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مؤسسات المجتمع المدني وصنع السياسة العامة : دراسة نظرية

اسم المؤلف: احمد عبد الهادي حسين الجنابي
اسم المشرف: مها عبد اللطيف حسن الحديثي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2007
الدرجة: ماجستير
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:

حقوق المراة بين الشريعة الاسلامية والقوانين الوضعية == Women's Rights In The Islam Regime And The Laws Rights Of Work Comparative study

اسم المؤلف: هيفاء خشن جاسم العزاوي
اسم المشرف: اكرم عبد الله الجميلي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2007
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The dignity is universal not adverbial, but it is not understood in same meaning from age to age and from place to place . From this day we will use the term Democracy in all the wide world started from Greece in it's meaning , that means Public rule , this meaning in the past including in Greece that different meaning in modern age . As we explained before the Attitude of Islam that opinion of prophet Mohammed( God bless him ) in explanation the man , as individual in greeting him and rising his position, this greeting and this rising or change his situation, in his live or after his death . that he obligate on him the Responsibilities and giving him the rights . And because the Islam religion of the life and work , as well as religion of worshipThe man must live in society he must be cooperated with other members in the society . Also the subject of the study included explanation for the reality of the women and her participation with her brother man since going out to start the work , organizing workAnd the getting the fee out side the house and her participation in several fields economic and social and political in the contemporary , and through this explanationWe explain development for the position of the woman . The human Rights issues became as matters in touch with every people 's life , and states with its evolution . with differences of its civilization geography position and its political economic and social regimes . This Issue touch every human being as an individual with his nature and his structure . The nature of human being of double description because of , he is a human being , and social being in the same time that lead to find several respected confirmations , and the tone of this confirmations raised with new international situation . These confirmations have its reflections not only on the most constitutions , regional and national slandered of the women is an important human being in dispensable to erect the life and play a basic role in any progressed or undeveloped society and if this sight for a women is an axiom in our current world , but it is not the same in the previous periods . The human history fill of women's suffering from factor of enslavement and persecution , and tried top quash her humanity and contemn her dignity , than the man who dominated on all administration fall private and general affairs in the society and in the same prevented women to enter in to such fields ./ decreased from her interests , and ignored abilities in its arrangement . As a result of evolution of human society generally the women's position evaluated significantly .In the beginning of 19 century many women movement lead woman resistance against the factor of enslavement and persecution and asked to liberated and grant women her political lawful and economic rights and her equinity with man with all respects . No basic change happened relating with women's position in current age, but if there is decision for quality principles , on constitution today with out mention to equality among citizens and that is with text , there are nit any differentiation among them , no discrimination because of color face , language , or belief that is became as distinguished matter That human rights with its values and institutions is part of Arab current culture in spite of, value of justice equality solidarity and freedom .

الحريات الاكاديمية في النظم الديموقراطية والنظم الشمولية : دراسة مقارنة

اسم المؤلف: عماد صلاح عبد الرزاق الشيخ داود
اسم المشرف: وصال نجيب عارف العزاوي | فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2007
