, كذلك تناول الفصل تطور العلاقات التركية المصرية في المجال الاقتصادي, والعلمي, والثقافي, والصحي, في هذه المدة. اما الفصل الثاني فقد تناول تطور العلاقات السياسية بين البلدين في المدة 1980 - 1993, والعوامل التي ادت الى هذا التطور في العلاقات, وتبادل الزيارات الرسمية بينهما على اعلى المستويات, في مدة حكم كنعان ايفرين (1980 - 1989), ومدة حكم توركوت اوزال (1989 - 1993). اما الفصل الثالث فقد تناول مجالات التعاون بين تركيا ومصر (1980 - 1993), التي اشتملت على خمسة محاور هي : المحور الاول, ويناقش المجال الاقتصادي والمسوغات التي ادت الى انفتاح البلدين نحو بعضهما, من اجل زيادة مجالات التعاون الاقتصادي بينهما في مختلف المستويات، سواء التجاري منها ام السياحي، او في مجال الصناعة (المدنية, والعسكرية), وكذلك في مجال الانشاءات والمقاولات. اما المحور الثاني فقد تناول جانب التعاون في مجال النقل البحري والجوي بين البلدين. في حين يرصد المحور الثالث التعاون في مجال مشاريع الطاقة الكهربائية وغيرها. وعاين المحور الرابع التعاون في المجال القضائي، واحكام المسجونين, والمعتقلين, اما المحور الاخير فقد رصد التعاون في المجال الثقافي والعلمي، وكذلك مجال الاذاعة والتلفزيون. اما الفصل الرابع فقد وقف فيه الباحث على موضوع مهم, كان له انعكاساته على تطور العلاقات بين البلدين في مختلف المجالات, وهو موقف تركيا ومصر من القضايا الاقليمية, وقد ركزنا فقط على القضايا الاقليمية التي شهدت اهتماما مشتركا من قبل البلدين, وكان لهما موقف مشترك او متباين منها, ومدى تعاونهما مع بعضهما؛ لايجاد حلول لبعض هذه القضايا, واهم هذه القضايا التي تم تناولها هي : حرب الخليج الاولى (1980 - 1988), والصراع العربي "الاسرائيلي", المتمثل في هذه المدة بتطورات القضية الفلسطينية, والاجتياح "الاسرائيلي" للبنان في عام 1982, وتطورات القضية القبرصية, اضافة الى ازمة الخليج (1990 - 1991), واخيرا الحرب في البوسنة والهرسك عام 1992, وعلى الرغم من ان هذه الموضوعات هي موضوعات سياسية, الا انها تعد خارجة عن موضوع تطور العلاقات السياسية بين البلدين؛ لانها تمثل قضايا اقليمية كان لتركيا ومصر موقف منها, لذا تم تناولها في فصل خاص, ولم تدمج مع الفصل الثاني من الاطروحة. ثم تلت هذه الفصول خاتمة, ضمنها الباحث اهم النتائج التي تمخضت عنها الدراسة. اعتمدت فصول الدراسة على مجموعة كبيرة من المصادر الاصيلة، ياتي في مقدمتها عدد غير قليل من الوثائق التركية غير المنشورة، المحفوظة في ارشيف الدولة التركية في انقرة (Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü), فضلا عن مجموعة من الوثائق التركية المنشورة في الجريدة الرسمية التركية (Resmi Gazete)، وهي جريدة معنية بنشر الاتفاقيات الدولية والقوانين بعد مصادقتها من قبل رئيس الجمهورية, هذا فيما يخص الوثائق التركية التي اعتمدتها الدراسة، اما الوثائق المصرية فقد اطلعت على الاتفاقيات والبروتوكولات بين مصر وتركيا, المنشورة في الجريدة الرسمية المصرية, والتي تصدر عن مركز المعلومات والتوثيق ودعم اتخاذ القرار في الهيئة العامة لشؤون المطابع الاميرية في امبابة في محافظة الجيزة، اذ تنشر هذه الجريدة جميع الاتفاقيات والبروتوكولات التي توقعها مصر مع دول العالم بعد مصادقة رئيس الجمهورية عليها، وموافقة وزير الخارجية على نشرها, فضلا عن التقارير الصادرة عن المؤسسات الرسمية مثل الامم المتحدة, والبنك الدولي, وتقارير السفارات. كذلك اعتمدت فصول الاطروحة على عدد كبير من الكتب العربية والمعربة والكتب الاجنبية, التي رفدت الاطروحة بمعلومات مهمة, ومنها كتاب (التطورات المعاصرة في العلاقات العربية التركية) لمؤلفه خليل ابراهيم الناصري, ويعد من المصادر المهمة, اذ اعتمد المؤلف على عدد من المؤلفات التركية، والاجنبية, والكتاب في الاصل رسالة ماجستير في العلوم السياسية, ومن الكتب الاخرى المهمة كتاب (العلاقات العربية التركية) بجزئه الاول الذي كان من منظور عربي وصدر عن معهد البحوث والدراسات العربية التابع لجامعة الدول العربية عام 1991, اما في جزئه الثاني فقد كتب من منظور تركي, وصدر عن معهد البحوث والدراسات العربية, بالتعاون مع مركز الابحاث للتاريخ والفنون والثقافة الاسلامية باسطنبول عام 1993, والكتاب عبارة عن مجموعة بحوث تناولت مختلف جوانب العلاقات التركية العربية, وما يؤخذ على الكتاب ان بعض تواريخ الاحداث الواردة فيه غير دقيقة, وكذلك بعض الاسماء, الامر الذي دفع الباحث الى الرجوع للجرائد؛ من اجل التاكد من تواريخ الاحداث. ومن الكتب المهمة مؤلفات الدكتور جلال عبد الله معوض, منها كتاب (صناعة القرار في تركيا والعلاقات العربية - التركية), وهو كتاب يوضح كثيرا من خبايا وتوجهات السياسة التركية, على الرغم من ان معظم فصول الكتاب تقع خارج نطاق البحث، وكتاب (قضايا العلاقات المصرية التركية), وهذا الكتاب ذو طبيعة سياسية, اعتمد فيه المؤلف على التحليل السياسي للمواقف, الا انه ذكر بعض الجوانب التاريخية في العلاقات بين البلدين, وكذلك مؤلفات الدكتور احمد نوري النعيمي, ومنها كتاب تركيا وحلف شمال الاطلسي، وهو كتاب يتناول بالبحث والتحليل موقع تركيا في حلف شمال الاطلسي واسباب انضمام تركيا لهذا الحلف, وكذلك مؤلفات الدكتور عوني عبد الرحمن السبعاوي، ومؤلفات الدكتور ابراهيم الداقوقي, وغيرهم، وتاتي اهمية هذه الدراسات في كونها مؤلفات متخصصة في عدة مجالات من شؤون تركيا. واستعان الباحث بعدد من الرسائل والاطاريح الجامعية، كانت في مقدمتها اطروحة اميرة محمد كامل الخربوطلي، الموسومة بـ(العلاقات المصرية - التركية 1952 - 1971), والتي نوقشت في كلية الاقتصاد والعلوم السياسية - جامعة القاهرة عام 1979, ومنهج كتابة الاطروحة كان منهجا سياسيا وليس منهجا تاريخيا, لكني افدت منها في معرفة خلفيات العلاقات التركية المصرية, واستعنت برسالة احمد نوري النعيمي (السياسة الخارجية التركية بعد الحرب العالمية الثانية) وهي رسالة ماجستير اعتمدت على الصحافة بالدرجة الاساس وتصل لغاية عام 1975، وكذلك اطروحة احمد جاسم الطائي (موقف تركيا من قضايا المشرق العربي 1967 - 1978), فقد اشار فيها الى جوانب يمكن الافادة منها؛ لفهم العلاقات التركية المصرية, ورسالة الماجستير للباحث زياد عزيز حميد الجلبي، (السياسة الخارجية التركية 1973 - 1983) وغيرها, وقد افاد منها الباحث في الفصل الاول من الاطروحة فقط. كما شكلت البحوث المعتمدة في المؤتمرات العلمية والبحوث المنشورة في الدوريات العربية، مرتكزا اخر افاد منه الباحث في كتابة اطروحته, اذ قدمت الابحاث والدراسات معلومات قيمة عن العلاقات التركية العربية بشكل عام, وتاتي في طليعتها البحوث المنشورة في مجلة السياسة الدولية الصادرة عن مركز الاهرام, كذلك اعتمد الباحث بشكل كبير على الشهريات الموجودة في مجلة السياسة الدولية, كدليل لمعرفة الزيارات المتبادلة وتواريخها للبحث عنها, وعما دار فيها من مباحثات في الجرائد والمصادر الاخرى, كما ان مجلة السياسة الدولية كانت تعنى ايضا بنشر بعض الملفات الوثائقية عن بعض الاحداث المهمة. اما الجرائد والمجلات العربية والتركية والاجنبية, المحفوظة في دار الكتب والوثائق القومية في القاهرة, او في المكتبة الوطنية (Milli Kütüphane) في انقرة, او في دار الكتب والوثائق الوطنية في بغداد, او في مركز الدراسات الاستراتيجية في بغداد, فقد شكلت رافدا مهما من روافد الاطروحة؛ اذ اعتمد عليها الباحث اعتمادا كبيرا في توثيق الزيارات والمباحثات التي جرت بين البلدين, فقد كانت هذه الجرائد حريصة على متابعة الاحداث والمواضيع وتطوراتها, وما نتج عنها, وقد اعتمد الباحث في اغلب المواضيع على اكثر من صحيفة, ومن مختلف التوجهات؛ من اجل الوصول الى دقة المعلومة, واهم هذه الجرائد هي جريدة الاهرام المصرية, واضواء الانباء التركية, و(Milliyet) وغيرها من الجرائد. وكان للمواقع الالكترونية الموثقة اثر مهم في تزويد الاطروحة ببعض الوثائق والمعلومات, مثل موقع الامم المتحدة, وموقع مقاتل من الصحراء, وموقع عالم المعرفة وغيرها من المواقع الالكترونية . وفي الحقيقة ان هذا الجهد الذي بذل من قبل الباحث قد واجه عدة صعوبات, متعارف عليها عند اغلب الطلبة والباحثين, منها عدم اهتمام وزارة التعليم العالي والبحث العلمي في تذليل العقبات امام الطلبة؛ من اجل الحصول على الوثائق والمصادر من خارج العراق, فيبقى الطالب معتمدا على جهده الذاتي وعلاقاته الشخصية؛ من اجل الحصول على وثيقة, او كتاب نادر. ولم يدخر الباحث جهدا او مالا في سبيل ذلك, اذ قام بعدة سفرات في داخل العراق وخارجه, شملت عددا من المدن التركية والمصرية لاكثر من مرة, فضلا عن المدن العراقية, يقتفي اثر المعلومة؛ من اجل سد الثغرات, وكنت اعمل بشكل دؤوب في المكتبات التركية والمصرية لساعات طوال, باحثا في صفحات المجلات والجرائد وناقلا منها, اذ ان بعض المكتبات تمنع استعمال تقنية التصوير بكل انواعه, اما الوثائق المصرية غير المنشورة فلا يحق للباحث الاطلاع عليها, الا بعد الحصول على موافقة وزير الخارجية حصرا, وبتزكية من احد الاساتذة الجامعيين المصريين, وبعد مدة انتظار قد تصل الى اكثر من خمسة شهور, لا يتمكن الباحث من الاطلاع على جميع الوثائق التي يرغب في الحصول عليها. والشيْ الاخر الذي يدعو الى الاسى هو وجود عدة تقارير وجرائد تخص علاقة تركيا مع الدول العربية, كانت متوفرة في مكتبة مركز الدراسات الاقليمية في جامعة الموصل, ولكنها فقدت او اتلفت بعد سيطرة (داعش) على المدينة عام 2014, وعلى الرغم من كثرة الاتصالات مع بعض الاصدقاء لم اتمكن من الحصول الا على نزر يسير منها . وختاما فعلى الرغم مما بذله الباحث من جهد في اعداد هذه الدراسة، ومهما بلغ حرصه على دقتها, فانه لا يدعي الكمال فيما كتب, فالكمال لله وحده، وما اضافه من نتائج اعتمد فيها على ما توفر عليه من وثائق ومصادر علمية. وغاية ما يرجوه ان يكون قد وفق في متابعة موضوع بحثه, وان تحظى الاطروحة برضا الاساتذة الكرام، وان تكون جديرة بان تحتل مكانتها في المكتبة التاريخية العراقية ... والله الموفق . | Turkey and Egypt are considered among the most important countries in the Middle East. They share a common set of characteristics, in terms of the geographical location, the nature of political regime and economic system, the social formation, the population and so on. Both have an excellent geopolitical location which have an important geopolitical Area. Whereas the Turkish grounds lay between the continents of Asia and Europe it form a link between them, Also Egypt in which its grounds lay in Africa and Asian Areas and it forms as an important link between the ancient continents of the world (Asia, Africa, and Europe). As well both have long beaches on the Mediterranean sea. All of what mentioned above makes both countries among the most important countries of the Middle East . The political regime in both countries is a republican, and in such regime, The position of presidency should be assumed by Army officers with a head of government usually a civilian, manages the internal and external affairs of the country. As both countries are related to the growing countries in which agriculture is the main source of economy of their peoples, And both countries are suffering from economic problems, such as inflation and increasing external indebtedness. Both countries have a special relationship with the USA in the period of studied, and they were getting great economic support from the USA. The support comes in the second class, after "Israel" In addition both countries have a good diplomatic relationship with "Israel'' - that the other Islamic countries. All that similarity between the two countries, pushes the researcher to choose such a subject, to find out the similarity which has been mentioned, above and its role in growing the relation between the two countries. The researcher has divided the study depending on the unity of the subject, with observance of historical method, which is required to follow different events and attitudes according to historical sequence. And this is what makes going deeply into conditions and influences is very necessary to understand the development of Turkish - Egyptian relations. Therefore, the order of the chapters is as follows : Chapter I : The nature of Turkish - Egyptian relations until 1980Chapter II : Development of Turkish - Egyptian Political Relations 1980 - 1993Chapter III : Areas of Cooperation between Turkey and Egypt 1980 - 1993Chapter IV : The Attitude of Turkey and Egypt form The Regional Issues 1980 - 1993. The most important conclusions which have been reached by the researcher are that relations between both countries have developed relatively since 1965 and until the end of seventies, But the relations between them haven't reach advanced stages and the stage of coordination in attitudes and trends, only in the eighties and early nineties of the last century, This is reflected in the frequent visits between officials of the two countries at the highest levels, cooperation in the economic fields, the field of transport, the field of justice, the field of culture and other fields, as well as in the coordination of positions, either individually or through the Organization and the Conference. The Islamic, the United Nations. Turkey's drive towards Egypt was mainly due to two factors : the first is political; Turkey's attempt to obtain a supportive position in the Cyprus issue from the Arab and Islamic countries and the Non - Aligned Movement. Turkey was an important gateway to Egypt; to influence the positions of these countries, The economic factor was a major factor in the development of Turkish - Egyptian relations during this period. It was also the most active in the relations between the two countries because of the problems Economy Suffering from both countries. However, the economic relations between Turkey and Egypt have not reached an advanced stage compared to other Arab countries, Iraq, Libya and Saudi Arabia were the most economically connected countries with Turkey. The reason for this is that Turkey and Egypt were competing in some Economic fields. It is clear here that the process of making foreign political decision in the Turkish state has been subject to several variables internal, regional and international, has been determined the process of issuing in accordance with Turkey's political relations and economic interests with those determinants

جوزيف مكارثي ونشاطه السياسي ودوره الفكري في الـولايات المتحدة الامريكية 1908 - 1957 == Joseph McCarthy and His political Activity and Intellectual role in the United States of America (1908 - 1957)

