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سياسة اليابان الاقليمية : دراسة تاريخية في قضايا الجزر المتنازع عليها في شمال شرق اسيا (1951 - 1978) == Japan Regional Policy : A historical Study of the Disputed Islands in the East - north Asia 1951 - 1978

Author name: لـــؤي ثجـيــل جمعة الاســدي
Supervisor name: كاظم هيلان محسن السهلاني
General topic: History
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:
Abstract: After the Second World War, the second part of the 20th century witnessed the cold war. Till now, there are some border disputes resulted from that war. This war was a reflection of that cold war through diverse sites in Asia, centering on the East - north of the continent. In accordance with San Francisco treaty in Japan for peace in 1951, there rose the cold war and how the USA contributed to that strife. As a result of the new regional situation of the former Japan Empire, the islands are (the Southern Kuril islands / Northern Territories), (Dokdo / Takeshima), and (Senkaku / Diaoyu).The history of the challenges on these islands goes back to different periods. These were confirmed by the regional expansion conducted by Japanese policy from 1879 to 1939. These challenges got complicated by the USA during the cold war in the east and north of Asia. This conflict was affirmed by San Francisco treaty for peace in 1951. This case is seen as an important one which has been still sustained. This conflict affects directly the economic and diplomatic relations between Japan and the other disputed countries. This also has an influence upon the social and cultural relations among the peoples of those countries at various levels, besides, these conflicts also affect the settlement and peace in the north and east of Asia. This may lead to armed conflicts. The current study focuses on the occurrence of those conflicts after the Second World War, as a result of San Francisco treaty for peace in 1951 and how these conflicts affect the diplomatic relations between the disputed countries from 1951 up to 1978, besides the role played by the USA in affirming these conflicts, and the historical roots for each case concerning these islands. These conflicts are enhanced historically rather than politically. The dissertation is, thus, divided into an introduction and four chapters. The first chapter is about the policy of regional expansion and its effect upon the Japan foreign affairs (1951 - 1979). It includes three sections : the first one is about the occurrence of Japan colonial tendency and the policy of expansion. Section two is concerned with the entrance of Japan into the Second World War and being under the USA occupation. The third section exposes the session of San Francisco in 1951 in the north east of Asia in affirming the Japanese regional conflicts. Chapter two is devoted to the study of Japan - Soviet conflict over (the Southern Kuril islands / Northern Territories) in (1951 - 1960). This chapter is also composed of three sections. The first on is about the historical roots of the conflict over these islands. The second one focuses on the case of these islands and how these affect the Japanese - Soviet relations and the USA position from the conflicts (1951 - 1960). The third section addresses the claims of the disputed powers over the dominance over the disputed islands. Chapter three shows the Japanese - Korean conflicts over (Dokdo / Takeshima) islands (1951 - 1978). It also includes three sections. The first section is about the historical background about these two islands. The second one is concerned with the reflection of these disputes over the Japanese - Korean relations and the position of USA from them. The third one shows the Japanese claims about the dominance over these two islands and how Korea responded. Chapter four is specified for the Chinese - Japanese dispute over (Senkaku / Diaoyu) from 1951 to 1978. It is composed of three sections. The first one is about the historical background of the dispute (1885 up to 1951). The second section is devoted to the Japanese - Chinese relations in response to the dispute over these two islands and the USA position from this conflict. The thirds section is concerned with the claims of China about the dominance over these two islands and how Japan responded to this claim. The conclusion is a summary of what the researcher has found about these various aspects of disputes.