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: Undoubtedly, it was customary to define Academic Freedom as the practice encompassing’’ The granting of professors and students in the academic institution the right for follow - up of research, teaching and publishing without control, monitoring or trusteeship by the university institution or the relevant official bodies”. Such academic freedoms are deemed a brand of civil rights for individuals enjoying them within the legally recognized limits in, generally all countries, particularly those democratic countries. However, Academic Freedoms, in their broader range, embrace the custody of ensuring a warranty for independence of universities from external influences as well as for enjoying autonomy in the management of their affairs. Besides, Academic Freedoms mean protecting the academician against arbitrary or coercive measures of service laying off without recourse to the stipulations safeguards, within the academic institution, for individual security as to guarantee his personal safety and humanitarian mission for the service of higher education procession for the purpose of achieving through him , the right guidance of university administration.It is to be noted that the terminology of Academic Freedoms is derived from the general concept of freedom. You would behold within their folds an approach to various brands of general freedoms which are, consecutively, Freedom of Belief, Opinion, Meeting and Education.Each of such freedoms realizes an articulation of the concept of academic freedom. However, they are indispensable for absolute total definition, particularly the latter, I.E. freedom of Education or Teaching /Learning which has, for long, been a matter of protest especially in constitutional provisions, as being a constitutional acknowledgement for Academic Freedom. Historically (as sequence of dealing with the topics of this study) it is observed that Academic Freedoms as a practice (not as a terminology or as a concept for definition) was known over the succeeding chronological periods of humanity is life since ancient Babylonian and pharonic eras whose early cultures were greatly concerned with this practice and with establishing schools for higher education. It was a practice as well as an action program with sustained development, over succeeding eras, particularly the Greek and Roman eras with its climax in the Arab - Islamic state. Many intellectuals and scientists in the broad expanse of this state worked in the domain of sciences, know ledges and all ’walks’’ of cognizance. This is a positive and live indication of a clear vision with respect of the practice of Academic Freedoms, although (as afore - cited) the terminology had not crystallized as a concept. It is to be noted, that medieval and post medieval Europe witnessed the genesis of the university in its modern concept. This opened the path for the need to rely on the practice of teaching science freely in spite of (cross - disputes) during those eras between influential bodies and men of cognizance which culminated in regrettable incidents. This was in view of the fact that research beyond the known and approved limits were deemed a mere novelty. This, however, did not block the development of academic practice and adoption of the ’paths’’ of Academic Freedoms whose concept crystallized within the western academic institution, particularly the German institution in the nineteenth century culminating in the constitutional acknowledgement in Germany in this new brand of special freedom known as Academic Freedoms. It is to be noted that the hegemony of ideologies and political systems attempts at hegemony over academic thinking led to retreats within the academic institutions administration, waiving its independency, distancing from pattern of prudent administration and boosting of modes of university deviation (corruption)in its lobbies with consequent deterioration of scientific research level and occurrence of discrepancy between universities in advanced countries which recognize university independence and universities of third world countries in which state hegemony and excessive might over other institutions. We witness ,on the other hand, that the status of Academic Freedoms in other universities of other states are undergoing , now and then , a deterioration in the actions of the a fore - cited type of freedoms. This is due to Coup Detats, occupations, economic changes, political changes, repercussions of crises or impact of incidents with consequent suffering of the academic institution and its personnel not only in third world countries and highly centralized states but, oftentimes, and even in established democracy. Such a matter is treated in the folds of this study by adopting “Comparative Approach” and “Case style of study” as a basis for its study.The following were hypothized : With the expansion of democracy’s area and adopting the culture of Human Rights as well as of general / special freedoms in Nordic countries the patterns of reliance on sound implementation of the basics of good management at all levels, particularly in official and private institutions, of which the academic institution in those countries is one. The consequence is the realizations .of progress, escalation of the styles of scientific research and sustained work of academic institutions. In contrast in the countries of the south, there is retreat and recession in such independency as well as retreat in the results of scientific research and huge drain of brains with adverse consequences that led to degradation of the work of universities. This study attempted in its fold to remedy the foreign elaboration in order to reach a set of conclusions and recommendations as summarized hereunder : 1. Academic freedoms are deemed a wide concept which has not been, as yet, fully acquainted with.2. The concept is independent of all brands of known general freedoms. It is deemed a brand of special freedom.3. It means as a concept, a neutrality that frames researches and style of acquiring science. 