اسم المؤلف: علاء عبد العالي كاظم الطائي
اسم المشرف: بيداء علاوي شمخي جبر الشويلي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2017
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: يعد جوزيف مكارثي من الشخصيات السياسية المهمة والمؤثرة في الولايات المتحدة الامريكية ، لما تركه من اثر كبير في مجمل الحياة السياسية الامريكية بما حمله من افكار وما طبقه من ممارسات عرفت في التاريخ الامريكي بالمكارثية والتي يمكن تعريفها بانها : حركة متطرفة لمناهضة الشيوعية في الولايات المتحدة الامريكية ، والمكارثية مصطلح مرادف لتوجيه اتهامات خطيرة ، لكن دون ادلة واضحة ضد موظفين رفيعي المستوى وكذلك اشخاص في الحياة العامة . كما استخدمت المكارثية مصطلحا اكثر شمولا لوصف الممارسات (السلوكيات) العامة بتوجيه مزاعم كاذبة وتحديدا بممارسة نشاط مؤيد (داعم) للشيوعية . اقترنت المكارثية بالخوف من الشيوعية التي طرحت افكارا ماركسية متطرفة تعتمد مواجهة العالم الراسمالي الليبرالي والدعوة الى تحطيمه وازاحته من الوجود كليا واحلال البديل الشيوعي منهجا جديدا في ادارة العالم الغربي الا ان المكارثية تلازمت بصورة اكبر بما اطلق عليه بالخوف الاحمر الثاني على اساس ان الخوف الاحمر الاول تبلور مع انتصار الشيوعيين في روسيا عام 1917 وهو مصطلح سياسي اطلق على خوف الامريكيين في نهاية عقد الاربعينيات الى منتصف عقد الخمسينيات من النفوذ الشيوعي المحتمل في بلادهم ولم يكونوا يخشون الاتحاد السوفيتي فحسب بل يخشون الشيوعيين الامريكيين واختراقهم المحتمل للادارة الامريكية في محاولة لاسقاط الجمهورية ونظامها الديمقراطي الاتحادي , وقد عمل مكارثي على نشر وتاكيد تلك المخاوف ، اذ منحته الاوضاع السياسية والاجتماعية في الولايات المتحدة الامريكية الفرصة ، باعطائه التسمية الناجعة لقادة الراي العام الامريكي بان الاتحاد السوفيتي العدو الدولي ، والشيوعية تهديد تخريبي من الداخل ، وكانت ظروف البلاد الداخلية مهياة بعد خروجها من الحرب مع المانيا واليابان قبل مدة قصيرة من الزمن ودخولها في حرب باردة خطيرة ابان عقد الاربعينيات والخمسينيات مع السوفييت ، وممزااد من حدة الخوف تقارير وسائل الاعلام التي كانت تتحدث عن التجسس والسياسيين والصحفيين الذين يلمحون الى عمليات قام بها عملاء اجانب في التجارة والحكومة والتعليم وصناعة الافلام واغلب مرافق الحياة العامة الامريكية . بدات المكارثية بصورة فعلية وعملية في 9 شباط 1950 بالخطبة التي القاها مكارثي بذكرى مولد الرئيس ابراهام لنكولن والتي رفع فيها ورقة قال : انها تحوي (205) اسما من موظفي وزارة الخارجية متهمون بالشيوعية ومتهما الرئيس ترومان بالتواطىء وعدم الموافقة على اعفائهم من مناصبهم ، قادت اتهاماته الى سنوات من التحريات في مجلسي النواب والشيوخ ، ووصل مكارثي الى قمة سلطته عام 1953 بفوز الحزب الجمهوري بالرئاسة والاغلبية في الكونغرس وتراسه لجنة العمليات الحكومية الخاصة بالتحقيقات في النفقات الوزارية ولجنتها الفرعية ، لكن صلاحياته لم تستمر لمدة زمنية طويلة ، اذ سرعان ما بدا تراجعه (نهايته) عندما وجه اتهاماته الى وزارة الدفاع في 25 شباط 1954 بايواء عناصر شيوعية ، ادت تلك الاتهامات الى التقليل من هيبة واحترام الوزارة امام الشعب الامريكي ، وعلى اثر تلك الاتهامات فقد شعبيته ، مما دعا مجلس الشيوخ الى تشكيل لجنة للتحقيق معه بشان مزاعمه ، ووجد مجلس الشيوخ ان زميلهم تصرف بطريقة مهينة وتستحق التوبيخ ، فصدر قرار الادانة في 2 كانون الاول 1954 بتجريده من صلاحياته وايقافه عن العمل في اللجان ؛ لان تصرفاته لا تليق بعضو في مجلس الشيوخ الامريكي . خلفت المكارثية عديدا من الضحايا الابرياء وسجن المئات وكان اغلبهم له صلات (ارتباطات) بالحزب الشيوعي الامريكي في مدة ما من حياتهم ولذلك تم استهدافهم، وادراج عدد كبير من الضحايا على القائمة السوداء بما في ذلك الممثلين والمؤلفين وناشطين في الحقوق المدنية وعلماء واغلب شرائح المجتمع الاخرى . وقبل الخوض في نشاط مكارثي السياسي ودوره الفكري في الولايات المتحدة الامريكية في المدة موضوع الدراسة ، وجب اثارة عدد من الاسئلة ذات علاقة بمكارثي ومنها : هل كان للوسط الاجتماعي او الانحدار الطبقي والعائلي والتعليم وممارسته المحاماة والقضاء والخدمة العسكرية اثر في تكوين شخصيته ؟ والى اي مدى كان تاثيرها ؟ وما اسباب فوزه بعضوية مجلس الشيوخ ؟ وكيف كان اداؤه في المجلس ؟ ودوره في الجانب التشريعي ؟ ولماذا اهتم ببعض الجوانب التشريعية من دون سواها ؟ ما هي الاسباب والنتائج ؟ ما اراؤه السياسية في مشروع قانون تقنين السكر وقانون الاسكان ؟ ولماذا كان الشيخ الاكثر اثارة في الجانب الرقابي وما هي اسباب تدخله في اغلب القضايا ومنها التي لم تكن من صلاحياته او لم يكن مسؤولا عنها ، ولم يكن عضوا في لجانها ؟ وكيف تمكن من جعل صوته اعلى من تقرير لجنة مالميدي (Malmedy Committee) ؟ وما اسباب تمسك مكارثي بالشيوعية واتخاذها هدفا لاتهاماته التي قام بتوجيهها الى عدد كبير من الموظفين وغيرهم ؟ وكيف تمكن من استغلال الاوضاع التي كانت تمر بها البلاد من اجل تحقيق مكاسب شخصيه له ولحزبه ؟ ولماذا بدا باستهداف وزارة الخارجية دون سواها ؟ ومن الجهات التي كانت تمده بالمعلومات ؟ وهل كان لمكتب التحقيقات الفيدرالي (FBI ) دور في اتهامات مكارثي ؟ وكيف تمكن بدهائه السياسي من جعل قرار لجنة تيدينغس (Tyding) دون فائدة على الرغم من انه بين ان اتهاماته لوزارة الخارجية لا اساس لها ؟ وما الاسباب التي ادت الى تعاظم نفوذه وقوته ؟ وكيف تمكن من اقناع قادة الحزب الجمهوري بترؤسه لجنة العمليات الحكومية ولجنتها الفرعية وما الغاية من ذلك ؟ والى ماذا كان يسعى مكارثي من خلال استهداف اذاعة (صوت امريكا) والفنانين والفنانات والمكتبات ووزارة الدفاع ؟ وكيف كانت نهاية مكارثي والمكارثية ؟ جاءت فصول الاطروحة للاجابة على الاسئلة المطروحة وغيرها ، متوخين اتباع اسلوب التسلسل الزمني في عرض موضوعات الاطروحة ، وتم اختيار عام 1908 بداية لموضوعها كونه العام الذي شهد ولادة مكارثي في حين كانت وفاته في 2 ايار 1957 نهاية الاطروحة . اشتملت خطة الاطروحة على مقدمة واربعة فصول وخاتمة وملاحق ، بحث الفصل الاول نشاة مكارثي وسيرته المهنية حتى عام 1945، اذ احاط مبحثه الاول بمعرفة الوسط الاجتماعي الذي عاشت فيه عائلته الفلاحية . وركز المبحث الثاني على مكان ولادته ونشاته ، وظروف تعلمه وكيفية تبلور شخصيته وحصوله على شهادة القانون ، واكد المبحث الثالث على ممارسته المحاماة والقضاء وسيرته المهنية وكيفية معالجته للقضايا التي يتم عرضها عليه ، في حين ضم المبحث الرابع سيرته العسكرية والاهداف المرجوة منها . اما الفصل الثاني فتطرق الى نشاطه السياسي 1946 - 1949 . وخصص المبحث الاول لدراسة حملته الانتخابية وفوزه بعضوية مجلس الشيوخ . اما المبحث الثاني فقد افرد لدراسة نشاطه في مجلس الشيوخ . في حين كرس المبحث الثالث لدوره في الجانب التشريعي والافكار التي تم طرحها من اجل تشريع قانون انهاء تقنين السكر ومشروع قانون الاسكان . اما المبحث الرابع فقد درس نشاطه في الجانب الرقابي ودوره في تحقيقات لجنة مالميدي . وكرس الفصل الثالث لدراسة تبلور المكارثية ومحاربة الشيوعية 1950 . فتناول مبحثه الاول اسباب معاداة الشيوعية وظهور المكارثية . وفي المبحث الثاني سلط الضوء على وزارة الخارجية الامريكية ووطاة المكارثية . اما المبحث الثالث فقد ناقش اسباب تحقيقات لجنة تايدنغ وتقريرها . في حين خصص الفصل الرابع لدراسة المكارثية في التطبيق 1951 - 1957. فجاء المبحث الاول لدراسة تعاظم نفوذ مكارثي . اما المبحث الثاني فركز على تحقيقات لجنة العمليات الحكومية ودور مكارثي فيها والتي طالت اتهاماته اذاعة صوت امريكا والمكتبات والفنانين والفنانات ووزارة الدفاع . اما المبحث الثالث فقد افرد لبيان اسباب نهاية مكارثي والمكارثية . في حين جاءت الخاتمة موضحة اهم النتائج التي تم التوصل اليها . بناء على ذلك ولحصول الباحث على مجموعة متنوعة ومختلفة من وثائق الكونغرس الامريكي ووزارة الخارجية الامريكية ، التي حاول الباحث من خلالها استقراء دور مكارثي بالدرجة الاولى ، ولاسيما المنشورة تحت العنوان الرئيس : - (United States Department of State / Foreign Relations of the United States , 1952 - 1954 ) الموجودة في المكتبة المركزية في جامعة بغداد (الجادرية) وفي مكتبة وزارة الخارجية العراقية (بناية الوزارة) ، اذ رفدت الاطروحة بمعلومات مهمة في الفصلين الثالث والرابع ، اذ اعطتنا فكرة واضحة وجلية عن نشاط مكارثي السياسي ودوره الفكري ، اذ حوت معلومات دقيقة وتفصيلية عنه ، سيما اراء المسؤولين الامريكيين ووجهات نظرهم في واشنطن ، الى جانب ما حوته هذه الوثائق من تصريحات وبيانات ورسائل المسؤولين الامريكيين ، وبذلك هيات الفرصة للاجابة على كثير من الاسئلة التي تتعلق بنشاطه السياسي ودوره الفكري ، وحاول الباحث جهد الامكان استعمالها بصورة علمية محايدة ، ومتفاوتة من فصل لاخر علما انها وردت مجموعات مختلفة . وكان للوثائق المنشورة في مكتبة الرئيس ترومان اهمية كبيرة لمعرفة مواقف واراء السياسيين بشان اتهامات مكارثي والمنشورة في الموقع الالكتروني : http : //www.trumanlibrary.org/whistlestop/study_collections/mccarthyism/index.php ولا يخفى ما للرسائل والاطاريح من اهمية كبرى في رفد الباحث بمعلومات موثقة ودقيقة للاوضاع الداخلية والخارجية للولايات المتحدة الامريكية للمدة موضوع الدراسة . تاتي في مقدمتها اطروحة الدكتوراه للباحث احمد عبد الواحد عبد النبي الحلفي التي حملت عنوان (الرئيس الامريكي هاري ترومان واثر مبدئه في العلاقات الدولية 1945 - 1953) فقد افادت الاطروحة في الفصلين الثالث والرابع كذلك اطروحة الدكتوراه للباحثة ايناس سعدي عبد الله , المعنونة (الحرب الباردة , دراسة تاريخية للعلاقات الامريكية - السوفيتية 1945 - 1963 كوبا نموذجا) ، واطروحة الباحثة رغد فيصل عبد الوهاب نقاوة , المعنونة (سياسة الولايات المتحدة الامريكية تجاه اوربا الغربية في عهد الرئيس الامريكي هاري اس. ترومان 1945 - 1952 (دراسة تاريخية سياسية) اذ افادة الباحث في الفصلين الثالث والرابع لدراستهما الاوضاع السياسية العالمية في المدة موضوع الدراسة . ومن المصادر الاخرى الكتب العربية والمعربة التي تنوعت عناوينها ومؤلفيها سيما تلك التي تحدثت عن شخصية مكارثي ، او التي تتناول السياسة الامريكية ، واهمها كتاب (السناتور جو مكارثي) لمؤلفه ريتشرد هـ . روفيرى . واعتمد الباحث في معلوماته على النسختين العربية والانكليزية لوجود فارق كبير بينهما وعدم ترجمة اغلب صفحات الكتاب بعد مقارنة النسختين . وكتاب (المكارثية والمثقفون) لمؤلفه اريك بنتلي الذي اعطى معلومات عن تحقيقات لجنة النشاطات غير الامريكية ، وغيرها من الكتب التي اغنت الاطروحة بالمعلومات المهمة ، لانها حَوَتَ معلومات قيمة حول نشاطه ، اما الكتب الاجنبية فقد رفدت الاطروحة بمعلومات مهمة وعدت ركيزة اساسية في مصادر الاطروحة ، اذ اعتمد الباحث عليها بشكل كبير ابتداء من المرحلة الاولى لحياة مكارثي حتى وفاته ، وياتي في مقدمتها كتاب (تاريخ العالم من عام 1914 الى 1950 - World History from 1914 to 1950) لمؤلفه ديفيد تومسن (David Thomson) وكتاب (جوزيف مكارثي اعادة فحص حياة ولادت شيخ امريكي الاكثر كراهية - , Joseph McCarthy : Reexamining the Life and Legacy Of Americas Most Hated Senator لمؤلفه ارثر هيرمان (Arthur Herman) وكتاب ديفيد اوشنسكي (David M. Oshinsky) (المؤامرة الهائلة جدا عالم جوزيف مكارثي - A conspiracy So Immense : the World of Joe McCarthy) الذي شَخص جوانب عديدة من حياة مكارثي . ولم تهمل الدراسة الافادة من البحوث والمقالات المنشورة في الكتب الاجنبية التي كانت سباقة في نقل سيرة مكارثي ، واهم الاحداث في حياته المهنية ، اذ زودت الباحث بمعلومات مهمة. كما اعتمد الباحث على الموسوعات العربية والاجنبية وشبكة المعلومات الدولية الانترنت في الاطلاع على الوثائق المنشورة والكتب والمقالات العربية والاجنبية على حد سواء ، التي تضمنت معلومات مهمة عن افكار مكارثي السياسية . واخيرا ارجو من الله العلي القدير ان اكون قد وفقت في هذه الاطروحة التي اتمنى ان تشكل اضافة للدراسات العربية القليلة التي تعنى بهذه الموضوعات ، واضع هذا الجهد المتواضع بين ايدي اساتذتي الفضلاء شاكرا جهودهم القيمة في تثبيت ملاحظاتهم التي ستعزز القيمة العلمية للاطروحة ، فلهم مني شكري وتقديري وجزاهم الله عني خير الجزاء ، وما توفيقي الا بالله رب العالمين | The American Senator Joseph McCarthy is an important and influential political figure in American political life from 1950 to 1957, because he left a great influence on the entire American political life by establishing what is known in American history as McCarthyism, which can be defined as : The United States and McCarthyism are synonymous with serious accusations, but without clear evidence against high - ranking officials and even people in public life. McCarthyism was also used as a more comprehensive term to describe public practices by making false allegations and specifically by supporting pro - communism. The chapters of the Dissertatiion came to answer the questions and others, and we wanted to follow the chronological method in presenting the topics of the thesis, and was chosen in 1947 as the beginning of the subject of the year was the election of McCarthy as a member of the US Congress, while his death on May 2, 1957 end of the thesis. The first part of his dissertation includes the introduction of four chapters, a conclusion, and an appendix to the first chapter of McCarthy's career and career until 1945. His first topic covered the social milieu in which his family had lived and which had returned from the peasant families. The second topic focused on the place of his birth and origin, the conditions of his learning and how to crystallize his personality and the third degree on the practice of law and the judiciary and his professional career and how to deal with the issues that are presented to him, while the fourth section included his military career and the desired goals. Chapter II deals with McCarthy's political activity 1946 - 1949. The first topic was devoted to the study of his campaign and his victory in the Senate. The second topic was devoted to studying his activities in the Senate. While the third topic devoted to its activity in the legislative aspect and ideas that were put forward for the legislation of the law to end the rationing of sugar and the draft housing law. The fourth topic examined his activities on the supervisory side and his role in the investigations of the Malmedy Committee. The third chapter devoted to the study of the crystallization of McCarthyism and the fight against communism in 1950. His first topic dealt with the causes of anti - communism and the emergence of McCarthyism. In the second part, he highlighted the US State Department and the impact of McCarthyism. The third topic discussed the reasons for the investigation and report of the Tidings Commission. Chapter IV was devoted to the study of McCarthyism in the application 1951 - 1957. The first topic was to study McCarthy's growing influence. The second topic focused on the investigations of the governmental operations committee and its role in which the charges ranged from Voice of America radio, libraries, artists, artists and the military. The third topic was devoted to explaining the reasons for the end of McCarthy. While the conclusion was the most important results reached. Accordingly, the researcher obtained a variety of documents from the US Congress and the US State Department, which motivated the researcher to study McCarthy and his intellectual and political role in the United States of America in order to find out the hidden facts about him. Finally, I ask Allah Almighty to be successful in this Dissertation , which I hope to be an addition to the few Arabic studies dealing with these subjects. I put this effort in the hands of my distinguished professors, thanking their valuable efforts in establishing their observations which will enhance the scientific value of the . Allah rewarded me with the best reward, and my compromise except Allah the Lord of the worlds

العلاقات السياسية التركية - الايرانية 1923 - 1945 == Turkish - Iranian Political Relation 1923 - 1945

اسم المؤلف: صادق فاضل زغير الزهيري
اسم المشرف: عفراء عطا عبد الكريم الريس
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2017
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The Relation of turkey and Iran, which are Important and Strong Countries In the Middle - East , date back To Thousands years ago, The relations which characterised sometimes with tension sometimes with friendship have caused an inevitable interaction between the two countries throughout history. The choice of this topic was motivated by the importance of The role that these two countries play in the middle East Especially on the arab countries, including Iraq , and the great in Fluence of their policies in the reqion as a whole. The two Countries which Confronted with each Other Due To the Reasons such as Political/ Idealogical tension, geo - Strategical Rivalry, economic hegemony and religious Contraveysy In the Past, have started to get Closer to Each other since the owerthrown of the Kachar dynasty In Iran. In improving the relations of the Two States the Nationalist Charismatic leaders who have been the Main actors in Change and westernisation Policies, have Played Very important roles. Thus, The Contraversies Between The Two Countries Have Been Solved And The Relations have been Placed A solid legal Ground, ending the suspieion and Prejudice Characterised The relationships between the two states for Along Time. The Common Security Concerns Aspiration for Economic Social Development And Nationalist Modernist Aprroaches Have Forced Each Country To Cooperate with the Other One. Moreover, The Necesity for cmmon Combat Against Seperatiet Kurdish Movement which Thretaens both States is Anather factor which Affect the Two Countries' Relations. In The Process which Foreign (Outsider) Actors Have Also Involred, The Two States Recognised That If They Develop Peaceful Agreement And Cooperation Instead of Rivalry And Conflict, It Would Be more In Farour of Them, And They Shape Their Relations Accordingly. The Have Sustained This Policy as Long as Internal And External Factors Let to do So and They have Taken Place In Regional Cooperations, actin Together. The First Part of the Introductions Between the Two Countries from the Beginning of the Twentieth Century Until 1925, he Reviewed the Nature of the Relations Between the Countries And The Entry of the Ottoman forces Into Iranian Territory During the First world war, The Turkish Support of the Iranin Revolutionary Movements, The Diplomatic Contact Between the Two countries And the Courese of Their Political Relations, And Issue of Declaring the Republic In Iran. The Second Chapter Reviewed the Turkish - Iranian Treaty of 1926, The Problems of the Kurds on the Border And the Seduction of the 1930. The third Chapter Deals with Turkish - Iranian Agreements In 1932, And Reza Shah visit to Turkey in 1934. The Fourth Chapter Dealt with the Relations Between the Two Countries in the Period 1923 - 1945, The Turkish Policy In Iran's foreign Policy Relatians, Especially with Afghanistan And iraq, The Saadabad Charter, the Position of the Two Countries on world warII, and Turkey's Position On the Soviet - British Occupation of Iran.