العراق في عهد الوالي العثماني محمد نامق باشا (1862 - 1868) == Iraq in the age of Namiq pasha (1862 - 1868)

Author name: كاظم صبري لفتة الزركاني
Supervisor name: باسم حمزة عباس
General topic: History
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:
Abstract: اهتمت مؤسساتنا العلمية الاكاديمية بدراسة تاريخ العراق الحديث خلال العهد العثماني المباشر على العراق (1831 - 1914 )، وتصدر ذلك الاهتمام دراسته من كل الجوانب خلال حقب ارتبطت ببعض الولاة العثمانيين الذين حكموا ايالات العراق كالوالي على رضا اللاظ والوالي مدحت باشا ، فضلا عن الدراسات الاخرى التي اهتمت بالجوانب والاصلاحات العثمانية في ايالة بغداد ، خلال حقبة ( 1831 - 1869 ) وقد تناولت عدة جوانب منها سياسية واقتصادية واجتماعية ، في الحقبة المذكورة الا انهم لم يسلطوا الضوء على دور محمد نامق باشا كوالي للعراق والتي حدثت تطورات كبيرة في مختلف المجالات وقد اولاها الباحثون الاهتمام القليل في دراساتهم. جاء سبب اختيارنا للموضوع ( العراق في عهد الوالي العثماني محمد نامق باشا 1862 - 1868 ) ، لانه ليس هناك دراسة اكاديمية تناولته ، وحتى الباحثون الذين درسوا فترة القرن التاسع عشر تناولوا اجزاء من التطورات التي حدثت ، وعلى الرغم من كثرة وتعدد الكتابة في هذا المجال فان هناك فترات لم تنل الاهتمام المطلوب وذلك الاسباب كثيرة ربما ابرزها هو تردد الباحثين بتناولها خشية كفايه المعلومات المتوفرة حولها الامر الذي يجعلها لا ترتقي الى مستوى الدرجة العلمية التي يبتغي الباحث الحصول عليها . كما ان تلك الشخصية والمتمثلة بنامق باشا تعتبر على قدر من الاهمية وذلك لما لها من ظهور بارز ليس في ايالات العراق فحسب بل تعدى ذلك الدور ليشمل مجموعة من ايالات الدولة العثمانية وهذا جعله من الشخصيات البارزة خلال النصف الثاني من القرن التاسع عشر فضلا عن ادارته المتميزة في ولايته الثانية للعراق وهي موضوع الدراسة. تناولت هذه الدراسة مقدمة واربعة فصول وخاتمة. تناول الفصل الاول ( الاوضاع السياسية والاقتصادية والاجتماعية منذ انتهاء حكم المماليك حتى ولاية محمد نامق باشا 1831 - 1862) ، تضمن المبحث الاول ( الاوضاع السياسية ) وقد ركز على نهاية حكم المماليك في العراق ، وعودة الحكم العثماني على ايالة بغداد ، وربطها بالادارة المركزية ، وبداية اصطدام الدولة العثمانية بالعشائر في ايالة بغداد وتوابعها ، واتسمت تلك الحقبة بالفساد في الادارة العثمانية في ايالات العراق ، وكذلك قوة شوكة العشائر ، اما المبحث الثاني فقد جاء بعنوان ( الاوضاع الاقتصادية ) وتحدث عن سوى الاوضاع الاقتصادية في العراق ، وانتشار الاوبئة والامراض ، وثقل الضرائب على السكان ، كما تناول استحداث بعض الوظائف العثمانية في ايالة بغداد ، وقيام بعض الولاة باصلاحات في المجال الاقتصادي ، وتحسين حالة الفلاحين ، وتطرق الى بعض الحرف التي ظهرت في العراق ، وصناعة العراق ، وكذلك تناول تجارة العراق وطرق نقلها ، فضلا عن صادرات العراق ، اما المبحث الثالث فجاء بعنوان ( الجيش والاوضاع الاجتماعية في العراق ) وقد تحدث عن اهمية المؤسسة العسكرية العثمانية ودورها في حفظ الامن في ايالة بغداد ، واقسامها ، اضف الى ذلك اوضاع العراق العامة وما اصابها من اهمال ، وتدهور اوضاع السكان الصحية والتعليمية في النصف الاول من القرن التاسع عشر. اما الفصل الثاني فقد سلط الضوء على ( الاوضاع السياسية والعسكرية في العراق خلال ولاية محمد نامق باشا 1862 - 1868 ) ، وقد تضمن ثلاثة مباحث تناول المبحث الاول منها ( حياة محمد نامق باشا وتدرجة في المناصب ) ، تناول هذا المبحث حياته ودراسته ، وتدرجه في