4. The plurality of paths of knowledge and arriving at results by multiple methods is deemed an objective of academic freedoms.5. The release of academic freedoms means the release for programs that deter the drain of brains.6. One of the fundamental issues sponsored by the principles of Academic Freedoms is the good governance of special institutions, inclusive of universities.The recommendations are summarized as follows : 1. The works of Academic Freedoms requires the exit of the state as the “Guard “type to the “Sponsor” type.2. The understanding, in its broadest range, of the Academic Freedoms means action towards propagating the culture of human rights in society.3. Planning for teaching is a necessity of Academic Freedoms.4. Academic Freedoms stipulate the implementation of the fundamentals of rational government in university management.5. The basis of Academic Freedoms concept is safeguarding the sustained work of the academician with no threat of dismissal from service.6. The establishment of regional and international organizations for defence of Academic Freedoms is deemed a prerequisite. 7. Instead of multiple proclamations for academic freedom, recourse is to be sought for an international treaty (similar to that for rights of the child and the woman) that would unify legislations for defense of Academic Freedoms.These were the major points for remedy by the study and the conclusions. Therefore arrived at in accordance with the research’s plan) which shall clarified in detail in the annexed” index of topics”)

ظاهرة فراغ السلطة في دول عالم الجنوب الاسباب والنتائج == The authority absence phenomena in the Southern Countries World Causes & Results

اسم المؤلف: اسراء علاء الدين نوري
اسم المشرف: مها عبد اللطيف حسن الحديثي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2007
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: مما لاشك فيه ان كل ظاهرة من ظواهر الحياة انما تكون عرضة لمؤثرات داخلية وخارجية في نفس الوقت ، وقد تتفاعل هذه المؤثرات فيما بينها لتشكل حالة واضحة من التاثير تجسد طبيعة هذه الحالة واتجاهاتها الرئيسية ، واذا ما طبقنا هذا الكلام على طبيعة النظم الاجتماعية والسياسية فاننا نجدها عرضة وبصورة دائمة لهذه المؤثرات والمتغيرات ، ودول عالم الجنوب تقدم لنا نموذجا واضحا لمدى قوى وحجم تاثير المتغيرات الداخلية والخارجية في طبيعة نظمها السياسية ، ومنذ مدة طويلة ابتدات من المرحلة الاستعمارية وفي جوانبها السياسية والاقتصادية والاجتماعية .واتجهت الانظمة السياسية في دول عالم الجنوب نحو السلطوية وتركيز السلطة في يد فئة صغيرة ونمو نفوذها وممارستها مع تطور هذه الانظمة في بناء السلطة السياسية ، والتي من ابرز مظاهرها قمع القوى السياسية الساعية اليها وتصفية وجودها على ساحة العمل السياسي او تحجيم تاثيرها في الحياة السياسية ، واجهاض مطالب المشاركة السياسية ، والاعتماد على العنف السياسي في تصرفات السلطة السياسية تجاه مجتمعاتها .وان ما دفع لاحتكار السلطة في يد فئة صغيرة في هذه الانظمة هو الاطار الذي جرى بموجبه ممارسة السلطة السياسية ، وطبيعة التنظيم الدستوري الذي تم اقراره للسلطة ، حيث تعززت مكانة القابضين على السلطة ومركزها السياسي ومع تطور البناء الدستوري لهذه الانظمة ، حتى وصلت الى موقعها السياسي والدستوري القائم في هيئة الانظمة السياسية وفي نطاق الحياة السياسية لدول عالم الجنوب بشكل عام .ومع التطور التدريجي لمكانة الفئة الحاكمة ونمو تاثيرها وسلطانها السياسيين في هياكل وبنى ومؤسسات هذه الانظمة واساليب واليات عملها ، وبالتالي اكتسابها النفوذ المطلق والسلطات الواسعة وحصولها على التفوق التام على جميع المؤسسات السياسية سواء كانت الحكومية او التمثيلية او الوسيطة ، ثم التحول الكامل لهذه الانظمة صوب الشخصانية في الحكم والتي من شانها نفي ومصادرة اي شكل من اشكال الممارسة السياسية من جانب القوى والتنظيمات السياسية في الحياة السياسية . وتقترن بالسلطة السياسية في دول عالم الجنوب بعدد من الممارسات السلطوية في الحكم ، منها : 1. الهيمنة الكاملة على العملية السياسية بانفراد الرؤوساء بعملية اتخاذ القرارات السياسية وتقرير السياسات .2. عدم بناء المؤسسات السياسية والتقليل من اهمية المؤسسات السياسية القائمة وتجاوزها من اجل استمرار الهيمنة الشخصية للرؤوساء والمحافظة على نفوذهم .3. الارتكاز والدوران في دائرة العلاقات الشخصية في عملية صنع القرارات السياسية والسياسات العامة .4. اشاعة ثقافة الخضوع وتنمية الشعور بالتبعية لدى المواطنين بدلا من المساهمة النشطة في ادارة شؤون الحكم والسياسة .5. الاستخدام الواسع للعنف والقوة في مواجهة القوى والتنظيمات السياسية الساعية الى المشاركة والممارسة السياسية .6. اغفال قواعد الشرعية الدستورية واللجوء الى الممارسات الشخصية في الحكم والسلطة .