الصراع السياسي في الصين 1966 - 1976 (الثورة الثقافية) == Political conflict in China, 1966 - 1976 (Cultural Revolution

اسم المؤلف: حسين عبد الكاظم عودة الحسيناوي
اسم المشرف: فرقد عباس قاسم المياحي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: دكتوراه
الجامعة: جامعة البصرة
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: البصرة
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The present study focused on the Cultural Revolution in the Republic of China 1966 to1976. Primary aim of this revolution was to take possession of the state authority by power, to get hold of things and to crush the resistance of old elites in the Party after Mao and his followers realized that the totalitarian regime and conflict over the authority is endless in the central committee of the communist Party in China. Broadly, this cultural revolution embodied a series of general and political crises that republic of China tolerated during the 20th century. Mao and his group focusing on the central function of this revolution which was to prevent China from turning into being Capitalistic and to adopt Mao's ideas Besides, this revolution aims at flourishing the ideological awareness so that people can free themselves through class struggle. Mao believed that manipulating the political, ideological and public and public processes of the revolution, Mao's proponents could accomplish their revolutionary goals and also make their economic and social improvement. But this resulted in heightening the political turmoil accompanied by sustained ideological struggles, swept through the whole state. Mao thought Leo Shao Shi and his fellow, Ding Shiow Beeing were adopting capitalism in their support of some groups and instigation against the cultural revolution which, accordingly, resulted in a distortion of their interior affair in the face of the Party and the people of China. This struggle was known as "conflict between two link". Although this type of struggle was not over between the president and Mao at the beginning, the latter was able to exert his sovereignty as a leader to the communist party in China, for he believes the Chinese communist party was the dominant power that had ruled for a long time during bureaucratic leadership that made it lose its communist values and revolutionary spirit. In response, communist China witnessed some accusations and criticism oriented towards the great political and military. Majors, even different categories of people as well as conflict movements. In addition, China witnessed the formation of a number of organizations and armed groups coincided these divisions and the armed conflicts, even within one organization or one group. The conclusion shows that throughout this study one can comprehend the final version of the cultural revolution in that it was a huge risk to Chinese policy since it was exploited by Mao who succeeded in eliminating the communist party on the inside and dismantling it. Mao and the group of the central revolution took the advantage of the unsettled situation in China in order to distort the reputation of those who work for the president, Leo, Which is part of their political attempt to disrepute the party leaders and their system. Further, Mao was able, via this revolution, practiced communist totalitarian and to spread hatred throughout the state. At the same time, he succeeded in accomplishing his primary aim which is to control the authority under the rule of his power. Though he progressively attempted to turn China into being socialist and communist based upon Marxism, these attempts reached a resounding failure

العلاقات السياسية الالمانية - اليابانية 1933 - 1941 == German - Japanese political relations 1933 - 1941

اسم المؤلف: حسام طعمة ناصر
اسم المشرف: حميد احمد حمدان التميمي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: دكتوراه
الجامعة: جامعة البصرة
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: البصرة
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: After the First World War (1914 - 1918), the history of the international relations has witnessed many conflicts, some of them were born from the womb of the mitigations that were founded by the victorious countries. And the return of Germany and Japan to the cycle of the conflict, during the thirties of 20th century was one of the results of those mitigations, after they both have suffered from the oppression of the Allies Forces. The yield of Japanese policy to the army influence early thirties decade of the 20th century, and seizing the rule by Nazi in Germany in 1933, was an announcement to start a huge transition in the international relations.In the light of those conditions, the research of Germany - Japan political relations has acquired unique position for history study of the international relationships between the two World Wars. This thesis specifically addresses (1933 - 1941) era, during which, particularity in 1933, the Nazi headed by Adolf Hitler took power, with all the changes that took place in both the internal and external policy of Germany and the giant transition towered Japan. The study is concluded in 1941, where Japan officially involved in the second World War beside Germany, specifically during the bombardment of American Pearl Harbor in December of that year.The methodology of the thesis addresses both events chronologically, and at the same time maintains subject cohesion. The thesis includes a preface and four chapters, beside this introduction, conclusion, and bibliography. The preface is dedicated to research the history of the Germanys - Japanese relations advancement, up to 1933. It focused on Germany’s role in building the modern Japan, and the colonial competition between the two countries in the Middle East area. The research consists of two themes, the first has discusses the ideological elements and the political circumstances that effected the rapprochement, while the second theme discusses Germany - Japan political relations during the 1935 - 1936 period and the ratification of the anti - communism agreement on October 1936.The second chapter studies the impacts of Japan’s expansion in China on Germany - Japan relationships from 1937 to 1938. This chapter includes three themes : the first one discusses the Germany’s policyGerman - Japan political relations 1933 - 1941 toward the Far East prior to July - 1937 China - Japan war. While the second theme follows up the Germany’s attitude toward Japan - China war, and the third theme explores the internal and external factors that forced Germany to stand beside Japan, sacrificing its economic interests in China.The third Chapter is divided into three themes; the first one studies the attempts of the Japanese army to consolidate the military alliance with Germany. While the second theme discusses the impact of Germany - Soviets nonaggression treaty on the tripartite alliance negotiations. The third theme highlights the Japan’s attitude toward the Second World War in the period from September 1939 until July 1940.The fourth chapter in its three themes unveils the political relations of the two countries in light of the tripartite alliance in 1940 - 1941. The first theme focusses on the agreement discussion of the Germany - Italy - Japan tripartite alliance. While the second theme discusses the Japan - Soviet neutrality agreement in April 1941, and the Japan attitude toward the attack of its own ally, Germany, on the Soviets territories. The third theme focuses on Germany’s attitude toward America - Japan negotiations, and the Japanese attack on the American Pearl Harbor on 7th December 1941, Japan’s evolvement in the war beside its allies the Axis against the United States and Brittan.The thesis is counted on a group of sources and references; the most significant ones are collections of German, Britain and American documentations, in addition to a number of foreign specialized books, researches, and academic studies concerning Japan and Germany.The thesis concludes that the Germany - Japan relationships were not fully harmonious, they were rather characterized by hesitancy, perhaps due to the domination sole interests of each country over the common goals of the alliance.

موقف الاردن من اتفاقية كامب ديفيد واثره على العلاقات مع الولايات المتحدة الامريكية 1977 - 1979

اسم المؤلف: اسعد كاظم جابر الغزي
اسم المشرف: اميرة رشك لعيبي الزبيدي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: دكتوراه
الجامعة: جامعة البصرة
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: البصرة
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The reason for choosing the subject was to know the Jordanian position regarding the Camp David Accords and its impact on US relations with Jordan from 1977 until 1979, which marks a turning point in Arab - American relations in general and Jordanian - American in particular. US Presidency .The importance of the study comes from the specificity of the stage covered by the conflict, which witnessed the intensification of the Arab - Israeli conflict and the entry of the parties into crises and wars. The Arab parties and the Jordanian side resorted in particular to seek the support of the United States, which strongly entered the Arab region to resolve disputes and to settle the settlement Both American and Israeli, because of the strategic relationship between the United States and Israel, which is the cornerstone of American foreign policy in the region .The Camp David Accords were an important turning point in history in the history of the Arab - Israeli conflict. The agreement, which was accompanied by protracted negotiations for nearly a year and a half, paved the way for the signing of a formal peace treaty on March 26, 1979 between Egypt and Israel. This led to close ties with the United States and a profound change in the strategic map of the Middle East .The Camp David Agreement is one of the issues affecting the two countries because of the Jordanian interests' ties with the United States of America through the active role of Jordan in the Arab region and its international relations with the major countries. Especially with the United States .The interest of the United States and its support for Jordan stemmed from the general interest of the United States in the Middle East. The Middle East was an advanced front for the West in a possible confrontation with the Eastern bloc. It contained vast reserves of raw materials needed by the West, most importantly oil, and at the same time a market for Western products Thus, the American perception centered on the statement that the one who controls the Arabian Peninsula and the Middle East controls the European continent. Therefore, the key to interpreting the US policy in Jordan was the result of his opposition to the Soviet threat and the associated elements Because of its geographical location and because of its interest in peace in the region. Jordan is a small country with few major economic resources, which has made it rely heavily on US foreign aid to compensate for the scarcity of resources and its need for economic and social programs to support growth. Great Population .ABSTRACTBThe United States has considered Jordan as the qualified party to take positions in support of US peace initiatives, but rather to call for a key role in the peace process .The United States views Jordan as a major party in its political vision of the nature and dimensions of the conflict, seeking to ensure its security and stability, which is thus reflected in ensuring Israel's security. In contrast, Jordan has taken advantage of the US interest in highlighting its regional role towards peace .The first chapter was entitled "Negotiations for the Settlement of the Arab - Israeli Conflict and its Impact on US - Jordanian Relations 1973 - 1977". The first topic focused on the October 1973 war and the Jordanian - American contacts. The American attempts to settle the conflict and the Jordanian position, 1973 - 1974, are also discussed in the third article; following the decisions of the Arab summit on the Jordanian position on the peace talks 1974 - 1976 .While the second chapter dealt with the direction of the administration of US President Jimmy Carter to settle the Arab - Israeli conflict and the Jordanian position in 1977. In the first part, he focused on the Jordanian position on American mediation until October 1977, and in the second part, the Jordanian position on the joint Soviet - American statement and Sadat's visit to Jerusalem .The third chapter explains the role of the United States in the Camp David talks, the signing of the 1978 - 1979 Egyptian - Israeli peace treaty, the recognition of mutual visits prior to the agreement, the details of the Leeds Castle Conference in July 1978, the transition to the White House announcement to call the Camp David Conference, The Camp David Summit, during its thirteen days, monitored and analyzed the proposed projects, which were presented to the agenda of the negotiations, and what was reached at the end of the conference, embodied in the Camp David Agreement and the Egyptian - Israeli Treaty. And the Egyptian - Israeli negotiations until September 1978. The second topic was the US hosting the Camp David conference and its role in the Egyptian - Israeli peace treaty 1978 - 1979 .The fourth chapter was entitled : The Jordanian Position on the Camp David Accords and the Egyptian - Israeli Treaty and its Impact on American - Jordanian Relations. The first topic dealt with the Jordanian reservations to the Camp David Accords and the American position on them. David at the Ninth Arab Summit in Baghdad, and the latter dealt with the impac

الشيعة ودورهم السياسي في لبنان 1920 - 1958 == Shia and their Political Role in Lebanon 1920 - 1958

اسم المؤلف: حسين عبد الحسين عباس الزهيري
اسم المشرف: خضير مظلوم فرحان البديري
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2016
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: واسط
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The title, “The Shiites and Their Political Role in Lebanon1920 - 1958” is among thecrucial issues in the political history of Lebanon. For it would explore a key component ofthe Lebanese society which has contributed to building political contemporary Lebanesestate. This is evidenced in the hypothesis of this study. The subject matter of this studyfalls within the socio - political history. Knowing that the researcher has come to pick theyear1920, as the beginning of his study,for it was the year in which the Shiite communalitywas forcedly annexed to the structure of the Lebanese state, the French mandate overLebanon was announced and the State of Greater Lebanon was established. Theresearcher has chosen 1958, as the closing year of the study, because it represented theexpiration of the first Lebanese Republic - an event that can be considered as thebeginning of a new era in Lebanon and one that was in many ways unlike previous eras.The study has been divided into an introduction, five chapters and a conclusionalong with a number of annexes. Chapter Oneis an introductory chapter dealt with thehistorical roots of the formation of Lebanese Shiite community well up to 1920. It containsa number of topics. These are the genesis of Shiite sect and its doctrine, the spread of theShiite sect in Lebanon, status of Shi'ite clerics in Lebanon, the Shiites under the 1516 - 1914 Ottoman Empire and finally, the activities of the Shiites in Lebanon from 1914 - 1920.Chapter Twodeals with addresses the efforts of theLebanese Shia in theestablishment of the State of Greater Lebanon in 1920 - 1926. It touches on several topics : the 1920 Conference of the Lebanese Shiites in Hujayr, their reactions on the 1920French mandate, along with the Niger’s campaign of French military against the Shiites ofLebanon in 1920, as well as the position of Lebanon's Shiites from the declaration of theGreat State of Lebanon in 1920, the inclusion of Lebanon’s Shiites in the 1921 census,the Lebanese representation in the Lebanese representative councils from 1922 - 1926, theShiite’s political anti - moves against the French authorities from 1920 - 1926, and down tothe state of division imposed among the Shiite sect over the 1926 Lebanese constitution.Chapter Threededicates to the attitude Shiites of Lebanon about the Lebaneseinternal situations in 1926 - 1936. The chapter referred to the extent of the participation ofLebanon's Shiites in the parliamentary elections from 1926 to 1936, and their seriousdesiresin the government’s representation for the same period, as well as Shiite orientationAbstractBtowards Lebanon union with Syria during the period of 1927 - 1936, the Shiites’ registrationin the 1932 census. The chapter alsodeals with Shiite reactions to French control overtheiragricultural areas leading to the 1936 uprising of Shiites in BintJbeil. The Shiite - Frenchclashes haveprecipitated the conclusion of the France - Lebanon treaty in 1936 - thetreaty which divided up Shia’s attitudes about it, prompting a segment of Shiites to blendinto the then Lebanese Republic.Chapter Four focuses on unification of the Shiites of Lebanon over the interiorissues of Lebanon 1937 - 1946. It has turned out that the rush of Shiites into theadministration of justice to them in elections, subsequent Lebanese Parliament sessions,and their claim to representation in the Lebanese government at the time as well as theShiites rejection of the coercive policy that was used against them during World War II andtheir objection of decrees 49 and 50 of 1943. The chapter as well goes over the 1943National Pact of Lebanon that helped secure the privileges of the Shiite community andtheir legal rights in the representation, the Shiite’s determination to hold on to the Republicof Lebanon following the Lebanon's independence in 1943 and foreign withdrawal thereof.Chapter Five addresses the role of Shiites in Lebanon's internal politicaldevelopments 1947 - 1958. It encompasses themes, chief of which are the Shiites’ movesto ensure their rights in the parliamentary and presidential elections and theirrepresentation in successive Lebanese governments. Shiites role was not restricted tothere, however. Rather, Shiites demands of reforms drove them to their participation in theLebanese uprising in 1952 and in the Lebanese political parties as well as their prominentnational role in the Lebanese revolution in 1958. As for the conclusion, it includes theoutcomesto which the researcher reached.Throughout the study, the researcher focuses on the position of nothing more thanthe Twelfth Sect of Shiite community in Lebanon and no other Shiite communities, such asthe Nasiri, Alawites and Ismaili scattered around Lebanon. Forthe Twelver is the biggestcommunity in number, exposed to the arbitrariness of the ruling authorities and successiveLebanese governments over the period 1920 - 1958. Not only this, the subject matter itselfhas not had its share of study in a separate and scientific academy way. It is thesereasonsthat would lendprodigiousstanding not on the topic only, but for choosing it as well.What is more, the researcher managed to respect the thematic unity in dealing withAbstractChistorical events encompassed by this study, in particular, the theme of the political partiesaddressed in Chapter Five that has been studied in detail, all at one over the study periodin question.The conclusions of this dissertation prove the following : The tyrannical policy against Shias does not change throughout Ottoman regime.Ottoman State attributes their conflict with Persian State to the Shias in all the places itgoverned. In addition, it does not confess Shia as one of the Islamic four doctrines.Besides, it legitimizes killing Shias and looting their money as well as women. However, thelaw of sects which was produced later by Sublime Porte confesses some of Shia's rights.The reason beyond this law was to increase the number of Muslims over the number offollowers of other religions in the Ottoman Empire who helps the great states in the war.This law lasts to the First World War in 1914 and the submission of Lebanon to the French occupation in 1920.New era of the Shiite sect has begun in 1920 when they rejected the French mandate in Lebanon and resisting it powerfully, particularly when the armed groups that led the armed resistance against the French have strengthened. Only the Shiite sect took this position while the others sects restored to more flexible stance so as to gain political benefits. Maronite and Sunni sects have agreed with the declaration of large Lebanon in1920 while none of the Shiite figures were invited to the ceremony because of their rejection to the French policy in Lebanon.The Shia have lost most of the advantages that other Islamic sects have gained because of the Shiite breakup among their leaders who are the representatives of the sect.this leads to surface representation. Besides, their rejection of the political work causes them to get away of the procedures followed by the French commission. Such procedures include blocking Shia from representation in parliament, to be included in the census in 1920, agreement on writing the constitution or declaring the republic in 1926, and finally the second census in 1932 which aggrieves Shia's rights. As such, Shia occupied the third rank in Lebanon since they were the first.Generally, the Shiite sect have not played its exact role in Lebanon because of the resistance of the French authorities who aligned with the other sects against Shia. This resistance was represented by preventing Shia to occupy sensitive positions in the state.This French policy has lasted throughout the occupation period and then to the independence era. Besides, most of the Shiite representatives served their personal affairs because they were feudalists. Thus, the Shiite suffered severe situations; they did not gettheir full political, economic, cultural rights and services. Accordingly, we suppose that Shia's rights have lost because of their representatives did not strived to gain their rights on a high level.On the contrary, the Shiite sect come to view noticeably through political crises in Lebanon, namely in 1943 when Shia led demonstrations reinforced by armed figures in their towns. First, they fought the French forces in the south, Hermel and Baalbek. Second,they demonstrated against the president, Bechara El Khoury, in1952.These demonstrations were large and covered most of Shiite towns. Their demand was to substitute the president by another one. Their efforts ended with nominating Camille Chamoun as the new presidentfrom 1952 - 1958. This event entered Shia a new era.