المناصب العسكرية وتوليه منصب الوالي لعدد من الايالات العربية . اما المبحث الثاني ( الاوضاع السياسية في العراق خلال ولاية محمد نامق باشا 1862 - 1868) ، وتناول اعمال نامق باشا السياسية التي اختلفت عن ولايته الاولى ، واضراب العشائر التي امتنعت عن دفع الضرائب ، وارسال الحملات العسكرية المتكررة الى وسط وجنوب العراق على العشائر، وتحويلها الى مراكز ادارية تتبع الحكومة المركزية، وتحويل المشيخة الى وظيفة حكومية . اما المبحث الثالث ( الاوضاع العسكرية في العراق 1862 - 1868 ) ، فتحدث عن اهمية المؤسسة العسكرية العثمانية في العراق ، وتاسيس الجيش السادس في العراق ودوره في بسط السيطرة العثمانية على ايالات العراق ، وتقسيمات وصنوف الجيش السادس ، ومحاولات تطبيق التجنيد الاجباري . بينما جاء الفصل الثالث بعنوان ( الاوضاع الاقتصادية في العراق خلال ولاية محمد نامق باشا 1862 - 1868 ) ، وقسم الى ثلاثة مباحث ، تناول الاول منها ( تطور الطرق والمواصلات خلال ولاية محمد نامق باشا ) ، اذ كانت الطرق والمواصلات في النصف الاول من القرن التاسع عشر كسابق عهدها في مسالة الاهمال ، الا ان النصف الثاني من القرن التاسع عشر شهد اهتمام الدولة العثمانية والدول الاوربية بوسائل النقل المختلفة نتيجة تطور الصناعة والتجارة وازدياد الطلب على المواد الاولية الاستهلاكية التي كانت ايالات العراق تنتجها وازدياد الطلب عليها في اوربا ، لذا سعت الدول الاوربية للبحث عن طرق جديده لربط الشرق بالغرب بواسطة طرق النقل والتجارة ، بينما كرس المبحث الثاني ( الزراعة ) ، وتطرق هذا المبحث الى الاوضاع الزراعية وما يرتبط بمنتوجات ايالات العراق والطرق المستخدمة في زراعة المحاصيل والخضروات والانواع التي تنتجها . اما المبحث الثالث ( الصناعة والتجارة ) ، تميزت الصناعة في النصف الثاني من القرن التاسع عشر بتطور ملحوظ عما كانت عليه في النصف الاول من القرن المذكور وظهرت صناعات محلية تميزت بجودتها ونافست الصناعات الاوربية وتميزت كل منطقة بنوع من الصناعات ، واخذت التجارة بالتطور والانفتاح على السوق الخارجية وذلك بسبب تطور الطرق والمواصلات وازدياد الطلب على السلع العراقية والمواد الاولية التي تدخل في الصناعة . اما الفصل الرابع فقد جاء بعنوان ( الاوضاع الاجتماعية والعمرانية والنفوذ الاجنبي في العراق خلال ولاية محمد نامق باشا 1862 - 1868 ) ، وقسم الى ثلاثة مباحث ، تضمن المبحث الاول ( الاوضاع الاجتماعية ) ، وقد ركز على طبيعة المجتمع العراقي وتركيبه الاجتماعي ووضع المراة والاوضاع الثقافية والتعليم والحالة الصحية خلال ولاية محمد نامق باشا .اما المبحث الثاني ( الاوضاع العمرانية ) ، وتطرق هذا المبحث الى الحالة العمرانية في العراق ونشاة بعض المدن كمدينة العمارة والعزيزية والاعمال العمرانية في الاضرحة المقدسة والترميم الذي جرى فيها ، وبناء المعسكرات . اما المبحث الثالث ( النفوذ الاجنبي في العراق ) ، وتناول اهتمام الدول الاوربية في العراق من اجل تحقيق مصالحها واستثمار رؤوس الاموال الاجنبية في العراق عن طريق انشاء الشركات التجارية . اعتمدت الدراسة على مجموعة متنوعة من المصادر تراوحت مابين الوثائق المنشورة والرسائل والاطاريح الجامعية والكتب العربية والمعربة والاجنبية وتاتي في مقدمتها الوثائق المنشورة سالدانة والكتب الوثائقية وكان اهمها ديلك قايا ، كربلاء في الارشيف العثماني 1840 - 1876، وغيرها من المصادر الوثائقية المهمة. كما اعتمدت الدراسة على مجموعة كبيرة من الدراسات الاكاديمية ( الرسائل والاطاريح الجامعية ) ، وكان ابرزها محمد عصفور سلمان العراق في عهد الوالي مدحت باشا ( 1869 - 1872 ) ، ورسالة محمد نوري مهدي ، الاصلاحات العثمانية وتاثيرها على الادارة (1831 - 1869) ، ورسالة نيزك عبدالكريم سعيد ، الادارة العثمانية في ايالة بغداد ( 1831 - 1869) ، وغيرها من الدراسات الاكاديمية التي امدت الموضوع بمعلومات قيمة . كما اعتمد الباحث على مجموعة كبيرة من الكتب العربية والمعربة كمصدر مهم لتوثيق الحقائق الواردة في الدراسة ، وهي متنوعة ومختلفة الاراء والاتجاهات بحسب دوافع وتوجهات كل كاتب ، ونشير الى اهم الكتب التي استند اليها الباحث وهي ، الاب سهيل قاشا ، الموصل في القرن التاسع عشر 1839 - 1909 ، وكذلك مؤلف الاستاذ عبد العزيز سليمان نوار ، تاريخ العراق الحديث ، ومؤلف جعفر الخياط ، صور من تاريخ العراق ، ستيفن هيمسلي لونكريك ، اربع قرون من تاريخ العراق الحديث ، وكذلك ج.ج. لوريمر ، دليل الخليج القسم التاريخي منها والجغرافي ، وكذلك مؤلفات يعقوب سركيس . اما المجلات فقد رفدت الدراسة بمعلومات عن العراق خلال ولاية نامق باشا الثانية ، علي كامل حمزة ، الحلة في عهد الوزراء العثمانيين 1831 - 1869 دراسة في الاحوال السياسية مجلة كلية التربية للعلوم الانسانية جامعة بابل ، وكذلك حازم مجيد احمد ، الصراع والتمرد العشائري واثره على الاقتصاد العراقي 1850 - 1914 ، مجلة سامراء ، وغيرها من البحوث المهمة. لقد واجه الباحث في اثناء الدراسة معوقات كثيرة تكاد لا تخلو منها اي دراسة اكاديمية وياتي في مقدمتها ، ندرة المعلومات عن الفترة المدروسة بين 1862 - 1868 ، وغيرها من الصعوبات الاخرى كمثل عدم القدرة الى الوصول لمدينة الموصل الحدباء تلك المدينة التي تعتبر غنية بمصادر التاريخ العثماني ، وعلى الرغم من ذلك حاول الباحث تذليل الصعوبات واعطاء الدراسة استحقاقها مع مراعاة التسلسل الزمني ووحدة الموضوع ، فان هذا لا يعني ان البحث يخلو من الاخطاء غير المقصودة ، فجل من لا يخطئ ، وارجو ان اكون قد وفقت في اعداد هذه الدراسة على نحو يرضي مشرفي واعضاء لجنة المناقشة ، شاكرا جهودها واكمال نواقصها والله ولي التوفيق. | Our academic institutions and studies have shown clear - cut interest in studying the modern history of Iraq during the direct Ottoman rule of Iraq (1831 - 1914). The reason for our choice (Iraq under the Ottoman Governor Muhammad Namiq Basha 1862 - 1868), is the shortage of research covering this field. The nineteenth century dealt with parts of the developments that occurred at that time, and despite the multiplicity of writing in this area, there are periods that did not receive the attention required, for many reasons, perhaps the most prominent is the reluctance of researchers to address it for fear of insufficient information available around, such topics.This personality, represented by Namiq Basha, is considered of a paramount importance because of his prominent appearance not only in Iraq, but also in the Ottoman State, which made him of a special prominent figure during the second half of the nineteenth century as well as his outstanding management in his second term for Iraq. It is the subject of the study. This study is of an introduction, four chapters and a conclusion.The first chapter is devoted to the end of the rule of the rulers (Mamalik) in Iraq, the return of the Ottoman rule to Iraq, and its connection with the central administration. It also discloses the poor economic situation in Iraq, burden of taxes on the population, reforms by some governors