وتعاني دول عالم الجنوب من ظاهرة فراغ السلطة والتي من اهم اشكالها وصورها مشكلة بناء الوحدة والوطنية والتكامل القومي ، وعدم شرعية النظم السياسية ، وانتهاكات حقوق الانسان ، والحروب الاهلية والاعتماد على العنف والعنف السياسي من جانب السلطة والشعب ، وهذه القضايا كلها مترابطة بحيث ان بعضها هو سبب لقضايا وازمات ومشاكل اخرى . وان هذه المشاكل والازمات التي تعيشها مجتمعات دول عالم الجنوب تؤدي الى العنف السياسي والنقمة وحروب العصابات التي تجد لها ارضا خصبة في مثل هذه الاوضاع ، مما يسهم في خلق اجواء غير طبيعية تعيق عمل المؤسسات السياسية بل تشلها احيانا ، وهذا يؤدي الى ان تكون الدول ضعيفة وغير قادرة على ايجاد الحلول اللازمة لمثل هذه المشكلات والازمات . وهكذا عندما تعجز السلطة السياسية عن حماية المجتمع والدولة من التفكك وتلبية احتياجات مجتمعها ، تكون قد فقدت اسس وجودها ، حيث ان القابضين على السلطة يعملون على التحكم بها وتحقيق مصالحهم وغاياتهم الخاصة ، وترك واهمال مصالح الافراد في المجتمع ، واستخدامها لاليات القمع والعنف ومحاولة قمع اي نوع من المعارضة لها ولوجودها ، وهذا من جانبه يؤدي الى استخدام واعتماد مجتمعات هذه الدول الى الوسائل غير السلمية باستخدام العنف ( الثورة ، الانقلابات ، الاضطرابات ... ) كرد فعل على سياسات الدولة ، وهذا يؤدي بالتالي الى ظاهرة فراغ السلطة .ومن اجل القضاء على ظاهرة فراغ السلطة في دول عالم الجنوب ، فاهم المعالجات والسياسات التي يجب اتباعها هي تحديد اسس تداول السلطة ، فيجب ان تكون هذه الاسس سلمية كوجود احزاب وهيئات وانتخابات ووجود حرية الصحافة والاعلام ، واحترام الدساتير ، ويقف على راس كل هذه الشروط شرط الوحدة الوطنية الذي لا يمكن ان يتنازل عنه باي حال من الاحوال . وكذلك قيام السلطة السياسية بانتهاج سياسات عدة كانتهاجها لسياسات اقتصادية ايجابية على النحو الذي تجعل المواطن يثق تماما من ان هذه السياسات هي لصالحه اولا واخيرا ، الامر الذي يوفر جوا يحفز المواطنين عامة والاقليات القومية والدينية خاصة وصهرها في بوتقة واحدة ، وكذلك فتح القنوات التي يمكن ان يعبر المواطن عن رايه وبطريق سلمي وفي كافة المستويات وبالشكل الذي يوفر مناخ الاصوات المتعددة بدلا من صوت السلطة الواحدة . وان تحقيق هذه التعددية والحرية يتحقق ليس عبر القرار الرسمي السلطوي فقط ، بل عبر تفاعل ما بين القرار والقاعدة الشعبية بين المواطن والسلطة . ويحدث ذلك عبر ما يلي : 1. الاتجاه نحو بناء مؤسسات سياسية راسخة وثابتة تشكل العماد الاساس لاي نظام سياسي ، هذه المؤسسات تعتمد في قيامها وادائها على حاجات الشعب ، بعيدا عن حالة الاستئثار بالسلطة .2. ان عملية البقاء هذه لا يمكن ان تتحقق الا من خلال اشاعة الوعي السياسي وانفتاحه ، والاستناد الى التعددية السياسية والحرية القائمة على اساس التعددية في الراي والحرية في التوجهات .3. بناء قاعدة اقتصادية متينة تقوم على اساس التعامل مع التكنولوجيا الحديثة والاستغلال الامثل للثروات الاقتصادية وتعبئة هذه الثروات والموارد لتحقيق التنمية الاقتصادية ورفع المستوى المعيشي للفرد والذي سيؤثر بدوره في حل ازمات ومشاكل تعاني منها مجتمعاتها .4. التعامل مع حالة التعددية على انها تمثل مطلبا شعبيا داخليا ، ولذلك يجب توفير المستلزمات الاساسية لنجاحها ، من خلال رعاية هذه المطالب الشعبية والتعامل معها بصدق واضح ، حيث ان التعددية عملية مشاركة الاحزاب والمؤسسات والقوى الوطنية بصورة واسعة وفعلية وهي تتطلب قدرا من الحرية والارادة الحرة للشعب .5. ان النجاح في رسم مستقبل قائم على الحرية والاستقرار ونبذ العنف بكافة اشكاله في المؤسسات السياسية لدول عالم الجنوب ، يتوقف على مبدا اساسي ومهم ، هو تداول السلطة بصورة سلمية وعلى وفق انتخابات حرة ومباشرة ومنتظمة .6. ان النظم السياسية في دول عالم الجنوب اصبحت تواجه في ظل الاوضاع الدولية الراهنة مزيدا من التحديات التي تعصف بها ، ولكي تنجح هذه النظم في مجابهة هذه التحديات فلابد من معالجتها بشكل منطقي ، ويبرز موضوع الوحدة الوطنية من بين هذه التحديات فهناك ضرورة لصيانتها والحفاظ عليها ، بل اصبح هذا الموضوع المفتاح الذي تمسك به القوى المتنفذة لفتح ابواب دول عالم الجنوب والدخول اليه ، لذا يجب الانتباه جيدا لاهمية هذه المشكلة من خلال تعزيز الوحدة الوطنية ودعم ورعاية حقوق الاقليات واحترام حقوق الانسان وتحقيق التنمية بكل اشكالها وارساء دعائم المشاركة السياسية للجميع دون استثناء او تمييز والعمل على جعل المصلحة العليا هي الهدف الاسمى . | It includes the role of the authority in Southern World Countries , this authority seems weak and absent , because of many local and foreign causes , like weak political participation and the continuous changes of the constitutions , and the political authority has used ampeause against the people …ect .This study is divided in to five chapters : Chapter one includes an explanation of the political phenomena , the authority and political authority , and the meaning of " Southern World Countries " , and the phenomena of " absence of authority " .Chapter two discusses local causes of authority absence phenomena .Chapter three discusses foreign causes of authority absence phenomena . Chapter four discusses results of authority absence phenomenain detail . Chapter Five discusses some solutions of the problems of the political authority .