منظمة حلف جنوب شرق اسيا (ســـــياتو) 1954 - 1977 == Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO)1954 - 1977

اسم المؤلف: احمد حاشوش عليوي عبيد الحجامي
اسم المشرف: فاهم نعمة ادريس الياسري
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2016
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: واسط
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: Despite the role played by the South East Treaty Organization (SEATO) in the defence of Western interests in that region during the Cold War, there has to date been no scholarly attempt to examine the development and performance of the organization as a military alliance. This thesis is thus the first attempt to do so and as such seeks to take advantage of the recent release of much SEATO - related official material into the public domain by Western governments. This material throws new light upon SEATO’s aims and achievements, particularly in regard to the first ten years of its existence. Because SEATO was eventually rendered irrelevant by the events of the Second Indochina War (1965 - 1975) a popular perception has arisen that it was always a “Paper Tiger” lacking in substance, and thus easily dismissed. This thesis challenges this assumption by examining SEATO’s development in the decade before that conflict. The thesis analyses SEATO’s place in the wider Cold War and finds that it was part of a rational and consistent response within the broader Western strategy of containment to deter, and if need be, defeat, the threat of communist aggression. That threat was a very real one for Southeast Asia in the aftermath of the First Indochina War and one that was initially perceived in terms of the conventional military balance of power. This focus dominated SEATO’s strategic concepts and early contingency planning and rightly so, as an examination of the strength and development of the PLA and PAVN during this period demonstrates. SEATO developed a dedicated military apparatus, principally the Military Planning Office (MPO), that proved itself to be perfectly capable of providing the level of co - ordination and planning needed to produce a credible SEATO deterrent in this regard. SEATO enjoyed less success with its attempts to respond to the emergence of a significant communist insurgent threat, first in Laos then in South Vietnam, but the alliance did nonetheless recognise this threat and the failure of SEATO in this regard was one of political will rather than military doctrine. Indeed this thesis confirms that it was the increasingly disparate political agendas of a number of SEATO’s members that ultimately paralysed its ability to act and thus ensured its failure to meet its aims, at least insofar as the so - called “Protocol States” were concerned. But this failure should not be allowed to completely overshadow SEATO’s earlier achievements in providing a modicum of Western - backed stability and security to the region from 1955 - 1965.The vision of SEATO expansion disappeared during the Kennedy administration, but the organization did fulfill its primary military purpose in August 1964. Following attacks on US Naval vessels in the Gulf of Tonkin.President Lyndon B. Johnson addressed Congress on 5 August to ask permission for American military action in Vietnam. He justified the request with an invocation of the Southeast Asia Collective Defense Treaty and claimed that the treaty and its protocol on the former Associated States "obligated" an American response. Congress responded with the Tonkin Gulf Resolution on 7 August, and the United States soon became embroiled in its longest war since the American Revolution.The Vietnam War subsequently destroyed SEATO. Britain and France refused to give any substantial military assistance, and Pakistan withdrew from the organization entirely .After the war, the need for SEATO disappeared, and the remaining members disbanded in 1977.

سياسة الولايات المتحدة الامريكية تجاه كوريا الجنوبية (1961 - 1974) == Policy of the United States of America toward South Korea (1961 - 1974)

اسم المؤلف: طارق مهدي عباس الجبوري
اسم المشرف: فؤاد طارق كاظم العميدي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بابل
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The Study of the Foreign Policy of the United States of America is a vital and vital studies in the field of modern and Contemporary history as a Policy of divergent and fixed priorities, and the other variable and the importance of this study being linked to one of the most prominent pillars of national security in the North East Asia and the Pacific, Which represents the greatest threat to the safety of the United States of America in the Korean Peninsula, as the Most dangerous Nuclear Weapons Can still explode at any time, in addition to what contributed to the US Policy to find a State of Modernity and development in the Spring Political, Economic and Military generated in the Southern Part of the Korean Peninsula and transforming society from a society of poverty and Underdevelopment to innovation and community regeneration.can be described as poor for such important studies that combine the American orientations with the South Korean developments, Therefore, one of the reasons that led the researcher to choose is placed in the US - South Korean affairs. In addition, the post - Korean period is the beginning of the emergence of the modern South Korean state. It represents a pivotal stage for the beginning of the new history of the US - South Korean alliance, its role in building the South Korean people and its Contemporary historical development. It was in this sense that the subject of the study was chosen under the title "The United States Policy Towards South Korea (1961 - 1974)." John Kennedy first assumed the presidency of the US Administration, accompanied by internal transformations in South Korea and the coming of Park Chung. The end of the administration of Richard Nixon, and what has seen the reign of his administration of the effects of South Korean reality. The thesis consisted of introduction, introduction, three Chapters, a conclusion and a list of sources and references : The preamble entitled "The US Policy Towards South Korea1953 - 1960" included three aspects : The Political aspect concerns Washington's Policy toward South Korea, its Political issues, Diplomacy from the end of the war and its Military operations, with the signing of the truce on July 27, 1953 to 1960, the internal Political change in South Korea following the student revolution, the removal of the Sangman Re regime and the advent of the interim government Led by Chang Miyun. The Second aspect dealt with the role of the United States in rebuilding the economy and infrastructure of South Korea during the years 1953 - 1960.The Third aspect was the activation of the role of the United States Military Forces in South Korea and their use in civil and Economic activities, as well as in the development and assistance of South Korean Military forces during this period. The first chapter dealt with the Policy of the administration of John F. Kennedy towards South Korea 1961 - 1963, divided into five sections : The First part is the John F. Kennedy administration's policy on the internal political developments in South Korea, 1961 - 1962, following the Military Coup and the nature of the US position and Policy. The Second Part discusses John F. Kennedy's Administration's Policy towards the democratic transition in South Korea after Washington's Conditional acceptance of the South Korean Military Council on November 14, 1962, 1963, and the transformation of South Korea into a democratic approach. The Third topic addresses the efforts of the John F. Kennedy administration to normalize bilateral relations between South Korea and Japan, 1961 - 1963. The Economic dimension in the fourth topic, under the title : The role of the United States of America in guiding and developing the South Korean economy from 1961 to 1963, as the main factor in saving South Korea economically. The fifth topic dealt with the Military dimension of policy, John Kennedy, entitled : The Policy of John Kennedy's Military administration towards South Korea 1961 - 1963. Which was characterized by weakness and did not rise to advanced situations between the two countries in this area that the political factor is still in the process of maturation. The second chapter is entitled : Strategic Options for US Policy on South Korea during the Lyndon Johnson Administration 1963 - 1969. The First topic is the administration of President Lyndon Johnson and its success in the normalization of the South Korean relations of Japan 1964 - 1969, which constituted a major and strategic demand for Washington at this stage. The second topic : South Korea and the US strategy in Asia 1963 - 1969. And discussed two important points : First, the South Korean move towards the regional states in Asia and the American position from 1963 to 1969. This was a success for South Korean diplomacy and with the blessing and support of Washington, which led to the convening of the Asian Regional Council's conferences to support the American orientations.II. The nature of US policy towards South Korea in the wake of Pyongyang's provocations, 1966 - 1969.And discussed the third topic : the impact of the economic policy of the United States of America in the development and construction of the South Korean economy during the administration of President Lyndon Johnson 1963 - 1969, where it witnessed the most delicate stages of laying the foundations of the modern economy and renewed South Korea, as well as the best US in providing Economic Assistance and consultation Miscellaneous. He discussed the Fourth Section_ Lyndon Johnson's Military Policy Toward South Korea 1963 - 1969 : First, Lyndon Johnson's policy on the issue of reducing and regulating the status of US military forces in South Korea 1964 - 1969. Second, the alliance between the United States and South Korea in the Vietnam War 1964 - 1969. These aspects have been key factors in increasing the momentum of harmony, understanding and cooperation between Washington and Seoul and opening new horizons for their alliance in the region. The fourth chapter examines Richard Nixon's policy toward South Korea, 1969 - 1974. Three investigations included : The first part was devoted to the study of the Nixon administration's policy on Pyongyang's provocations against South Korea (1969 - 1974), which showed US adherence to the option of escalating Positions with North Korea and pushing all forces toward appeasement and containment of crises. While the second topic discussed the political impact of the Nixon Doctrine on South Korea, 1969 - 1974, which affected several internal and external political aspects, which constituted a real Challenge to the US - South Korean Relations, led to cracks that almost died in harmony between the two sides, South Korean Political reality. The third topic : Nixon's Economic Policy towards South Korea, 1969 - 1974, also set up in some of its stations a climate of mistrust and divergence of views, but remained where the US funds are the biggest hand in supporting the South Korean Economy. The last topic is : The Military Impact of the Nixon Doctrine on South Korea, 1969 - 1974. Where the military transformation of the large and reduce the presence of US forces in South Korea and the resulting Military implications for the Modernization of the military capabilities of the South Korean forces, in addition to government intersections between the executive and legislative US and the impact of its results on Seoul's acquisition of military modernization required, as well as the Korean disengagement South of the Vietnam War following the cessation of Military escalation and acceptance of the truce and foreign withdrawal.

سياسة انكلترا الخارجية 1307 - 1272 == England Foreign Policy 1272 - 1307

اسم المؤلف: محمد عبد الرضا موسى
اسم المشرف: كريم مطر حمزة الزبيدي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بابل
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: تعد الدراسات في العصر الوسيط الاوربي من الدراسات التاريخية المهمة, اذ لم يسلط عليها الضوء بشكل كاف والغور في احداث ذلك العصر واشباعه بحثا وتحليلا. ولا شك ان لدراسة تاريخ انكلترا في العصور الوسطى اهمية بالغة نظرا لمكانة تلك المملكة في اوروبا والعالم في العصر الوسيط وما الت اليه تلك المملكة بعد ذلك, فهذه المدة التاريخية التي تناولناها في هذه الاطروحة (1272 - 1307) كانت بداية جادة لتوحيد الجزر البريطانية بقيادة انكلترا تحت مظلة مملكة واحدة موحدة فقد تمكنت انكلترا من السيطرة على ويلز بالقوة والحال نفسه ينطبق على اسكتلندا على الرغم من الصعوبات والتقلبات الي شهدتها السيطرة الانكليزية هناك, فضلا عن تبعية ايرلندا لانكلترا. ومن جانب اخر عد الملك ادوارد الاول الذي حكم انكلترا ابان تلك المدة من ابرز ملوك انكلترا في العصر الوسيط ان لم يكن ابرزهم على الاطلاق, كما تميز عهده الذي امتد طيلة خمسة وثلاثين سنة بوافر من الاحداث ولاسيما على المستوى الخارجي بدءا من الجزر البريطانية ومرورا بممالك اوروبا وصولا الى الشرق الاسلامي. ولعل ذلك من جملة ما دفعنا وحفزنا على البحث والكتابة في هذا الموضوع بعد توكلنا على الله تعالى لاختيار موضوع الاطروحة والموسوم ( سياسة انكلترا الخارجية 1272 - 1307). وقد تضمنت الاطروحة اربعة فصول مسبوقة بمقدمة وتحليل لما ورد في المصادر وتعقبها استنتاجات وملاحق وقائمة بالمصادر, وقد بحثنا في الفصل الاول دور الامير ادوارد في ظل حكم ابيه الملك هنري الثالث لانكلترا (1239 - 1272) اما الفصل الثاني فقد تناول السياسة الصليبية لانكلترا ودورها في حل النزاع الاوربي حول صقلية, وشرعنا في الفصل الثالث لتتبع النزاع والحرب ما بين انكلترا وفرنسا خلال المدة (1293 - 1303) وكان محورها دوقية جاسكوني ومحاولة المملكتين السيطرة عليها, وجاء الفصل الرابع ليوضح سياسة انكلترا تجاه اسكتلندا (1286 - 1307). شهدت انكلترا خلال النصف الثاني من القرن الثالث عشر وبداية القرن الرابع عشر الميلاديين جملة من الاحداث المهمة على الصعيد الخارجي, تمثلت في تطورات ملحوظة في مختلف جوانب الحياة السياسية والاجتماعية والاقتصادية, انعكست على مؤسسات المملكة على كافة الصعد التشريعية والتنفيذية والقضائية والعسكرية, اذ كانت السياسة الخارجية لانكلترا في ذروتها على الرغم ان اغلبها اتسمت بطابع الحروب والقوة والتوسع. ولا شك ان الحروب الكثيرة التي قامت بها انكلترا قد جعلت خزينة المملكة خاوية ومدينة في اغلب الاحيان, وبالتالي فان تكلفة تلك الحروب وقيامها تقع في معظمها على كاهل المواطنين الانكليز عبر فرض الضرائب او جنودا للقتال في تلك المعارك, وبالرغم من ذلك كان هناك قبولا ولو على مضض وهم يرون ان مملكتهم تتوسع رقعتها وتزداد هيبتها, فضلا عن رغبتهم بالحصول على الغنائم ان استطاعوا ذلك وهذا ما ينطبق ومنطق العصور الوسطى. سعى الملك ادوارد الاول في تكوين امبراطورية كان يتوق اليها عبر توحيد الجزر البريطانية تحت سلطة التاج الانكليزي فضلا عن سعي انكلترا للاحتفاظ باخر ممتلكاتها القارية وهي جاسكوني ونجحت في ذلك الى حد كبير, الا ان ذلك جاء نتيجة حروب وقتال راح ضحيتها الالاف من سكان تلك الجزر, وبذلك يمكن القول ان فكرة توحيد تلك الجزر ترسخت اكثر خلال عهده. | During the second half of the thirteenth century and the beginning of the fourteenth century, England witnessed a number of important events on the external level. These were notable developments in various aspects of political, social and economic life, which were reflected in the Kingdom's institutions at all levels of legislative, executive, judicial and military. Of England at its peak, although most of them were characterized by the nature of wars, force and expansion. In the first chapter we discussed the role of Prince Edward under the reign of his father King Henry III of England (1239 - 1272). The second chapter dealt with the crusader policy of England and its role in solving The first was to trace the crusade of England from 1274 to 1291, and the attempts of King Edward I of England, to A crusade to the Middle Islamic and contacts Papacy other foreign powers to do that campaign, and the third section the role of England and its king Edward the first in resolving the European dispute over the Kingdom of Sicily for the period between the year (1284 - 1289). In chapter 3 we began to trace the dispute and the war between England and France during the period (1303 - 1303), centered on the Duchy of Gaskone and the attempt of the two kingdoms to control it. Chapter IV explains England's policy towards Scotland (1286 - 1307). From the above, we can deduce a number of points : - The Character of King Edward I was refined in a good framework and gradually with the stages of progress of his life, the responsibilities entrusted to him at an early age and his participation in the formulation of political events in England as well as personal involvement in battles The parliamentary institution under the reign of King Edward I witnessed a remarkable development by representing large sections of the English people, especially the Model Parliament in 1295, although the king's main purpose was to obtain funds by authorizing the Parliament to impose taxes. That On the other hand put another brick in the evolution of the legislative institution in England to be representative of all strata. King Edward I worked hard to carry out a crusade that would be reprisal and personal consideration after the failure of his campaign with the King of France Louis IX in 1270 - 1272. England and the other European kingdoms had the lead in it, but it did not succeed where the conditions and preparations were not appropriate. The Englishman comes first regardless of his strong desire to carry out this campaign. He can not risk his rule in England for the Crusaders in the East unless he is sure that this does not pose a threat to his rule. Proof of this is his confiscation of money and Crusader infidelity, She desperately needs to meet his expenses Internal or external wars. The Duchy of Gascone was the compass of Anglo - French relations, which was dominated by tension and attraction, especially with the ambition of French King Philip IV to annex the Duchy to his property and expand his influence at the expense of the King of England, which he was able to control already for nearly a decade, but King Edward was able to retrieve With great difficulty after losing a fatal mistake, to maintain at least the last part of English property in France King Edward I sought to form an Empire he longed for by unifying the British islands under the authority of the English Crown. He succeeded in doing so to a great extent, but this was the result of wars and fighting using iron and fire, which claimed the lives of thousands of inhabitants. The islands became more established during his reig.