in the economic sphere, and the situation of peasants. It has spoken out about the importance of the Ottoman military establishment and its role in maintaining security in the Baghdad area. As to the second chapter, it has highlighted the (political and military conditions in Iraq during the reign of Namiq Basha 1862 - 1868). It has revealed the life of Namiq Basha and his appointments to the posts and his political works which differed from his first rule, and punishment of tribes that refrained from paying taxes. Moreover, it sheds light on the importance of the Ottoman military establishment in Iraq, the establishment of the Sixth Army in Iraq and its role in the extension of the Ottoman control on the Iraqi regions.While the third chapter entitled "The economic Situation in Iraq During the Reign of Namiq Basha 1862 - 1868" is well discussed , because the second half of the nineteenth century saw the interest of the Ottoman Empire and the European countries in various means of transport as a result of the development of industry and trade and increased demand for consumable raw materials that were produced in the Iraq regions.Besides, it makes a mention to the agricultural situation and all that is related to the products of Iraq's regions, and how the industry was characterized with in the second half of the nineteenth century, and emergence local industries characterized by quality competing European industries.The fourth chapter, entitled "Social and Urban Conditions and Foreign Influence in Iraq during the Period of Namiq Basha 1862 - 1868", has studied the nature of Iraqi society, the social structure, the status of women, cultural conditions, education and health status during the period of Muhammad Namiq Basha. And it has made a reference to the emergence of some cities such as the city of Amara and Aziza, the construction of the holy shrines and the construction of camps. Finally it addresses the issue of how European countries have drawn their attention to Iraq to achieve their interests

دور جورج كينان في تخطيط السياسات الاستراتيجية الامريكية 1947 - 1953م == George Kennan's Role In Planning The American Strategy Policy 1947 - 1953

Author name: قاسم نمر جلوب السعيدي
Supervisor name: اميرة رشك لعيبي الزبيدي
General topic: History
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:
Abstract: The Study Aims To Explain The Strategic Role Played By Kennan And Its Impact On The American Foreign Policy Between (1947 - 1953). During The Time, Kennan Exercised His Greatest Influence In Implementing The Policy Of Containment. The Study Endeavours To Expose Kennan's Comprehensive And Coordinate Role In The Cold War. Kennan's Long Telegram Which He Prepared In 1946 Drew The Attention Of Such Major American Policy Makers In Washington D. C. As The Secretary Of Navy James Forrestal. The Telegram Offered Reasons And Justifications To Change The Aims Of The American Foreign Policy In Relation To The Soviet Union. Kennan Stated In His Evaluating Reports That The Communist Soviet Expansion Threatened The American