التنمية البشرية المستدامة وحقوق الانسان في البلدان النامية == Sustainable Human Development And Human Rights In Developing Countries

اسم المؤلف: اكرم جميل سليمان الدليمي
اسم المشرف: لبنان هاتف الشامي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2007
الدرجة: ماجستير
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الكلمات الدلالية:
  • التنمية البشرية المستدامة
  • راس المال البشري
  • الامن الانسانسي
  • حقوق الانسان
  • التدخل الانساني
  • الاهداف الانمائية للالفية
  • اخفاقات البلدان النامية
  • طموحات المجتمع الدولي
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: Concurring with large development which emerged after the end of world war II theses development embodied in , independence of development country , increasing of the role of the state and the importance of this role and it influential in social life in addition in increasing demand of individual for best life so the governments were Applegate to found the ways to achieve the progress and program of development in order to improve the level of human life. But there were differences between governments in ways to how achieve the development in it societies these differences caused by the differences between the political systems and it nature in addition in inference of many internal and external effectiveness. In other side there were active movement represent in international institutions , associations, and groups which pressured on these systems to get more rights for human in considered that the human the first aim and the end purposes for progress. We must remember here that we cannot look to the development countries as un one situation but it deferent dramatically in its cultural and religious specialties , the geographic zone and the natural resources. but although exist of these gab among these countries there where many of common sharing characteristics among it. so we emphasized on these sharing characteristics without the differences among these countries in this search. The importance of the search : The end of world war II indicates large progress in field of human development and human rights and this appeared through development strategies in order to improve the human life. in other side appearance the world declaration of human right in 1948 which ratified on this declaration more than 140 country. The increasing world interest in during the 21 century indicates the beginning of new period , in related with human development , represent in political and economic interaction and emergence new influential elements give new chances to new vision to build the institutions and rules and strengthened the economic environment ,enable the individual and insure the basic liberties for all. Out of this vision emerged the importance of this search from the mutual and common vision between the human right and sustainable human development which aimed to insure human liberties and it prosperity for all. this vision affirming that the sustainable human development and human rights considered global responsibility in addition both side of the search (sustainable human development and human rights ) concern with insuring basic liberties because the idea of human rights emphasized on the human being and it equal rights and duties in addition to get social arrangement protect them from deprivation and insure getting the sufficient liberty which led to best life. In related with human development , it is the process of expansion of the alternatives and chances to human beings or it support the human ability to help any individual for live in respective life. The strengthened of both (sustainable human development and human rights ) shared in expansion of ability of people in protect their right and basic liberty. Structure of the search We divide the search into four themes. the first theme concern with sustainable human development and we divide this the into three searches ; the first deals with the concept and development of human development , the second concern with the concept of sustainable human development and its development and the third search the indicators of sustainable human development. The second theme deals with human rights ( the concept , internationalization , and the generations ) and this theme include three searches the first , deals with the definition of human rights , the second deals with internationalization of human rights and the third , concern with the generations of human rights. The third theme concern with situations of human rights in developing countries ( since the beginning of independence until the period of emergence of sustainable human development ) this theme include four searches , the first concern with the political situation in developing countries , the second deals with military situation in developing countries the third studying the social situation in developing countries the forth the economic situation. The fourth theme deals with the effect of sustainable human development in situation of human right in developing countries in three searches , the first deals with the military and political effect in developing countries the second concern with the social effect in developing countries , the third studying the economic effect in developing countries.