التطورات التاريخية للنزاع البريطاني الارجنتيني حول جزر الفوكلاند : حرب عام 1982 انموذجا == Historical Developments Of The British Argentian Dispute Over The Falklands Islands 1982 War As A Model

اسم المؤلف: علي عدنان عبد سعد الشمري
اسم المشرف: عصام عبد الحسين نومان الدليمي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2017
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بابل
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate,Praise be to Allah, Lord of the Worlds. Prayer and peace upon Prophet of prophets and messengers Mohammad and his progeny and his best followers to the day of judgment, One of the important necessities for any academic researcher specialized in modern European history is to shed light on a subject or important event as long as operates the interest of specialized researchers and learners in the field of modern history, especially the subjects and events that raised argument in the scientific circles as it has no specialized expanded academic universal study. After studying, search, prospecting and discussion researcher has chosen (historical developments in the British Argentinian struggle over the Falkland Islands the war of 1982 as an exemplar). So I consulted my respected supervisor and some of my respected teachers and found a great welcome. I put my trust in God and decided to try in this field. It is clear that for each study there is an aim and my aim of this study is to give a deep and clear idea about the dramatic background that is still vague about the nature of this important historical incident and to shed light on the long exhaustion process the British and Argentinian which has its roots from the age of geographical discoveries till 1833. It is important to notice that the researcher has tried his best to keep a possible objective picture of the facts and analyze events and incidents of the study and make them the core of research which left a wide debate about the real owner of these islands. The researcher depended on data of the historical method in documenting the incidents of this study and its changes and the developments that joined it and the result incurred. The nature of research demanded to be based on three chapters preceded by a preface and followed by conclusion presented the important findings of the study in addition to a list of resources and references used in this study,The preface gives a geographical and historical brief about the Falkland Islands till 1914.So the first pivot is the geographical one and it includes the study of the natural geographical features of these islands,Geographical characteristics of mankind "demographic", while the share of the second axis, a historical axis is the study of the historical roots of international conflict over the Falklands, as well as the study of international disputes and conflicts over those islands,As for chapters study have to stop the first chapter of the importance Elchibolatkih to the Falkland Islands and its location in the area of international conflict, and this chapter included four sections : the first : the Falkland Islands during the period of World Wars I and II, and the second chapter : economic importance to the Falkland Islands and its impact on the British - Argentinean relations, and the third the crisis of the Falklands as part of political negotiations between the British, Argentina and internationalization of the United Nations (1945_1974), and fourth : developments crisis in light of the political negotiations between Britain and Argentina, and its impact within UNITED NATIONS (1975_1982), and ensure that Chapter II study of political and economic developments in the British, Argentina and orientation towards war Falklands has included four Detectives also : first : Political and economic realities in Britain, Argentina and its impact on the Falklands (1981 - 1982), and the second phase of the crisis (March - 2 April 19 1982), and the third : the military operations (April 2 to June 14, 1982), War Results of the Falklands and its impact on reality Britain and Argentina and the Falkland Islands, and there was talk in the third chapter on the international and regional situations of the Falklands war, Has continued on two detectives : first : attitudes international and represented the position of both the UN Security Council, the US position and the Soviet and French and NATO, the North Atlantic and the market of European common, the Vatican and Israel, while the second section : attitudes regional and there was talk of the positions of both the Organization of American States and the position of Brazil, Peru, Chile and Bolivia and Colombia, Costa Rica, Uruguay, and a treatise on its contents based on a wide range of sources varied according to the requirements of chapters, during which many of the official documents published, Especially documents from the United Nations, and documents Foreign and Commonwealth Office, the prime minister British, as well as documents and German foreign ministry and the US State Department, and the White House, US as well as intelligence documents US Central (CIA), as well as documents Wiki Leaks, either the documentation is published are : Archive personal documents Constantine Davidoff, and adopted a researcher at the completion of the treatise on the total sources varied between Arab and foreign books, treatise and theses , as well as newspapers and published research.

حروب الوردتين في انكلترا (1455 - 1485) : دراسة تاريخية == Wars of the Roses in England (1455 - 1485)A Historical Study

اسم المؤلف: رشا مجيد منديل الحاجم
اسم المشرف: ماجد محيي عبد العباس الفتلاوي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2017
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بابل
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The Wars of the Roses was the name given to the English civil wars fought roughly between 1455 and 1485. The principal conflicts took place in 1455 - 1460 (First War), 1460 - 1483 (Second War), and 1483 - 1485 (Third War). The wars developed during the reign of King Henry VI (1422 - 1461) , and the outgrowth of the conflict with the Duke of York to be the direct causes of the outbreak of the war,York was killed at the battle of Wakefield. His son Edward IV (1461 - 1483), the first Yorkist king, decisively defeated the Lancastrians in 1461. His reign was punctuated by a Second War, in which Warwick the Kingmaker made Henry VI briefly king again (the Readeption, 1470 - 1471). Edward recovered his throne at the battles of Barnet and Tewkesbury. Following Edward IV’s death and the succession of his son Edward V, in 1483, the throne was usurped by Edward’s uncle, Richard III (r. 1483 - 1485), who was overthrown at the battle of Bosworth in 1485 by Henry Tudor, who reigned as Henry VII (1485 - 1509). Thesis Included, preface, four chapters, further to the introduction and conclusion, preface Devoted, which came under the title (the general situation and the nature of the monarchy in England system until the year 1337) to shed light on the general situation in England since the Norman Conquest until the outbreak of the Hundred Years War between England and France, to address political, economic and social to situations in England during this period and then touched on the nature of the hereditary monarchy system in England and the rules that have been used in the Middle Ages. The first chapter (introductions and the causes of War of the Roses), which consisted of three sections, studied the historical roots of the wars of the Roses, which has its origins traced back to the reign of King Edward III, then explained chapter the effects and reflections of Hundred Years War between England and France on the internal situation in England and being of the outbreak of War of the Roses factors, the illustrate the case of political conflict in the early reign of Henry VI and the outgrowth of the conflict with the Duke of York to be the direct causes of the outbreak of the war. While the second chapter which marked (the first phase of the Roses 1455 - 1460 war) and be one of the three sections discussed by the beginning of the outbreak of war between the Lancaster and the York in the battle of St Albans first and the conduct of battles and military campaigns between the two parties and the victory of York at this juncture and Richard Duke York take over the Regency of England. While the third chapter (the second stage of the War of the Roses (1460 - 1483) and be one of the three sections is also studying the longest duration of this war, which were highlighting the significant role played by Queen Margrethe Of Anjou Henry VI's wife and her leadership to the of Lancasters In their struggle with the Yorks and its defense of the right of her son on the throne against attempts to remove him from the throne and the most prominent military campaigns during this period, which resulted in a loss of Lancaster to the throne and the arrival of Edward the fourth son of Richard Duke of York, to power. The fourth chapter (the end of the War of the Roses and their results (1483 - 1485)) to study the final phase of the wars of the Roses, which almost three years, but it was eventful and developments in the process of conflict consisted chapter of Investigation three also discussed the demise of the House of Lancaster and the arrival of the third Richard to power after that usurped the throne by force of his nephew Edward V and then the emergence of a new prosecutor for the throne of England, but it is Henry Tudor, which was estimated to be the end of the wars of the Roses on his hand and then was showing notable results and effects of the wars of the Roses on England in the various political, economic and socialists aspects . thesis Pena conclusion the main conclusions reached by the dissertation.

العلاقات السياسية المصرية التونسية 1956 - 1970 == The Egyptian - Tunisian Political Relations 1956 - 1970

اسم المؤلف: فاطمة فالح جاسم الخفاجي
اسم المشرف: صالح جعيول جويعد السراي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2016
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: ذي قار
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The Egyptian - Tunisian political relations of the vital topics andimportant in the history of the Contemporary Arab world because ofthe close contact with the emergence of national and patriotic feelingwhich targeted the salvation of colonialism and anti - Europeandomination in all its forms and to obtain independence, as it enjoysboth countries important and influential geographical location, ascharacterized relations between Egypt and Tunisia instability, as it wastense at times and up to the point of severance of diplomatic relationsbetween the two parties, and at other times looking for ways to boostbilateral relations, and for this period of study it has witnessed manystages of the push and pull and tension in political relations, marred bya lot of uncertainty and mutual accusations between the parties aboutthe responsibility of each party to the degradation of these relations.Accordingly, we decided to study the subject and to give a clearpicture of these relationships in an attempt to shed light on the politicalaspect of the relations between the two countries, was identified in, the beginning of the study because it is the public who wasrepresenting Gamal Abdel Nasser took the Egyptian presidency inJune and also saw Tunisia's independence by protocol twentiethfrom March , after the French occupation of Tunisia ended, whenhe came in to be the end of the study being the year in which hedied, Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser, who counted the end ofan important stage of the history of Egypt.Required by the nature of the study, divided into four chapterspreceded by an introduction and followed by a conclusion, relying inthe division on the chronology in the presentation of facts andhistorical events in time and place and to develop the facts of which,analyzed and linked to each other so as to be visible in the historicalcontext, each chapter deals with the subject of an integrated selfcontained,which included the first chapter ((Egypt and TunisianNational Movement - )).The second chapter has reviewed ((Egyptian - Tunisian PoliticalRelations between - )) and be one of the four sections, theAbstractBfirst section discussed the political developments in Egypt in , theTunisian them and position, while the second section focused on theEgyptian position of the United States' policy US to Tunisia in ,through the study of the impact of the Eisenhower Doctrine on theEgyptian - Tunisian relations, spoke of the third section of theestablishment of the United Arab Republic in , the Tunisian themand position, while devoted the fourth section to follow twoassassination attempts Habib Bourguiba in and their impact onthe Egyptian Tunisian relations, the fifth was devoted to the study ofthe position of the United Arab Republic of Tunisia join the ArabLeague in .The third chapter study of the subject ((Swing Egyptian - TunisianPolitical Relations from to )) and the Department of turn foursections, the first dealt with the position of the United Arab Republic ofTunisian - French dispute over Bizerte base from to , camesecond section highlights the Egyptian - Tunisian Solidarity to addressthe problem of the course of the Jordan River diversion in , andthe third section presents Habib Bourguiba project for the settlement ofthe Arab - Israeli conflict in and the reactions of the United ArabRepublic, and the fourth section has touched on the Islamic allianceand the intensification of the Tunisian - Egyptian competition fromto .Chapter IV Treated ((A Reflection of the Arab - Israeli Conflict onthe Egyptian - Tunisian Political Relations ( - ))), which aredistributed to five sections, the first was Tunisia's position on the war inJune and its impact on the Egyptian - Tunisian convergence, asthe second topic included Egyptian efforts - Tunisian to remove theeffects of the aggression in , while the third section dealt with theEgyptian stances and Tunisia from the incident burning of Al - Aqsamosque in , and touched on the fourth section of them to theEgyptian - Tunisian relations, according to US policy in the light of the Arab - Israeli conflict in , it has also allocated fifth topic of study Cairo Conference and the death of Gamal Abdel Nasser in and reverberation it in the Tunisian Republic.In summary it can be observed that the Egyptian - Tunisian relations were not at the same pace but differentiated to some extent by the nature of each issue of international and surrounding circumstances, and relations between the two countries went through during the period ( - ) and tidal, which was dominated by the state of tension and the thing that you should pay attention to him thatinstability and differences in the relations between Bourguiba and Abdel Nasser is probably due to the similarity of the desire of both of them, led by the Arab world, or because of Nasser's the fact that it was supportive of his nemesis Salah Ben Youssef, differing deological Nasiriyah for Bourguibism, as well as personal differences, It is also noted that Tunisia has always been the first to cut off political relations with the United Arab Republic, which is returned by, as days showed Bourguiba experience and statesmanship.

لويس فيليب (1773 - 1850) سياسته الداخلية والخارجية == Louis Philippe (1773 - 1850) His Domestic And Foreign Policy

اسم المؤلف: نرجس كريم خضير الخفاجي
اسم المشرف: نعيم كريم عجيمي الشويلي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2016
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: ذي قار
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: History of the European track of many of the characters prestigious in the community, especially at the Political level to the effect that left on the reality in which they live and the different effects and orientation, according to the environment in which and the Place they operate in our society lived as well as cultural and Social level where it grew up. The subject of the study has a personal political dimensions because of the high Social status are returning to one of the oldest royal families in the European continent, Louis Philippe is due relative to the Orleans family of one the branches of the royal family Bourbon which ruled France for centuries. He is the first and the last of the Orleans family, he rule France after 1830 July Revolution which ended the rule of the Bourbon finally in France and overthrew his cousin Charles X of topping Louis throne of France according to the will of the French people under "King citizen's "name was his 18 years. The last ten years of his reign has seen political turmoil, reflected in the large number of ministries, which amounted about ten ministries, as well as numerous attempts to assassinate the king especially, making it a sign of the fact that the French people have tired of the case that it is the one who has not seen a change from the before, Louis near to him bourgeoisie class and former kings near the clergy and nobility classes. As well as economic situation is not good, low wages and had working conditions and prices on rise. We can not overlook the cultural evolution of the country schools have increased and there were in each region and in creased students obviously, and it began to hear the voices of the speakers in parliament. This expanse of freedom has encouraged people to claim their rights especially the electoral impact of the opposition leaders who have helped increase knowledge and cultural awareness of the French community to claim their rights guaranteed by the constitution, which led the king oath of allegiance.The constitutional king did not learn alesson, which before him and he did not win people to his side, he neglected the poor and workers who deteriorating situation much because the industrial evolution of the country making the community living on a volcano waiting for a time in which explodes. It come that decisive to feel the community on his finished page of the monarchy in France to begin a new era in France, where the new regime is trying to take advantage of the mistakes of the previous eras and rise in the country at all levels and fields. At the same time, at every body hopes to be the next new good on the country for all members of Society without discrimination of sectarian. The study was divided in to four chapters included the first chapter about his life and education as well as impact resulting from the position of the French 1789. The chapter two studied the circumstances that created the situation for Louis Philippe the throne of France and main development in the period of the rule until 1845. The chapter three searched about French foreign policy at the European continent and its position on the Belgian Revolution 1830 and Italian Revolution 1831, and the issue of conflict on the throne of Spain and Portugal during the period of Louis Philippe. The chapter four explained the French internal political developments that led to the outbreak of the Revolution 1848 with mention the biography events Revolution until Louis Philippe waivered about his throne then he left France towards to Britain until his death. The study was based on number of sources to be distributed between documents and sources of Arabic and foreign as well as build on some the previous academic studies that were related to the study as well as other sources have been mention in the of sources.

التيارات الفكرية في ايران 1905 - 1979 == Intellectual Trends in Iran (1905 - 1979)

اسم المؤلف: كاظم دويخ صبيح
اسم المشرف: عباس حسين مجيسر الجابري
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2016
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: ذي قار
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The study of The Intellectual Trends in Iran (1905 - 1979) - which is the timeframe for our scholarly study - fall within one of , or rather the most, important links in the contemporary history of Iran. For it addresses the bulk of contemporary period falling between Constitutional and Islamic revolutions, passing through all eventful and transitional periods of political life in Iran. Besides, the inflow of diverse Western ideas into Iran including that of Liberalism, Nationalism, Socialism, as well as that of progressive Islamic ideas with which various segments of Iranian society have interacted which helped generated afterwards Islamic parties, organizations and associations that have rumbled on Iranian political scene. Hence, the researcher’s choice of the subject matter. He aimed at finding out the historical truth behind the evolution and practices of those schools of thought, investigating all data and information that reflect their intellectual structures along with other studies in order to complete the historical picture or scene of that significant stage of contemporary history of Iran. The study has been organized in an Introduction, five Chapters and a Conclusion. Chapter One presents the economic, social, political and cultural structures and transformations experienced by the Iranian society starting off from the last decades of the nineteenth century down to the end of the period at which this study concludes. For those structures and transformation are of great importance to take stock of the circumstances through which the then society has been going that allowed Western ideas to flow into and spread across Iran. Besides, they would pave the way for demonstrating how those Western ideas found its way in and rolled into the Iranian nation. As for Chapter Two, it deals with the liberal intellectual movement and its evolution in Iran along with the Constitutional Revolution, which represented the first real experience of the liberals through which they were able to lay down the liberal practices on democratic foundations, as exemplified in restricting the king’s power, enacting the constitution and establishment of the parliament. we then go over the development process of the liberals starting from the First World War until the coup against Mossadeq and their oscillating relationships with Reza Shah. The Chapter also presents the most prominent liberal thinkers, liberal political organizations, and the most important issues raised by the liberals.In Chapter Three, dedicated to the national trend, we dealt with religious and national distribution of population in Iran. The Chapter explores also the factors that helped the national trend to rise and develop in Iran represented by several revolutionary movements such as (Nehzat - e Jangal “Forest movement”, Semco, Sheikh Mohammed Al Khiabani ), as well as political movements that took place by the end of World War II in the regions of Azerbaijan, Kurdistan, Arabstan. The Chapter finally touches on the nationalist parties and organizations in Iran, and the efforts of each one of them towards the pro - autonomy and establishment of independent republics of Azerbaijan and Mahabad.Chapter Four discusses the topic of intellectual Marxist trend and follows up on its evolution and activities under the dictatorship of Reza Khan. The Chapter, then, covers the most prominent Marxist thinkers, and Marxist political organizations highlighting their positions at both national and international levels. Chapter Five, which is the final chapter of the study, is concerned with the topic of Islamist intellectual trend (Shiite ideology) in terms of its foundation and evolution, and tracks afterwards its evolving process over the period (1905 - 1941), in light of its interaction with Western concepts infiltrated into the country. The Chapter explores also the religious establishment, its different views on the constitutional revolution, and then the Shiite Islamic thought during the period (1963 - 1979). The Chapter turns to investigate the Shiite Islam during the years (1963 - 1979) represented by the rise of Imam Khomeini on the political scene and his leadership of the Islamo - fundamentalist renewal from whitin the religious establishment. The Chapter then goes on to present the most prominent thinkers of the Islamic revolution, and the evolution of political Islamic organizations, and the most prominent positions and issues that they put forward. As for the main conclusions drawn from the study following a careful analysis of the facts contained in its five chapters, they are : The liberal trend has contributed significantly throughout the contemporary history of Iran in highlighting national thought and drawing the attention of the people of Iran towards the prospects for freedom and independence away from colonial powers and their meddling in Iran's internal affairs. All this in turn pushed to the outbreak of revolutions in the country, such as the Tobacco Revolution, Constitutional Revolution and the Nationalization of the oil industry. This trend also played a role, along with others, in the success of the Islamic revolution in 1979.As for the national movement, it has been destined to be short - lived in the Iranian state, for there was a lack of cultural and social atmosphere that might have helped it to survive and thrive. Besides, the idea of nationalism is a Western import and thus was not derived from within the conscience of Iranian society. Moreover, Iranian nationalism was not preceded by social and economic reforms necessary to establish a comprehensive renaissance as it was the case for Western nationalism.The Marxist trend has been reduced to the Tudeh Party and some small radical parties. Even though the party has an organization structure, educated cadres, and practices of different political activities spread out across the country as well as a remarkable press network, the party did not take advantage of all those factors as required; the party has the least impact on the course of political and social events in Iran.As to the Islamic trend, that is taken root in the Iranian society, the then prevailing circumstances forced it to take a defensive position of Islam as a valid way of life, especially given that the responsibility of underdevelopment whose its consequences experienced by the Iranian society at the time were being rested with Islam.Following the anti - Mossadeq coup in 1953, the Islamic trend has prevailed political and social scenes starting off and establishing the notion of Islamic Revolution led by Imam Khomeini in 1979, and applying the velayat - e faqih (The Guardianship of the Islamic Jurist), which took the Shiite Islam to the farthest it can dig back, namely, the Islamic Government.