Interests And Security. It Is Worth Mentioning That Kennan Did Not Name A Specific Strategy When He Wrote His Long Telegram. However, His Ideas Began To Clarify When He Gave Lectures At The National Defense University. These Lectures Made Clear His Ideas And Opinions In Relation To The American Foreign Policy. In The Meantime, Kennan Started To Outline What Is Termed As The Containment Strategy. Though His Ideas Did Not Design The Formal Strategic Line Of The State Department, They Had A Great Impact On The American Public. Therefore, The Long Telegram And The Lectures That Kennan Gave At The National Defense University Were Helpful Factors In Understanding Some Of His Ideas And Explaining Their Influence In Redefining The Concepts Of The Soviet Threat.The Conclusion Lists The Main Results Of The Study

الطيران المدني العراقي 1933 - 1979 : دراسة تاريخية == Iraqi Civil Aviation (1933 - 1979)A Historical Study )

Author name: فلاح حسن عاتي البهادلي
Supervisor name: ياسين طه ياسين الهارون
General topic: History
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:
Abstract: The present study focusses on civil aviation in Iraq to show its importance in the history of Iraq especially in keeping up with the global developments and international relations. It consists of an introduction, four chapters and a conclusion. The first chapter introduces civil aviation. It reviews the establishment and development of civil aviation in the world, focusing on the development of civil aviation in Britain and the beginnings of its entry into Iraq until 1932.The second chapter covers the role of Britain in the establishment of civil airports in Iraq between 1933 and 1939. It tackles how Britain has used its military airports for civil purposes. It also discusses the establishment of civil airports in Baghdad and Basrah through the cooperation between Iraq and Britain.The third chapter deals with Iraqi civil aviation between the outbreak of the Second World War in 1939 and the fall of the Monarchy in 1958. Moreover, it touches on the impact of the Second World War on the activity of that aviation. Particularly, it emphasizes the development of the aviation after that war when a new stage has been established for the Iraqi Airways through the development of civil aviation at the international level. The fourth chapter reviews the development of civil aviation between 1958 - 1979. It tries to explain the effect of political developments in Iraq following the fall of the Monarchy in 1958 and its impact on civil aviation. It then comments on the development of civil aviation at the national and international levels during the first Republican Era (1958 - 1968) and the second Republican Era (1968 - 1979). The Study ends up with a number of conclusions

العلاقات التركية المصرية 1980 - 1993 : دراسة تاريخية == Turkish - Egyptian Relations 1980 - 1993 (Historical study

Author name: عمار عبد الرضا ماهود الزبيدي
Supervisor name: طيبة خلف عبد الله
General topic: History
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:
Abstract: الاقليمي في المنطقة, وتجمع بينهما مجموعة صفات متقاربة او مشتركة, فمن حيث الموقع الجغرافي يتمتع البلدان بموقع جغرافي ممتاز, له اهميته الجيوسياسية في منطقة مهمة واستراتيجية من العالم, هي منطقة الشرق الاوسط, وهما البلدان الوحيدان في المنطقة اللذان لهما امتدادات في قارتين؛ فاراضي تركيا تتوزع بين اسيا واوربا, وتشكل حلقة اتصال بينهما, وكذلك مصر التي تمتد اراضيها في قارتي افريقيا واسيا, كذلك يمتلك البلدان سواحل طويلة على البحر المتوسط, كل ذلك جعل البلدين يتمتعان باهمية بالغة في الشرق الاوسط. ان النظام السياسي في كلا البلدين نظام جمهوري, تلعب فيه المؤسسة العسكرية دورا بارزا, وتولى ضباط الجيش منصب رئاسة الجمهورية, مع وجود رئيس للحكومة عادة ما يكون مدنيا, يتولى ادارة شؤون البلاد الداخلية والخارجية, فضلا عن انهما من البلدان النامية, وتشكل الزراعة فيهما النشاط الاقتصادي الرئيس للسكان, وانهما يعانيان من مشاكل اقتصادية متشابهة متمثلة في التضخم, وزيادة المديونية الخارجية, لذلك اتبعا مجموعة نظم واجراءات اقتصادية, من اجل التخلص من هذه المشاكل, فضلا عن ذلك هنالك تماثل في التكوين الاجتماعي, وفي عدد السكان في البلدين, والتداخل الديموغرافي بين ابناء الشعبين (التركي والمصري), فهناك مصريون من اصول تركية, وهناك اتراك من اصول عربية مصرية. اضف الى ذلك كون البلدين يرتبطان بعلاقة متميزة مع الولايات المتحدة الامريكية طيلة المدة التي هي قيد الدراسة, وكانا اكثر بلدين يتلقيان مساعدات اقتصادية منها بعد "اسرائيل" من الولايات المتحدة الامريكية, كذلك يرتبطان دون غيرهما من البلدان الاسلامية, بعلاقات دبلوماسية جيدة مع "اسرائيل" في هذه المدة. كل هذا التشابه بين البلدين وغيره, دفع الباحث الى اختيار الموضوع, فضلا عن افتقار المكتبات في الجامعات العراقية والتركية والمصرية, الى دراسة اكاديمية تتناول بحث العلاقات التركية المصرية, وتحليلها في المدة 1980 - 1993, تقف على نقاط التشابه التي تم ذكرها, ودورها في تنمية العلاقات بين البلدين في مختلف الجوانب. اما سبب تحديد عام 1980 لبدء الدارسة فيكمن في ان العلاقات التركية المصرية شهدت الانطلاقة الحقيقية نحو التطور في هذا العام, بعد تسلم كنعان ايفرين رئاسة الجمهورية التركية, على اثر الانقلاب العسكري في الثاني عشر من ايلول 1980, وسعيه الى توثيق علاقات تركيا مع الدول العربية, والدور الذي لعبه توركوت اوزال في توجه تركيا نحو مصر وباقي الدول العربية, سواء عندما كان رئيسا للوزراء على دورتين (1983 - 1989), ام بعد توليه رئاسة الجمهورية (1989 - 1993), وقد توقفنا في البحث عند عام 1993؛ لانه يمثل سنة وفاة توركوت اوزال الذي كان له دور الرئيس في تطوير سياسة تركيا الداخلية والخارجية, وعلاقاتها السياسية والاقتصاد مع مصر وباقي الدول العربية, وبذلك انتهت الحقبة الاوزولية التي امتدت من عام 1983 حتى عام 1993. وقد اعتمد الباحث في تقسيم الدارسة على وحدة الموضوع, مع مراعاة المنهج التاريخي بما يتطلب من تتبع للاحداث والوقائع المختلفة، حسب التسلسل التاريخي, مما يجعل التعمق في بحث الاحوال والمؤثرات التاريخية امرا ضروريا؛ لفهم تطور العلاقات التركية المصرية, ولذا كان ترتيب الفصول على الشكل الاتي : الفصل الاول, تناولت فيه طبيعة العلاقات التركية المصرية قبل عام 1980, وهو فصل تمهيدي, يعرض بالبحث والتحليل العلاقات التركية المصرية منذ قيام النظام الجمهوري في مصر عام 1952, واسباب توتر العلاقات التركية المصرية في هذه المدة حتى عام 1965, ثم دراسة العوامل التي دفعت تركيا الى تغيير سياستها تجاه مصر وباقي الدول العربية, ومراحل تحسن العلاقات بين البلدين, وصولا الى