مقومات رسم السياسة العامة في الولايات المتحدة الامريكية == The Elements Of Drawing The Public Policy In United States Of America

اسم المؤلف: استبــرق فاضــل شعيــر الشمــري
اسم المشرف: اكرم عبد الله الجميلي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2007
الدرجة: ماجستير
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: This thesis was devoted to study the political system in the U.S.A. in some details. First of all, we should comprehend that the structure of the political regime in U.S.A. and the social, cultural, economic and Technical structure basis all add to the American general policy both external and internal its own characteristics. We should remember that U.S.A was founded as a federation among group of states by a ‘‘ contract ’’ through which the states weaved part of their independence on behalf of the central authority. Undoubtedly, the American political system is rigid and stable one, in spite of the particularity of American society as mixture of nationalities, and in spite of the economic and social transformations through which U.S.A. passed. The study tackled the official institutions of the American political system , represented by ( legislative Institution ) , ( executive institution ) and ( the juridical Institution ). The thesis also tackled the unofficial instituticul like ( political parties ) , ( the lobbies ) and ( public opinions ). In addition , we tackled the American thinking and opinion institutions , and then we tackled these institutions as effective powers in the process of drawing the American general policy.It is noted that the institutions in essence are only continually - held conferences made in bargaining operations and continuous effectiveness in the context of critical, retrieval relationships and that each institution represents certain attitudes and interests, though they are less ideological and restricted to inclusive national standards. It is noticeable that the process of drawing the general policy in the U.S.A. is a bargain logic based on the external and internal American general policies. The American regime is institutional regime. The legislative authority contains several attitudes, directions, interests and objectives, it is a multiple authority with the full sense of the word, and it cannot issue legislation unless after subjecting to many influences like the surrounding environment and after entering in bargain interactions ends with issuing legislation suits the different influences and powers. Thus, it turns out that bargain is regarded crucial to legislate the most general policies. It is noted that although the American political regime is based on the principle of separating authorities , there is domination by the executive authority over the rest authorities. That can be seen clearly through granting the American Consisiution the president the veto right over the draft laws, and we see that the president coexists inside the congress through brining forwards draft laws by the supporters in the same party. Also, through his deputy that heads the House of Senates that share the same attitudes and ideas. As for justice, there is no country in the world in which justice plays a vital role in like it is in U.S.A. ( whether on the local or national level ). They play a vital role in interpreting the general policy. Courts gain this role through their authorities represented in the judicial references. That is the role of powers in drawing the general policies. As for the unofficial powers, we find that the political party in the U.S.A. is based on the party duality that affects the drawing of general policy in U.S.A. That effect is manifested through the competition between the tow parties clearly about the issues of prosperity and programme and what relates to the employment legislation and the regulations of commercial projects and others However, the role of these parties in has retreated in drawing the general policy for the benefit of the new actors i.e. the lobbies. These lobbies often use a certain pattern of objectives and attitudes and practices their abilities in order to push the governmental general polices towards adopting these attitudes. Their abilities depend on the extent of their effectiveness and realism in presentation. These lobbies have since developed their means of effecting on the official authorities that each seems to have the full authority and power to be reflected positively on the strategy of them in their effect on congress and the executive authority , or perhaps the courts to compensate any deficiency that might effect their abilities as well as effecting the parties and public opinion. The public opinion has a great and tangible effect in drawing the general policy that it occupies a basic status inside the political field as regarded one of the important component of the American policy by looking at it as an effective element factor in taking decisions. Elections and polls are regarded a way of achieving an important status to the pubic opinion and its role in the political process, as regarded the general frame that the crystallization and determining of public policy depend on. Finally, I should point out to the important role which the opinion and thinking institutions play, that they are practicing different types of power on several stages in drawing the general policy. The basic element in doing that is the possession the database. Undoubtedly , that these institutions have presented a valuable contributions in the American policy both internal and external. The official and unofficial powers take part in the process of drawing the general policy, due to the nature of American political regime is open and may attract the public opinion in order to make the issue of the remarkable influence in society. Therefore, the inputs of political regimes remains in the work and cannot be stopped, some may attain power that can threaten the government as whole and put them in a dilemma either to response quickly and take the decisions that may involve the government in troubles. An example is what happened during the invasion of Iraq , that the American administration put itself in this dilemma. It is now obliged either to take a bold decision of withdrawal or remain exposed to criticism and defamation, which is the reason of the losses they are enduring in Iraq.