التيارات الفكرية في العراق 1908 - 1968 == Intellectual Currents in Iraq

اسم المؤلف: سلمان رشيد محمد الهلالي
اسم المشرف: عبد الرسول شهيد عجمي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2016
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: ذي قار
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The last of the twentieth century in Iraq, a century of multiple disparate intellectual currents. Consider as this country , was over the multi - cultural history starting from the Sumerians and the Akkadians, Babylonians, Arameans, and ending with the early Islamic ages, a pioneer in human achievement and cognitive literary and rationality primitive, democracy and the fields, and the cradle of movements, sects and creeds, religious, philosophical, linguistic and mystical currents, and became during this century recipient key for most of the concepts and trends that have emerged in Europe, especially liberalism and Marxism and nationalism, which interacted with the intelligentsia of Iraq (intelligentsia) positively, as an unilateral way of enlightenment and modernization, and the similarity with the Iraqis learners in order to change and reform the political and social reality, moving towards the rational and civil adoptive. This Thessis is a historical, an intellectual and political study of the three intellectual currents in Iraq. It is, according to the time , the influence and the cultural proliferation (liberalism, Marxism and nationalism) with a review of the historical development of the political and intellectual process of which passed out during the time period prescribed for the study, and the statement of the curriculum, schools and doctrines that investigated these currents resources and the sources of ideology, or those affected by them directly or indirectly and the inclusion of branches accompanying and formats and styles that came out of them, and organizations and partisan intelligentsia affiliate, or those who claimed that, with a review for the main concepts and objectives issues advocated by or promoted during this phase of our contemporary history.The thesis included the introduction, four chapters , a conclusion and a list of sources. The first chapter (the society , the state and intelligentsia in contemporary Iraq from 1908 to 1968). Reviewing social structures in Iraq, which is basically divided into : religious and sectarian structures. The structures of ethnic, racial, ingredients and minorities that followed, and the review of traditional social actors politically such as the family and the tribe, caste, ethnic, and historical evolution of her during the study phase, and the transformations that have occurred as a result of changes in the governance systems, and the emergence of secular currents of thought in the country. While the concept of the state in modern Iraq, and problematic incorporation, as a centre in the second section, with an indication of the general approaches that led to the failure of a project of this state, particularly the influence of political sectarianism, racism and monopolizing power and the intervention of the army in politics. The third section has singled out the Iraqi Intelligentsia, public function, and the factors that contributed to the emergence and cultural resources that advocatedty public perceptions, with the division of multiple cultural generations in the country during this phase.The second chapter, has dealt with the subject of the liberal trend in Iraq, starting with the review of all the historical evolution of the doctrine of the Liberal in Europe and the challenges faced by this movement in the twentieth century, and the role of the renaissance generation in the promotion and consolidation of this concept in the Mashriq. As in the second theme topic is enterested in showing the early liberalism and their four tributaries in Iraq : the French Enlightenment, the Arab renaissance, the constitutional revolution in Iran in 1905 and the revolution federal in the Ottoman Empire in 1908, and the subsequent declaration of the Constitution and the founding of the party organizations and the release of press freedom and political participation through elections. The third section has singled out a review of the historical development of the current liberal in Iraq through the phase 1908 - 1968 and the role of the British Mandatory authorities in promoting this trend and strengthened it by the desire to establish or develop a concept of (state) semi - liberalism, and the formation of the constitutional and governmental institutions and support public freedoms and the party life, with manifestations of regression in the democratization of liberal inclusion of life after the death of King Faisal I in 1933, the accumulation stages of decline that culminated in 1958 by the July revolution, and shed the military and national organizations, later on governance systems until 1968. The fourth section is concerned with the review of regulations and the liberal intelligentsia in Iraq and concepts of democracy and political pluralism advocated by the reform and values and projects that are based on them, and historical reasons that led to the decline of the liberal trend in Iraq.the third chapter is enterested in the Marxist tendency in Iraq, reviewing the historical development of the first socialist currents and the emergence of Marxism in Europe and escalating it spread after the First World War. In the second topic addressed the major tributaries of the International Marxist in Iraq wich are the tributary of Arab and Iranian and foreign and the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia in 1917 and the Third Communist International in 1919, scholarships and Western universities. He specialized in the third section in the show the historical development of the movement of Marxism in Iraq for the first socialist and cells that have evolved in the twenties, and the ground which paved the way for this by dilation secular concepts after the founding of the modern Iraqi state in 1921, and episodes of communism in Baghdad, Basra and Nasiriyah and its union in organizing the Iraqi Communist Party, and it's intellectual adoftire, and the factors that contributed to the spread of the ideas of communism in the country, which narrowed the social, political, economic and cultural factor. And the fourth topic viewed the organizations and the Marxist intelligentsia in Iraq during this phase, concepts and values advocated by, with the objective reasons that led to the decline of the Marxist tendency in the country included.We specialized in the fourth chapter the national trend in terms of review of the startingpoints which was based on nationalism in Europe, and theories (French, German and Marxism) prevailing in this regard, and its development in the Arab Mashreq, the multiple intellectual trends during this phase. As interested in the second section to include the early Arab nationalism in Iraq, and the groups active in this regard, and the patterns that have evolved on the sidelines of events and political developments, and the reasons that led to the adoption of the national intelligentsia National School German without the rest of the theories, and differentiation, which happened between them and the concept of Arabism and singled out the third section the review historical and intellectual development of Arab nationalism in Iraq is multinational and patterns after the founding of the Iraqi state, particularly in the thirties decate which witnessed the affected pointing movements of fascism and Nazism in Europe, and the role of the nationalist sati' Al - Husri and Sami Shawkat and Mufti Amin al - Husseini in the escalation of emotion in this style that reached its peak in May traffic 1941, and to identify the most important national trends after the second World war, which was characterized by the dominance of the socialist and revolutionary character of Nazareth, and the conflict between the various national pavilions after the 1963 coup, and the dominance of the Nazarene go the reins of power during the period (1963 - 1968). In the fourth section concerned with reviewing national organizations, intelligentsia and its subsidiaries (the traditional right - wing and Nasiriyah revolutionary socialist and nationalist) unionist and concepts advocated by, the general premise on which it relied, with self - reported reasons that led to the decline of the national trend in Iraq.At the conclusion of research we offered the most important conclusions we reached through the calendar of intellectual currents in Iraq, the most important general features that characterized and the compatibility of thought and practice during the prescribed period of study

الارمن في لبنان 1915 - 1975 : دراسة في اوضاعهم الاجتماعية والاقتصادية والسياسية == The Armenians in Lebanon 1915 - 1975 Study in their Social, Economic and Political Situations

اسم المؤلف: باسم ريحان مغامس الشميساوي
اسم المشرف: صالح جعيول جويعد السراي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: ذي قار
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The study of the history of minorities is a crucial issue because it has a significant impact on the events in the region in which it is located, particularly in Lebanon. This reflects profoundly on the Lebanese identity, which is characterized by ethnic, religious and sectarian diversity. Minorities in Lebanon's sectarian system have found a vital area for their social and political activities, their religious beliefs are much greater, less their counterparts in the region. On the other hand, the presence of large groups of refugees with a particular religious belief in a multi - ethnic country has a direct impact on social conditions Economic and political situation of the host country. The establishment of such refugees may lead to ethnic and religious tensions with local groups opposed to this emergency presence. Therefore, it is important to study the history of the Armenian community in Lebanon in all its aspects and dimensions, an academic study in depth, as it is one of the important communities that left a significant impression on the social, economic and political aspects of Lebanon, despite the recent existence in this country. In a miserable situation that is difficult to describe, they were stripped of everything, suffered the hardships of living in camps that lacked the basic elements of life, and in a country that differed with its inhabitants by customs and traditions, not to mention the language that was a major obstacle to their rapid integration into the new society. However, this minority community was able to preserve its national identity for a short period of time, and to have a great interest in Lebanon on the economic and political level, based on strong social ties. Accordingly, this study titled "Armenians in Lebanon 1915 - 1975 study in their social, economic and political situations" is chosen to highlight on the aforementioned issues of Armenian minority in order to revisit their histories and reach a new conclusions. The structure of the thesis is div ided into an introduction and five chapters and a conclusion.The first chapter examines the situation of the Armenians in the Ottoman Empire up to 1915. Three sections are addressed here : the first of which included the Armenian origin, included the geographical location and historical development, while the second Armenian topic was presented during the reign of Sultan Abdul Hamid II and the internationalization of the Armenian question. The third focused on the Armenians during the federal rule until 1915.The second chapter deals with the Armenian migrations to Lebanon from 1915 to 1939, so each migration is considered in a single section of this chapter. The first of which investigates the Armenian presence in Lebanon in 1915. The second section discusses entitled France's relinquishment of its mandate to Cilicia in 1920 and Armenian emigration Of which, while the third reviews the third migration under the title of Armenian immigration from the Alexandretta Brigade in 1939.The third chapter deals with the social and economic situation of the Armenians in Lebanon, and therefore divided into three sections. The first is the settlement of Armenian refugees in Lebanon. The second focuses on the religious establishment and the educational system. The third deals with the economic situation of the Armenians and their role in developing the Lebanese economy.The fourth chapter examines with the political situation of the Armenians in Lebanon during the French mandate of 1925 - 1946. This chapter is divided into two sections, the first one highlights the Armenian political parties in Lebanon, and the second discusses the participation of Armenians in political life under the mandate.The fifth chapter is devoted to examine the political situation of Armenians in Lebanon 1947 - 1975, divided into two sections. The first topic deals with the intensification of the conflict between the Armenian parties and their reflections on their political reality, while the second topic reviews the political development of the Armenians until 1975.In conclusion, the Armenians in Lebanon succeeded remarkably in the social, economic and political levels. They were driven to their unknown fate. Many were killed on the road of displacement. Others died as a result of sickness, hunger, and even those who remained alive were dead when they arrived in the diaspora. In the refugee camps in Lebanon, poverty was accompanied by their huts and tents. They lacked the most basic needs of a proper life. They were ulnerable to disease and epidemics, killing many, especially children, because of malnutrition. Except living in isolation in a different traditions, language, etc., but they were able to develop their social status to form an Armenian society in Lebanon that is in itself strong and cohesive, maintaining their national identity and positively integrated into Lebanese society. This also applies to the economic aspect in which they have become influential. The economic power of the Armenians in Lebanon has become an important political role. It is important that the Lebanese government refused to return to Soviet Armenia when the Soviet Union launched it for the second time in 1962 for fear of upsetting the demographic balance. It is possible to say that all of this would not have been possible without the extraordinary potential of the Armenian people to cling to life and to re - establish themselves as an significant community in Lebanon and to play a large role in social, economic and political aspects.

الوزارات المستحدثة واثرها في الواقعين الاقتصادي والاجتماعي للعراق 1958 - 1963 == The Effect of Created Ministries on the Economic and social Aspects in Iraq 1958 - 1963

اسم المؤلف: سعد عبد الواحد عبد الخضر
اسم المشرف: حسن علي عبد الله السماك
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: القادسية
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The newly formed ministries in Iraq for the period from 1959 to 1963 represented the most comprehensive changes in the economic and social aspects. Thus, we can say that the July 14 th is a real revolution and not a military coup through its achievements in the advancement of the society. When laws were enacted, No. 74 of 1959, which included the creation of seven ministries, namely the Ministry of Agrarian Reform, the Ministry of Industry, the Ministry of Oil, the Ministry of Planning, the Ministry of Works and Housing, the Ministry of Municipalities and the Ministry of Commerce and The Ministry of Agrarian Reform came to implement the Law of Agrarian Reform No. 30 of 1958, which resulted in the identification of agricultural property, seeking to raise the level of agricultural farmers, establishing agricultural associations and agricultural cooperatives. In order to address the housing crisis in cities, following the increase of migration from rural to urban, the Ministry of Works and Housing In the cities and the need for different services, the Ministry of Municipalities was established. In order to follow up the factories and factories that the agreements with the Soviet Union and the socialist countries undertook to establish in Iraq, the Ministry of Agriculture, In order to control the oil wealth and exploit its revenues to increase national income and provide social services such as health, education, housing and raising the standard of living for individuals, the Ministry of Oil, which entered into negotiations with foreign oil companies operating in Iraq, issued Law No. 80 of 1961, which freed 99.5% Iraqi control of foreign companies.The government followed the policy of economic planning to achieve balance in all sectors of the national economy. The Ministry of Planning, after the abolition of the Ministry of Construction and the Ministry of Economy, and for the purpose of regulating the import and export process and make it consistent with the philosophy of the state and was serious in converting the citizen to a product more than consumer and limited consumption on the necessary materials and Iraq's trade with thecountries of the world, introduced the Ministry of Commerce, which sought to protect the citizen from exploitation when the adoption of the Government Sales Authorityand welfare.Department of research to the introduction and four chapters and conclusion, the first chapter dealt with the Iraqi Republic and directly the ministries of the Royal Covenant, The second chapter deals with the rapid social developments and their impact on the development of new ministries. The third chapter deals with agreements of technical and economic cooperation with the former Soviet Union and the countries of the socialist camp and the development of ministries to follow up their implementation. The fourth chapter sought to examine Iraq's foreign policy and its effect in developing new economic policies. The results of the study and analysis of the work of the ministries in the period of research, The researcher relied on a variety of sources, including unpublished documents kept in the library and documents of files of the royal court and the files of the Council of Sovereignty and administrative reports and the files of some ministries, then the published documents, the government publications issued by the ministries and publications of the Ministry of Guidance and publications of the Ministry of Justice, Industry and the Secretariat of the Capital, And then come letters and university papers and memos and many books of Arabic and Arab and some foreign books as well as the use of several periodicals, especially magazines and newspapers issued during that period, which was filled by the thesis and the list of sources and has been used for the researcher analytical approach as a method of work and I put the finishing touches in my dissertation, I did not claim that it is free of lapses and delusions because the perfect God only and finally put this dissertation in the hands of my distinguished professors and members of the discussion committee. I hope that their corrections will have a great role to reach the dissertation

التطورات الاقتصادية والاجتماعية في المملكة العربية السعودية 1953 ـ 1975 == Economic and Social Developments in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia 1953 - 1975