التعددية السياسية وصنع السياسة العامة في لبنان : بحث في واقع النظام السياسي اللبناني1975 - 1990 == Political Multi - Individuality And Making The General Policy In Lebanon A Study Of Reality Of Lebanese Political Regime 1975 - 1990

اسم المؤلف: رحيم صدام جبر الساعدي
اسم المشرف: لبنان هاتف الشامي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2007
الدرجة: ماجستير
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: لبنان، بلد عربي، يمثل بنظامه السياسي صورة النظم السياسية العربية التي كانت ولم تزل تعاني من تاكل مقومات بنائها، سواءا في زمن الاضطراب،او في زمن الاستقرار. بلد حمل اشكالية الانفتاح السياسي بمختلف الوانها، حتى اذا ما قبض على حقيقة الخيار المؤهل لوجوده كبلد | Lebanon, as an Arab country, represents with its political system, aprogection for Arabian political systemes which were and are still sufferng from the corression of their building foundations whither in distrbance or still times. Lebanon carried the problamtic issue of political opening with all it’s colors, & when the time of seezing the reality of the choice which quilify it’s existing as acountry with many origins, roots, & sects, it has to reform it’s existance again in time when all the political claimel the patriotic without reaching it and claime for self estem without it’s maintenance … and work to mold the without sacrifying to the most important Identity … and that is Lebanon which sums in its four dimensions and it’s long history the causes of common living for its peopl… Asaholiest holy.In front of all this, it seems that Lebanon along its political history is threatened to be at the edge of the storms and their many strong winds …. Give birth to the democratic biulding breaths & not as the other Arab countries, acompanied with the results of the destroying storms till it became acountry that gathered the obligitory possibities and the leathal prohabitions which must be avoid.And this was the situation for the political seen in Lebanon … in that it is over loaded from its birth with silent restrictions it’s claims for it’s aims and this was the reason of differences which the Lebaneses suffr in making their choices … un till the the chance of right thinking and making the right choice were vanish they directed them selves to the escalation whither by preparing the in between conflicts supported by the origions which make them and their outside connections or by starting conflects as away of self rebuild.By this the 1975 - 1990 war seems to be the origon portate of the panorama of that systeme which is elected to happen again at any time according to the factors of it’s starting inside, regionaly, & internationaly. In that Lebanon in its different consitituants is acountry of the paradoxes. Which without it’s geographical variablities, it would be disintigrated … and without the Arab - Isra’el conflect the situation would be worse … and without it’s history as astart point for Arab nation.. thought of imbission … the situation would be differ.Acountry gathers many sects … with many many political parties of political organizations, the carrier of the Arab issue, passionat to be out of its crisis. It seems to straggl the baries which sometime, are made by the others. And the core of the problem is the lebanese politcal system. So what is it’s nature? And what are the origins of its starying? And what are its machinaries of practicing the outhoraty? And what are the rols in making the general policy? These questions and others are the cove of our study The Thesis Assumption This thesis spring from an assumption said “the Labenese political system ehich said “the labenese political system which as it was raised and tried to melt the origions, the roots, and the sects in one patriotic bowel to provid the evedance that democracy, as thought and system, as an experanced bowel for gatharing this variaty … is still unable to identifying the pathes that lead to their hops … and also to convince the people of the safty of their country’s building” And if we want to make this assumption legal there are group of branch questions which need answers some of which are : - - Were the economical, social and the party’s structure in lebanon had arole and effect on the labenese political system? - Was the lebanese political system crisis a modrenization one represented in the contrast between the base and the head of the political game of the institution which was limitted from more than half century and which the system comit and the forces & the catigories that are raisen in the sociaty? - did Al - Ta’af agreement as one of the most siognificunt method of organizing the multi - individuality, or one of the most important method for trying to make the openions come nearer in acolized sociaty, was more important than 1993 bond added to it the constitution convensions which add to the constitution, or it may become a new bond for new republic? And what will be the consequances of making it legal? - Was the lebanese political system able to mold or build general polocy oble to achive the aims, demands, and solving the problems and as aresalt to keep the sociaty’s convensions. The thesis structure The subject was divided into four chapters, where it tackled in the first chapter - the general from of the political life in Lebanon in three researches Research one/ tackle the social & economical strcture Research two & three / tackle the party consid rations and included a show and analysis for the political parties which are existed from stadared and facts points of view, in addition to divide theses parties to different groups.As for chapter two it tackled the political and the party’s system, and 1975 crisis and this chapter is subdivided into three researches Research One : tackled the lebaneses political system from consept and crisis points of view Research Two : tackled the political - secterian upper classes and 1975 crisis Research Three : tackle the role of the political parties in 1975 crisis In chapter Three : Ittackle - Al - Ta’af agreement and the ending of 1975 crisis and it consists of three researches Research One : tackle the political situations before Al - Ta’af agreement Research Two : Al - Ta’af bond reformations and their traces on the Lebanese political system Research Three : tackle the results of Al - Ta’af agreement on the political life in lebanon And by the end of chapter four we conclude this thesis, and it tackls the malti - individuality for parties & political life and the general political life in lebanon after al - Ta’af agreement and it consists of three researches also.Research One : tackle the consept and the nature of the general polocy.Research Two : tackle the role of the political system in lebanon in making the general polocy.Research Three : showed the weakness of the political parties and how they influanced by the secterian dividing and the role of the forigon interferances in making the general And finally come the conclasion which showed number of facts which we saw to be necessary to be included as conclusion in the light of what was ahead of study & openion And by this hample effort I hope to submit a hample participation in this side of the political life in our region.God will help …. His mercy make the hope come true.After we had submit adetailed explantion for the truth fact of the political system inlebanon and hools & mischirings the resalt of 1975 crisis and its war and after Al - Ta’af agreement in 1990 to save what were possple to save we must take some growing facts which must be demonistrated as aconclusion : - 1 - The lebaneses political system depend on an accurate balance between different forces and distinguished catigories, centers and branched dissisions, and they are all forced perminantly to speak wisly other wise the balance is corrupted and caios spread and that will affect their interests.This balance is not secterian only, putitis alse geographical camoge the different areas of lebanon) and an institutioin balance ( between the institution & highly governmental ranks) and family balance ( between some families which forced their role by roral old ownership & money)2 - The change in the sect structure in lebanon after 1975 was not an inside change aimed to unified the families to improve their stance and to reform the corruption in the overall social structure only. But was an all change intered on each sect structure lead toaconfusion between cotinuing the role or giving it up perminantly, both of these matters led to the collaps of foundations which the lebanese socialy was build on.3 - Whatsoever the lebanese political system was still standing on the base of the constitation from one side & the national bond from the other the authority was divided in away between the different sects in that the head republic is christian maronic, the chief ministers sunni & the head parlamanite is sheiite - As for the parlamanit the mahority is for the chrtians. According to Al - Ta’af bond which ended the civil war there were many amendancies on the consititution published in 21/9/1990. Some of these chanages made difference in the lebanese life especially in material (24) which stated to spread the chairs of the parlamant equally between muslims & chrstians and in aspecified ratio between sects & the areas.4 - The too many parties make them unable to partici pate in the political operation in that they practice no very important vole in this operation due to to the limits of the sects in addition to the non legal & non convential foundation of these parties especially for those who are independants and their role in the election system for parlamaint members which is secterian which lead to shrink their role in the politics.5 - Thus the first fact of understanding the lebanese political system in that it is secterian build on dividing the citizins into two basic sects muslim & christian with these two sects subdivided into many sects (17 sects) which the political system admit and made the social & political rights for them. So each lebanese belong to asect. In that one of the writers wrot in 1927 describing Lebanon as the “lountry of religions & sects” The mater was not short for the dividing of the sects subjectivly but the most important their feeling of the belonging to some sect.6 - We cannot think of the party’s roles in this crisis, in that they were not fundimental in the crisis reactions, due to their little in the Lebanese political system. But still the party’s role an indicator for lebanese political system empitance. The fristvations which the political parties faces which prevent their action in the authority in any system especially in the field of making the perfect intigration on the national level and the political participation and give the legal form for the system, help us more in understanding the Lebanese crisis.7 - The formula of roling in Al - Ta’af agreement made an organized form of participation that heels the political deprivation ending the dictatorial behaviour & regaining the atmosphere of the copration on the base of equdity in making the dissions and drowing the general polocy as a formula of roling in all minictries in away all sects are represented in an equal fair way’s and the all are participated inmaking the political dission. This balance in the political dission are in the ministers council and also the association of sunni & sheiite and the other ethnics. So big sects (muronics, sunnies, sheites) are given the most important positions i - e head republic was given to the maranics to control the bases of the formula & the supervision on this formula both in dission & excution and keep the stractur of the government, the head of ministers council was given to sunnies to assist the head republic in controling the base of the formula & supervise its excution, and the head parlamanit was given to sheiites & their duty is watching the formula in dission & excuting 8 - The reality of the Lebanese political system crisis was consentrated on the political level especially in outside polocy i - e Lebanese - tsrae’el conflect, and this lead to the stance from the resistance. Where the Lebanese beliv that the Israe’el conflect does not threat Lebanon but protect it & make it go back to its basic standards and protect it’s body & system. From other side others belive the main cause of the Lebanese crisis is the diffrences in the secterian balances due to the civil wars and Israel in vasion & the syrian existance in Lebanon which take the side of some sects on the behalf of others in the conflict on authority. Others belive that the cause of the crisis is due to the administrative & political corruption in Lebanon even though it is anold feature of the Lebanese government from the timeop inde pendency. While others think of the economical side & the financial dealing which make the unemployment levels raise - and what soever the will of change might be, it is without ascientific plane to be based on the enviotnment inside and outside Lebanon.9 - The future of the general polcy in Lebanon and it’s setilment on good bases is connected by two matters 1st the government ability in its new forms to overcome the party’s individuals, and secure the real fram to practice the general freedoms and the comitance of the national polocy and get out of social crisis to the horizons of the balance development 2nd the translation of the patriotic belonging practically on the educational, the economical, political, security & social levels