اسم المؤلف: سوسن جبار عبد الرحمن شريف
اسم المشرف: زهير علي احمد النحاس
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2011
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: دكتوراه
الجامعة: جامعة الموصل
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: الموصل
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: في دوامـة الفقر معتمدة على بعض الاستثمارات ، ناهيك عن التخلف الاقتصادي وتدني مسـتوى معيشة الفرد السعودي الذي انكفا على نفسه كفافا ، كما ان ندرة المياه وطبيعة الحياة الصحراوية القاسية فرضت على معظـم السعوديين حياة البداوة والتكتـلات القبلية ، وبعد تاسيس المملكة عام 1932 ، عانت الاخيرة من نقص الموارد المالية ، ففي عام 1934 ، لم تتعد ميزانية المملكة (احد عشر ) مليون ريال ، الا ان المملكة تحولت خلال عامي ( 1953 ـ 1975 ) من صحراء جـرداء تفتقر الى المـوارد الاقتصادية الى بـلاد غنية بالمـوارد الطبيعية بفضل اكتشاف النفط عام 1938 ، واستثماره بشكل تجاري ما بعد الحرب العالمية الثانية ( 1939ـ 1945 ) ، وكان حـدثا مهما مهد للتحـول الاقتصادي والاجتماعي الكبير الذي مزاالت تشهده المملكة العربية السعوديـة ، فقد كان لهـذه التحولات والتطورات اثـر كبير في نقل المجتمع السعودي من مجتمع صحراوي بدوي له طبيعة قبلية الى دولة حديثة بمؤسسات عصرية ، وتتمتع بمكانة مهمة في المنطقة العربية ، وضمن هذا الاطار تابعت الدراسة وقائع هذه التطورات والتحولات ومسارها التاريخي ، فركزت على جهود المملكة وانجازاتها لتحقيق هـذه التطورات ، وعلى كافـة الاصعدة والقطاعات ، ومعالجتها للعراقيل والمعوقات التي كانت تقف امام تحقيق هـذه التحولات ،ولا سيما ما يتعلق بالتحولات الاقتصادية والاجتماعية والتطور العمراني والحضري وبقية القطاعات الاقتصادية والاجتماعية . وبهدف الاحاطة بتلك الاحـداث والتطورات الاقتصادية والاجتماعية ، تم وضع هيكلية للدراسة انتظمت بتمهيد واربعة فصول وخاتمة فقد تناول التمهيد التطورات الداخلية في بداية تاسيس المملكة العربية السعودية عام 1932 تناول الفصل الاول النفط واثره في دعم التحولات المالية للمملكة العربية السعودية 1953 ـ 1975 ، والمسار التاريخي لاستثمار النفـط السـعودي .وعني الفصل الثاني بالتحولات الاقتصادية الحاصـلة في المملكة ( 1953ـ 1975 ) فيما يختص بالقطاعات الاقتصادية . وخصص الفصل الثالث لاثر التحولات الاقتصادية على التكوينات الاجتماعية والحركة العمرانية في المملكة العربية السعودية .اما الفصل الرابع والاخير ، فقد خصص للتحولات الثقافية التي شهدتها المملكة العربية السعودية وما لها من دور بارز ومهم في تطور المجتمع وتقدمه | Saudi Arabia has witnessed developments and economic and social transformations during the period between the years (1953 - 1975). Concerning the economic aspect, there were no natural resources in the country by this date. This country lived in poverty and backwardness for many centuries depending on small investments. Moreover, , water scarcity and the nature of the harsh desert life had been imposed the tribal system on the lives of most Saudis. After the kingdom was founded in 1932, it suffered from a lack of recent financial resources. In the year 1934, the budget of the Kingdom did not exceed (eleven) million Riyal. But the kingdom has turned during (1953 - 1975), from a barren desert with strong shortage of economic resources to a rich country with natural resources, because of the discovery of oil in 1938 with more commercial investments during the post - World War II (1939 - 1945). It was an important event which paved the way for economic and social transformations that are still great in the kingdom of Saudi Arabia.These events have their impacts on the Saudi society because this society has been changed from a Bedouin society into a modern state with modern institutions and it enjoys its place in the Arab region. Within this framework comes the significance of this study to follow the proceedings of the changes and transformations and historic developments. The study emphasizes the efforts of the kingdom and achievements in many sectors and to overcome the obstacles and constraints that were parked in front of the achievement of these changes, particularly with regard to transformations of economic and social and urban development. Accordingly, the present study is divided into four main chapters preceeded by an introduction and ended with a global conclusion. The introduction deals with the administrative organization of state since the founding of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia in 1932 and until 1953, with the arrival of King Saud Ibn Abdul Aziz into power. The first chapter throws light on oil and its impact on the financial support transitions to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia 1953 - 1975, and Saudi oil investment and the historical development of the Saudi financial system with the establishment of the Saudi Monetary Agency in 1952. The second chapter studies the economic sectors namely the agricultural one. With regard to economic sectors, including the agricultural sector, the chapter deals with the most important problems and obstacles faced by this sector, as indicated by the chapter, it moves into the modern industrial firm and the importance of the sector trade the latest economic developments. The third chapter is devoted to social developments in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and what has come from changes in the social structure of the kingdom, the emergence of new categories in Saudi society, as well as the efforts of the Kingdom in the fields of social development. In this chapter, other points are also discussed namely transport routes, means of transport, various communication and its impact on urban developments in the kingdom, particularly after the reconstruction of the Holy Places amd mosques to secure the confort of pilgrimage.As for the fourth chapter, it treats the cultural transformation occurred in the Kingdom and especially in the field of education.As a matter of fact the sector of public health has also seen a tangible progress besides the mass media and the press. Finally, the present study ends with a conclusion which focuses on the most important findings that emerged from the thesis, and the implications of the economic and social developments in Saudi Arabia. It should be mentioned that one of the outstanding negative points is the reliance on one resource namely oil. The Kingdom has to rely on the revenues of other resources in order to revitalize the other economic and social sectors.

العلاقات الليبية التركية 1969ــ 1989 : دراسة سياسية ـ اقتصادية

اسم المؤلف: نبيل عكيد محمود المظفري
اسم المشرف: محمد علي داهش
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2007
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: دكتوراه
الجامعة: جامعة الموصل
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: الموصل
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: Turkey forms one of the most important states in the region for it gets a geostrategic weight and it neighbors the Arab Home land and at the same time it has relations with the western states . This has prepared for Turkey suitable conditions to achieve an important role in the region . Arab - Turkish relations has passed through various stages and Libya is one of those states which has relations with Turkey . Relations between them has witnessed a turning point in 1975 and included various aspects discussed in this study . The study consists of five chapters . The first presents a summery for historical ties between Libya and Turkey . The first section deals with the Ottoman conquest of Tripoli in 1551 , aspects of general relations between both sides during Karmanli era (1711 - 1835) , the participation of people in this Williat inside Ottoman Mabuthan council , the relations of Ottman state with Sanusi . The second section speaks about relations of both sides after the Italian occupation of this Williat and the resistance by the Libyan people compined with large number of Turkish officers and soldiers . The third section tackles Turkish - Libyan relations during independence starting from the Turkish attitude towards the Libyan issue inside the United Nations till it got its independence in December 1951 and the subsidiaries presented by Turkey to Libya , after the independence as well as economic relations between two countries till 1969 . The second chapter is dedicated for political relations . The first section deals with the Revolution of September Its, 1969 and the Turkish attitude from it . Turkey has passed through a critical position for when the revolution had taken place , King Idris Al - Snusi was making a tourist round in Turkey and the latter should have taken a definite position towards the revolution and the King . The second section speaks about political relations of both countries and the principles of foreign policy of Libya and his factors which affect this policy including Arab - Turkish relations in general , and the visits made by officials of both countries . The third chapter sheds light upon foreign affairs which affect Libyan - Turkish relations and at the beginning of these affairs was the Palestine issue , it often play a large role in the politics of Arab states towards the others especially those which are joined with good relations with Israel . The issue of Cyprus was a key of good relations between both countries especially after the military intervention of Turkey in Cyprus in 1974 and the Libyan support for it as well as the issue of Turkish minority in Bulgaria which have occupied a huge space in the attention of Turkish politicians . In addition , there were other issue which entangle the relations of both sides and the most significant ones was the continuos assaults of U.S.A upon Libya and the negative attitude of Turkey from this . Economy was the main aspect in bilateral relations of both countries . Thus , the researcher has specialized the last two chapters to search in to economic relations . The forth chapter tackled economic relations in fields of oil and trade . The researcher handled in the first section oil exploration in Libya and the beginning of production and export to the states . Turkey was one of states which made good efforts in getting the Libyan oil . Oil relations has developed since 1975 after the political release in their relations . While the second section talked about commercial relations between both sides and the factors which affected its development including the speech about kinds of commercial goods and trade balance . The last chapter , the researcher stood on other economic aspects in their relations and at the beginning was the joint investments in the fields of industry and agriculture . So , many joint companies and enterprises between both countries have been set up like fertilizers , and machinaries factories and setting up workshops and factories for maintenance as well as joint companies like the joint company for agriculture and husbandry . Then , the researcher talked about the Turkish companies working in side Libya particularly inside contracts sectors and those companies played animportant role in the field of construction and building roads and other things .the third section ,the researcher spoke about investments and financial aids presented by Libya to turkey like providing easy loans , joint banks, and tourism and how it supports the Turkish economy, the last section sheds light upon Turkish workers who work in Libya and their own role in establishing different projects and handling some problems in which the Turkish economy was suffering from and at the first was unemployment and deficit in Turkish budget various resources have been used in preparing this study and in front of them were published and unpublished documents ,official publications for both Libyan and Turkish governments ,united nations publications as well as books in various languages and scientific researches published in periodicals and newspapers

العراق في السياسة الامريكية المعاصرة 1980 - 2003 == Iraq in the American Contemporary policy 1980 - 2003

اسم المؤلف: عادل محمد حسين العليان
اسم المشرف: ابراهيم خليل احمد العلاف
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2011
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: الموصل
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: ذكرنا في صفحات هذه الاطروحة ان الولايات المتحدة الامريكية اهتمت بالعراق منذ مدة طويلة سبقت احتلالها له في مفتتح القرن الحادي والعشرين لا بسبب اهمية موقعه الاستراتيجي فحسب ، وانما بسبب وجود موارد نفطية هائلة فيه ، وكونه احد اخر دولتين تنضب فيهما الثورة النفطية في العالم . هذا فضلا عن امتلاكه لثروة بشرية ولعمقه الحضاري المعروف . وقد حاولت الولايات المتحدة الامريكية الاستفادة من الحروب التي خاضتهواانتصرت فيهوامنحتها هذه الحروب الاولوية في ان تعيد تشكيل خارطة العالم بما يحقق لها التفوق في السياسات الدولية ، ويمنح شركاتها النفطية امتيازات هائلة على حساب الدول المنافسة لها ، فقد كان الهدف الاستراتيجي الاكبر للولايات المتحدة في منطقة الشرق الاوسط ابان فترة الحرب الباردة هو تامين تدفق النفط باسعار متدنية اليهواالى حلفائها الغربيين، لان النفط كان عنصرا مهما وحاسما في النواحي الاقتصادية والعسكرية ، وبدون النفط الذي عد (( شريان دم العالم )) فان الاقتصاد الامريكي يضعف ومعه الاقتصاد الغربي ، وبضعف الاقتصاد فان القوة العسكرية تصبح غير قادرة على محاربة الاتحاد السوفيتي ومواجهته ، لان السوفيت كانوا متفوقين على الامريكان والدول الحليفة لهم في هذا المجال لوجود المنابع النفطية في الارض السوفيتية . ولم يكن بامكان الامريكان مواجهة السوفيت خلال النصف الثاني من القرن العشرين الا من خلال ايجاد نظم وحكومات حليفة لها في منطقة الشرق الاوسط مثل ايران ، والمملكة العربية السعودية ، ومصر واسرائيل التي كان عليها مواجهة النفوذ السوفيتي وعرقلة توسعه في هذه المنطقة الحيوية من العالم ، لاسيما ان حروب التدخل الامريكية اثبتت فشلها ، واثارت الوضع الداخلي في الولايات المتحدة الامريكية بسبب الخسائر التي تمخضت عنها ، مثل حرب فيتنام التي كانت درسا قاسيا للامريكان ، فتم تبني الحرب بالنيابة او ((سياسة العمودين المتساندين)) او غيرها من السياسات التي رسم معالمها عدد من اساطين السياسة الامريكية المعاصرة . بالمقابل اثبتت الحروب العربية - الاسرائيلية ضرورة تحييد العراق ومنعه من تقديم الدعم اللازم للمنظمات الفلسطينية ولدول المواجهة ، لكون جيشه شارك في كل الحروب التي خاضها العرب ضد اسرائيل ، وبالتالي فان اضعافه او جره الى حروب اقليمية من شانه ان يسمح لمخطط ( السلام ) ان يتحقق ، او ان يفسح المجال امام حوار فلسطيني - اسرائيلي يجعل امن اسرائيل حقيقة واقعة بدلا من ان يبقى هذا الامن مهددا باستمرار ، فجاءت التغييرات التي شهدتها ايران عام 1979 ووصول المؤسسة الدينية الى السلطة فيها فرصة لجر العراق الى حرب اقليمية لا منتصر خارج منهواتستنزف فيها امكانات العراق الاقتصادية والعسكرية . وقد ادى خروج العراق من الحرب مع ايران ( 1980 ـ 1988 ) بخبرات عسكرية، كبيرة وعدم اهتزاز امكانات جيشه رغم مرور ثماني سنوات عليها الى ان تفكر الولايات المتحدة الامريكية بجر العراق الى حرب ثانية ، لان اهدافها في حرب الخليج الاولى لم تتحقق باكملها ، فبحثت عن ادوات لها ، فوجدت في بعض النظم الخليجية ، لاسيما الكويت ، ضالتها المنشودة ، واستغلت ردود الفعل السريعة لدى الرئيس العراقي واندفاعه واعتقاده ان ظروف الحرب مع ايران مازالت قائمة ، وان احتلاله للكويت لن يواجه برد فعل قوي من قبل الولايات المتحدة الامريكية ، لانه سيرضي مصالحها النفطية ولن يهددها في حالة ضم الكويت اليه ، فوقع في الفخ الامريكي ، لياتي دخول العراق الى الكويت واحتلاله لها فرصة ذهبية للامريكان ، لكي يتجاوزوا ازمتهم الاقتصادية التي وصلت الى عجز يقدر بنحو (220) مليار دولار عام 1990 . لقد كان غرض الولايات المتحدة الامريكية من تحشيدها للدول الغربية وغيرها في شن الحرب ضد العراق عام 1991 وتمويل حملتها من حلفائهوامن دول الخليج العربي هو تحولها من دولة مدينة الى دولة دائنة ، والهيمنة على هذه المنطقة الحيوية وتدمير العراق كقوة عسكرية مهمة لصالح اسرائيل ، وتهيئة الخليج العربي لاستراتيجية امريكية جديدة بعد ان استخدم الامريكان وحلفاؤهم ما يوازي حجم المتفجرات التي القت على هيروشيما اليابانية ثماني مرات قاتلة حسب ادنى تقديرات الصليب الاحمر الدولية . وجاءت احداث الحادي عشر من ايلول 2001 التي تباينت الاراء حولها ، والاهداف التي من ورائها لتمنح الامريكان والرئيس بوش ( الابن ) (( فرصة العصور )) لوضع المخططات المتوافرة لمهاجمة العراق ، وادخاله في (( محور الشر )) مع ايران وكوريا الشمالية ، وبالفعل تم اطلاق مشروع ((مستقبل العراق)) الذي جعل الكونغرس الامريكي يقر مشروعا اعطى لبوش سلطة استخدام القوة في العراق (( كلمرااى ذلك ضروريا ومناسبا )). ولم تكن الامم المتحدة ومجلس الامن التابع لها بعيدة عن الهيمنة الامريكية ومخططات صانع القرار الامريكي في ضرب العراق واسقاط نظامه السياسي ، فاسهمت بدورها في اصدار القرارات الواحد تلو الاخر ضد الشعب العراقي ، وحذرت النظام العراقي من عدم التعاون مع فرق التفتيش الدولية عن الاسلحة التي اثبتت كل الوقائع اانها كانت ذريعة استخدمت من اجل تحقيق الاهداف الامريكية ليس الا . وهكذا سعت الاستراتيجية الامريكية للتخلص من النظام السياسي في العراق وانهاء حكم صدام حسين له من خلال حملة سريعة عرفت بعملية (( حرية العراق )) وخلق حكومة موالية للولايات المتحدة الامريكية في بغداد ، وانشاء قواعد امريكية تسهل عملية الهيمنة عليه، لان وجود مثل هذه الحكومة سيسمح للولايات المتحدة باجراء تعديلات وتغييرات في الخارطة السياسية في منطقة الشرق الاوسط .لقد كانت عملية احتلال العراق عام 2003 خطوة رئيسية باتجاه اجراء تغييرات في معالم الشرق الاوسط ، ومنها منح الانظمة المعارضة للولايات المتحدة الفرصة لاصلاح مواقفها او ازالتها نهائيا لان احتلال العراق واسقاط نظامه السياسي كان درسا لتلك الانظمة فاقدمت ليبيا ، على سبيل المثال لا الحصر ، على تفكيك مشروعها النووي والتخلي عنه نهائيا، ومحاولة فتح صفحة جديدة مع الامريكان ، فضلا عن ذلك فان الامريكان سيتخذون من ( درس العراق ) تهديدا لدول الشرق الاوسط من انها تدعم الارهاب الدولي ، وان هذه الدول يجب تغيير انظمتها السياسية لانها بعدم مكافحتها للارهابيين تشكل خطرا بالغا على الامن القومي الامريكي . واخيرا فان احتلال العراق كان في بعض جوانبه ضمانا لامن اسرائيل ، فلقد خرج العراق من خانة المهددين لها ، واضحى تاجيل اقامة الدولة الفلسطينية الى حين هدفا لها . وبهذا فان تطوير العراق لاسلحة نووية ووجود صلات بين النظام السابق في العراق وتنظيم القاعدة الارهابي ، وكون الرئيس العراقي الاسبق (( مغامرا )) كبير لا تضمن نتائج افعاله ، واقامة دعائم الديمقراطية في عراق ما بعد صدام حسين لم تكن الا ذرائع استخدمتها الولايات المتحدة الامريكية من اجل احتلال العراق واسقاط نظامه السياسي لصالح تنفيذ خطط الاستراتيجية الامريكية في منطقة الشرق الاوسط ، والتي عملت من اجلها اكثر من نصف قرن . | Iraq was - and is still, yet - the focus of attention of super power during its recent and contemporary history. Iraq, since the first beginning of its history, was a passage between East and West. Its borders reflected interests of the super power, during the I World, and not hopes of its people and that stayed as defiance for it with neighbors. As for its economic well - off, huge oil resources, peculiar and strategic position; Iraq was exposed to foreign domination attempts and a competition field for different power under various excuses and claims. The British came after a backward Ottoman domination which was unable to make Iraq as a modern country. The establishment of Iraqi state happend together with British influence, even if it was not purposed, was slight within identified aspects and they had a bearing upon Iraqi society and structure in varied aspects. And yet, the United States was not faraway from Iraq, or the latter was not within its strategy, or was as a secondary number in its consideration; rather Iraq was, since the American taking care of the Middle East region, as a significant state for American policy maker who has considered, as for others, the Middle East region is as the center of the Globe; the one who controls it would control all over the world; nevertheless, that dose not mean the insignificance of other region for American politicians; which is emphasized by various American administrations when draw its strategies and foreign goals. By virtue of the great importance for Iraq within American strategy and concentration to put under their hegemony till it reached a stage where more than one ruling American administration have asserted on need of direct occupying under this allegation or that whether individually or by an international alliance up to a point where it became occupied, also ending its political regime and its international independence on April 9, 2003, owing to that I have selected the subject " Iraq in Contemporary American Policy 1980 - 2003 " as to be my dissertation title. Many factors have contributed to choose this theme; first of all was the importance of the subject, non - being of independent academic studies that approached it until now, however, there are some academic these and dissertations which tackled Iraqi - American relation 1945 - 1958, Iraqi - American relation 1967 - 1987, and the U. S policy toward Iraq 1958 - 1963; but they have which policy connected with historical events so as the political change in 2003 to be a fundamental and comprehensive alteration for all that have been planned by occupying it practically and overthrowing its political regime and substituted for a pro - U. S. A regime; hence, studying such a filled with events and variables is considered as scientific and practical task at the same time; that acquires its significance from the nature and vitality of the subject itself. The thesis composed of an introduction four chapters, and a conclusion. Chapter one discussed the historical bases for Iraq's relations with the United states since the second half of 19th century to the end of 1968, The chapter also discussed handled Iraq's position in the American policy between 1968 and 1980. In 1980 Iraq - Iran War broke out for many reasons; some of them are ideological differences between the tow political regimes in both countries, the desire of both to prevent the other from imposing its will on neighboring Arab Gulf States, continuity of border problems and the inroads upon borders between them especially by Iran which always was putting forward the necessity of ( Revolution Exporting ) to Iraq and Gulf States and interfering in internal affaires, and the like of reasons that moved them to engage in war that lasted eight years during which the tow countries presented heavy losses and casualties that did not serve but the super powers interests particularly the United States which participated in drawing out the war to weaken both parties, besides the destruction of their infrastructures for the interest of the Zionist schemes in the region, took up American policy tendencies and its development toward Iraq in 1984 - 1988. All of this was the focus of Chapter tow of the thesis. Chapter three involved Iraq's position in the American strategy between 1988 and 1993, where it studied the attitude of Washington towards Iraq in the wake of Iraq - Iran War up to bait Iraq in order to occupy Kuwait in 1990; and the eruption of the Second Gulf War in 1991; also, the subsequent resolutions by the United Nation. While chapter four which is the latter indicated to the United States policy toward raq since 1993 until occupation of it and ending its political regime on April 9, 2003. The information included in the thesis proved that the United States watched over Iraq for along time before occupying it in the beginning of the 21th century not only due to the importance of its strategic position, but in view of its vast oil resources and as being one of tow states which will be the last in case of oil's running out around the world. The U.S.A attempted to profiteer from wars that carried and gained by it and gifted with priority to reshape the map of the world from where it achieves its superiority on international policies, and to give its oil companies tremendous capitulations at the expense of other rival states; where the greatest and strategic target for the U. S. A in the Middle East during the cold war is ensure oil flow with low prices for it and its western allies insomuch as oil was substantial and crucial in economic and military aspects; without oil, which is regarded as (( word's blood artery )), the American and western economies will became weak as a result of that military power will lose strength so that it will be unable to combat and confront the Soviet Union by reason of that the Soviets proved superior to Americans and their Allies in this field as the oil wells were within the Soviet lands. The Americans were not in a position to defy during the second half of the 20th century except by creating allied regimes and governments in the Middle East like Iran, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and Israel which had to encounter the Soviet extension and hampering it in this vital region of the world specifically when the American intervention wars proved its unsuccess and irritated the internal situation in American because of the losses brought about the war in Vietnam which a rigorous lesson for the Americans then they took up the war on behalf of or (( The collaborated pillars )) or other policies drawn by the experts of contemporary American policy. In return the Arabs - Israel wars established the necessity for neutralizing Iraq and restrain it from presenting the proper support for Palestinian organizations and confrontation states because its army engaged in all wars battled by Arabs against Israel, accordingly, Iraq weakening or pulling it into regional wars would make the scheme of ( peace ) to come true, or to step aside for Palestinian - Israeli talks that make the Israeli security actual state of affairs instead of being threatened unceasingly; thus, changes in Iran in 1979; arrival of religious foundation to power, were as an opportunity to pull Iraq into regional war without any victorious during which and to exhaust Iraqi economic and military potentials. Iraq's getting out of war with Iran with considerable military expertise's and an army with unshakable capacities although after eight years of war; all that prompted the U.S. A to pull Iraq into a second war since its purposes through the first Gulf war had not fulfilled completely; that is why it searched for its means and then found that some Gulf regimes, in particular Kuwait, as its long - sought goal; then it exploited the hasty reactions of Iraq's president Sadam Husein and zealousness; believing that conditions during war with Iran were still existent and his occupation of Kuwait would not be faced with a strong reaction by the U.S.A on the grounds that he would satisfy its oil interests and would not be threatened in case of annexing Kuwait to Iraq; then he got stuck in the American trap, thereupon, Iraq's entering and occupation of Kuwait became a golden chance for the Americans to overcome their economic crisis where it endured a deficit estimated at about 220 $ billion in 1990. The American aims behind, concentrating Western states and others to wage war against Iraq in 1991; financing its cam pain by its Allies and Arab Gulf states, are to be changed from an indebted state to a creditor state; to prevail over this pivotal region; to destroy Iraq as a crucial military bower in favor of Israel and preparing the Arab Gulf for a new American strategy after Americans and their Allies using to explosives that are equal to eight times of that bombed over the Japanese city of Hiroshima according to minimum estimations by International Red Cross Organization.The events of the eleventh of September 2001, in which the views were varying, were the objects behind came to give the American and the president Bush ( the son ) (( opportunity of ages )) to lay available plans for attacking Iraq and include within (( evil center )) with Iran and North Korea, actually the project of (( Iraq's future )) was launched which made the American Congress to adopt a resolution that authorized Bush to use force against Iraq (( whenever that necessary and adequate )). The United Nations and the Security Council were not far - off the American hegemony and the schemes of the American policy makers to attack Iraq and to overthrow its political regime, and then it contributed to issue resolutions one after one against Iraqi people and warned Saddam Hussein's regime from being not cooperative with international inspection teams about weapons where all true state of affairs that they were not but a pretext used to implement American goals.As such, the Hussein's strategy to get rid of the political regime in Iraq and to end Saddam Hussein's rule through a swift campaign called the operation of (( Iraq's freedom )) , to create a government that is to be an adherent to the U.S.A in Baghdad, establishing American bases to facilitate its domination over it since such a government would permit for the United States to make amendments and changing's in the political map of the Middle East particularly in Saudi a Arabic at worst like the rise of an anti - American in AL Riyadh.The operation of occupying Iraq in 2003 was a principal step to make changing's in the features of the Middle East including giving the regimes that oppose the United States the chance to reform its attitudes or to be removed entirely for occupation of Iraq and toppling its political regime was as a lesson all these regimes where Libya, as an example and not exclusively, dismantled its nuclear project and up it absolutely, also attempting to start a new stage with the Americans, furthermore, the Americans will use ( Iraq's lesson ) as a threat to the Middle Eastern states as for that they support international terrorism and the political regimes of these states must be changed because when they do not struggle the terrorists then they will be a serious against American national security.Finally, occupation of Iraq was in some of its aspects a guarantee for Israeli security where Iraq is no longer a threat to Israel and delaying the establishment of the Palestinian state for some time because as a target for it. thereby, Iraq's developing nuclear weapons, finding connections between Saddam Hussein's regime and the terrorist organization of AL - Qaeda, and that Saddam is a great adventurer and his action are not ensured, also establishment of democracy pillars in the Iraq of period after Saddam, all that were not but excuses used by the U.S.A to occupy Iraq and to bring down its political regime to implement the American strategy in the Middle East region

حـزب عمال ارض اسرائيل (الماباي) 1930 - 1968 : دراسة تاريخية == Workers Party of the Land of Israel (Mapai) (1930 - 1968) A Historical Study

اسم المؤلف: جاسم محمد شغيت الكـعبي
اسم المشرف: ابراهيم فنجان صدام الامارة
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2017
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: دكتوراه
الجامعة: جامعة البصرة
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: البصرة
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: Political parties are the catalyst upon which the political regime has reckoned in Israel. The presence of these parties is seen as important traits of the modern political systems. The aim of this study is to shed light on the topic of considerable importance regarding the Israeli internal affair through tracing the origin and development of the labor party, identifying its thinking techniques, and its role in the Israeli political and martial institutions in Palestine before the declaration of Israel state. This study also tries to come to terms with that party's political role in Israel. These areas of investigation have motivated the researcher to analyze this party under the title " The Israeli Labor Party (Mapai) 1930 - 1968) : A Historical Study". The scope of this research is restricted to inspecting the development of this party when originated in 1930 up to 1968 . The year of 1930 is the birth of this party up to its end in 1968 after its coalition with other Israeli labor parties resulting in forming the Labor Party (Mapai). The present work is divided into four chapters. The first one is devoted to explaining the Jewish affairs in Palestine before 1930 comprising three sections. The first section is about Jew's migration to Palestine and the conditions that encouraged them to migrate. The second one is concerned with the labor parties and their political and martial contribution in Palestine. The third section is devoted to Jewish religious parties in Palestine. Chapter two is entirely related to the structural and ideological aspects of Israeli labor party (Mapai) and its political and martial attitudes in Palestine from 1930 up to 1948. This chapter is divided into three sections. The first one is about Israeli labor party in relation to its frames, ideologies and contribution in the Israeli institutions, the second one is about this party's role in the political development in Palestine, and the third section is concerned with the martial activity of this party in Palestine. Chapter three addresses mainly Israeli's Mapai party and its political and martial role from 1948 up to 1957, comprising three sections. The first one is concerned with the Mapai party's role in the foundation of Israel state (1948 - 1949), the second one is about its role in the establishment of the state constitutions (1949 - 1955), and the third section explains the political and martial role of this party in the war of 1956 against Egypt. Chapter four mentions the political and martial development in Israel and the Mapai party role from 1957 up to 1968. This chapter includes three sections. The first one is about the political development in Israel and the Mapai party's contribution from 1957 to 1957, the second one states the martial development in Israel and the Mapai party's role in 1967, and the third one is concerned with Lafone case and its impact on the unity of the Mapai party in 1968. The conclusion summarizes the important results.

السياسة السوفيتية تجاه قضايا المشرق العربي فــي ضوء كتابات مجلة السياسة الدولية المصرية 1967 - 1990 == SOVIET POLICy TOWRDS ARAB Orinet ISSUES IN THE LIGHT OF WRITINGS OF THE JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONL POLITICS EGYPTIAN 1967 - 1990

اسم المؤلف: فلاح مجيد حسون العارضي
اسم المشرف: عاصم حاكم عباس الجبوري
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: القادسية
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The dissertation deals with the politics of the Soviet Union from the issues of the Arab Mashreq. This region is of great importance to the Soviet Union because of its geographical proximity to the southern borders of the Union and its direct threat to its national security in the presence of American military bases in the region, and because of the Soviet dream of ever reaching the warm waters of the Mediterranean. Although the revolution of October in 1917 brought about significant changes to the Soviet politics, the Soviet attitude towards the Arab Orient about the Arab Orient focused on good - neighborly relations with the countries of the region. Until the end of the Second World War, the Arab Mashreq had no less interest in the Soviet policy. Internal building Sea. From the perspective of the Soviet politics, the Arab Mashreq has received little attention for its preoccupation with the internal construction process. In the midst of competition between the East and the West, especially the United States, the Soviet Union sought to find a foothold in the Middle East through the Arab - Zionist conflict, having vigorously sought the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948, believing that it would be a soft instrument in the hands of the Soviets against the Imperialism politics and it would be a base for spreading the Soviet ideology in the Middle East. But they were disappointed after the Zionist entity directed towards the United States, which led the Soviet Union to strengthen its relations with the Arab countries in their conflict against the Zionist, represented by the Soviet weapons deal in 1955 after the West refused to supply the Arabs with weapons. The Soviet positions continued to stand by the Arabs in their conflict against rather than offensive, fearing that this would lead to a collision with the US, and the possibility of another world war.The Arab - Soviet relations deteriorated in the wake of the October 1973 war, and thousands of Soviet experts ran away from the Egyptian territories. Egypt also signed the Camp David Treaty with the Zionist after having the blessing of the United States of America. The Soviet Union sought compensation after losing its influence in Egypt by strengthening its relations with Iraq, Syria and Libya. However, the Soviet position was fluctuating in its support for Iraq during the Iran - Iraq war in 1980. With a neutral stance at the beginning of the war, the Soviet turned to support Iran and denounce the Iraqi aggression on the Iranian territory. Iran was an important strategic center in the Soviet politics for security considerations because it represented the southern neighbor of the Soviet Union, fearing that the Islamic thought of the Republic would be transferred to the Islamic republics of the Soviet Union.Then it supported Iraq after its withdrawal from the Iranian territory in 1982 and provided Iraq with defensive, rather than offensive, weapons and equipment without allowing Iraq to achieve a sweeping victory over Iran while the Soviet Union was satisfied with the policy of condemnation and denunciation in the wake of the Israeli invasion of Lebanon.The next stage witnessed many changes in the Soviet foreign policy. With the changing of the Soviet leadership in the mid - 1980s. After Gorbachev took power, the Soviet policy was confined to the internal reconstruction of the state, abandoning its public support for the Arabs, leaving its role to the United States and the West to be unique in solving the problems of the Middle East, leaving its role to the United States in the peace negotiations, and leaving its global role after the Soviet Union witnessed the experience of dying prior to the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait in 1990.

ايران ودول الخليج العربي (1968 - 1978) : دراسة في العلاقات السياسية == Iran and Arab Gulf Arab States (1968 - 1978) A study In Political Relations

اسم المؤلف: محمد داخل كريم السعدي
اسم المشرف: خليل علي مراد
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2006
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: الموصل
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: Arab Gulf area being characterized by vital characteristics which made it one of the most important places in the world. One of these characteristics was the geostrategic location and the economic importance represented by the huge oil wealth in the area which had become one of the attractive places in the political and economic international dimensions. Due to this, the relations between this area and the states or with the other states in the world especially the relation between both parts of the Arab Gulf, Iran and the Arab Gulf states have got a great importance in developing the political position of the area and defining the political future for these states. The period between 1968 - 1978 has been characterized by so many important developments and political events reflected on the Iran - Gulf relations and were the reason behind choosing the topic of the study.The nature of the study and the important events taken place in the area obliged us to divide the subject into four main chapters and each one contains many sections. The first chapter gives a historical show for Iran - Gulf relations till 1968. it describes the geographical location of the Arab Gulf and also an economic show for Iran and the Seven Arab Gulf states as well as describing Arab Gulf as water shallow located among these states. The second section deals with the Iraqi - Iranian relations which included the two direct neighboring states in the area as well as the problems and confusions happened on these boarders which kept exposed to continuous change due to the continuous competition among states which ruled both Iraq and Iran especially during ottoman and safawid aras till 1968 with reference to the effect of these problems upon political relations between both states. Then there is the signature of some treaties and agreements concerning the boarders. The third section in this chapter presents a historical show for the relations between Iran and the western Coast of the Arab Gulf represented by many Arab Emirates on the long of this Coast Since the beginning of the 19th century till 1968. Britain was the major power in the area and it represented the political decision for all these Emirates.The British withdrawal from East Suez and the complete withdrawal from Arab Gulf whether its military forces or its political influence on the area states at the beginning of 1968 and this withdrawal will end late in 1971 to be the beginning of a new ara of the area. This has created a new relation between Arabs and Iranians. Therefore, the second chapter has come under the title, "Boarders problems and the struggle on Sovereighty". It has been divided into four sections. The first tackles the problem of land and river boarders between Iraq and Iran and creates a state of tension in their relations reached in sometimes the state of armed conflict till the Signature of Algeria treaty in 1975.The second section spotslight on the problem of Sea boarders Between Iran and Arab Gulf states included an important fight which concerns determiming regional or international waters for the states located on the Gulf. The third section presents a study for the Iranians pretensions in Bahrain which continues for decades. Iranian governments were insisting on the right to Soverign Bahrain and this created a tension for the Iranian - Gulf relations till the independence of Bahrain in 1970.the last section concentrates on the conflict between Iran and United Arab Imarates about the three Arab islands Abu - Musa, Tunb Al - Kubra and Tunb Al - Sughra and it was along conflict on the sovereignty in Gulf Seashore which ended by a severe tension in Iran - Gulf relations relation and the occupation of these islands by Iran in 1971.The third chapter deals with issues of interference in internal affairs and its effects in Iran - Gulf relations. This includes three basic cases the most important of which is the political relations between Iran and Arab Gulf states. The first concerns with Iran's in setting up and developing the Kurdish movement in Iraq and the results of this movement which ended in breaking out an armed conflict between both parts and ended in signing the treaty of Algeria in 1975 and Iran stopped its support for the armed movement. The second interference by Iran has come from the big Iranian minorities spread in Arab Gulf states as well as the graet effect of these minorities upon economic and social reality of these states. There is also the political effect upon relations between Iran and Arab Gulf states. The third interference was the military one by Iran against the armed movement in Al - Thafar Region in Oman sultanate by which oman was able to put an end for this movement in 1975.The fourth and the last chapter has come under the title, "Regional Affairs which affect Iran's relations with Arab Gulf states". These affairs have got an international dimension which includes three basic sectors. They are armament and the big competition between Iran and Arab Gulf states especially Iraq and Saudi Arabia and under the impact by both U. S. A and U. S. S. R. which they have seen that the process of armament to these states might represent a support for their influence in the area. The second sector mentions the security topic in Arab Gulf after the British declaration and exposing the Iranian, Arabic and international proposals. This might affect Iran - Gulf relations. The third sector showes Iran - Gulf attitude towards Arab - Israeli conflict and this attitude has its own effects upon this relation and the cooperation accompanied it which has risen during this conflict.
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