عام 1980, كذلك تناول الفصل تطور العلاقات التركية المصرية في المجال الاقتصادي, والعلمي, والثقافي, والصحي, في هذه المدة. اما الفصل الثاني فقد تناول تطور العلاقات السياسية بين البلدين في المدة 1980 - 1993, والعوامل التي ادت الى هذا التطور في العلاقات, وتبادل الزيارات الرسمية بينهما على اعلى المستويات, في مدة حكم كنعان ايفرين (1980 - 1989), ومدة حكم توركوت اوزال (1989 - 1993). اما الفصل الثالث فقد تناول مجالات التعاون بين تركيا ومصر (1980 - 1993), التي اشتملت على خمسة محاور هي : المحور الاول, ويناقش المجال الاقتصادي والمسوغات التي ادت الى انفتاح البلدين نحو بعضهما, من اجل زيادة مجالات التعاون الاقتصادي بينهما في مختلف المستويات، سواء التجاري منها ام السياحي، او في مجال الصناعة (المدنية, والعسكرية), وكذلك في مجال الانشاءات والمقاولات. اما المحور الثاني فقد تناول جانب التعاون في مجال النقل البحري والجوي بين البلدين. في حين يرصد المحور الثالث التعاون في مجال مشاريع الطاقة الكهربائية وغيرها. وعاين المحور الرابع التعاون في المجال القضائي، واحكام المسجونين, والمعتقلين, اما المحور الاخير فقد رصد التعاون في المجال الثقافي والعلمي، وكذلك مجال الاذاعة والتلفزيون. اما الفصل الرابع فقد وقف فيه الباحث على موضوع مهم, كان له انعكاساته على تطور العلاقات بين البلدين في مختلف المجالات, وهو موقف تركيا ومصر من القضايا الاقليمية, وقد ركزنا فقط على القضايا الاقليمية التي شهدت اهتماما مشتركا من قبل البلدين, وكان لهما موقف مشترك او متباين منها, ومدى تعاونهما مع بعضهما؛ لايجاد حلول لبعض هذه القضايا, واهم هذه القضايا التي تم تناولها هي : حرب الخليج الاولى (1980 - 1988), والصراع العربي "الاسرائيلي", المتمثل في هذه المدة بتطورات القضية الفلسطينية, والاجتياح "الاسرائيلي" للبنان في عام 1982, وتطورات القضية القبرصية, اضافة الى ازمة الخليج (1990 - 1991), واخيرا الحرب في البوسنة والهرسك عام 1992, وعلى الرغم من ان هذه الموضوعات هي موضوعات سياسية, الا انها تعد خارجة عن موضوع تطور العلاقات السياسية بين البلدين؛ لانها تمثل قضايا اقليمية كان لتركيا ومصر موقف منها, لذا تم تناولها في فصل خاص, ولم تدمج مع الفصل الثاني من الاطروحة. ثم تلت هذه الفصول خاتمة, ضمنها الباحث اهم النتائج التي تمخضت عنها الدراسة. اعتمدت فصول الدراسة على مجموعة كبيرة من المصادر الاصيلة، ياتي في مقدمتها عدد غير قليل من الوثائق التركية غير المنشورة، المحفوظة في ارشيف الدولة التركية في انقرة (Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü), فضلا عن مجموعة من الوثائق التركية المنشورة في الجريدة الرسمية التركية (Resmi Gazete)، وهي جريدة معنية بنشر الاتفاقيات الدولية والقوانين بعد مصادقتها من قبل رئيس الجمهورية, هذا فيما يخص الوثائق التركية التي اعتمدتها الدراسة، اما الوثائق المصرية فقد اطلعت على الاتفاقيات والبروتوكولات بين مصر وتركيا, المنشورة في الجريدة الرسمية المصرية, والتي تصدر عن مركز المعلومات والتوثيق ودعم اتخاذ القرار في الهيئة العامة لشؤون المطابع الاميرية في امبابة في محافظة الجيزة، اذ تنشر هذه الجريدة جميع الاتفاقيات والبروتوكولات التي توقعها مصر مع دول العالم بعد مصادقة رئيس الجمهورية عليها، وموافقة وزير الخارجية على نشرها, فضلا عن التقارير الصادرة عن المؤسسات الرسمية مثل الامم المتحدة, والبنك الدولي, وتقارير السفارات. كذلك اعتمدت فصول الاطروحة على عدد كبير من الكتب العربية والمعربة والكتب الاجنبية, التي رفدت الاطروحة بمعلومات مهمة, ومنها كتاب (التطورات المعاصرة في العلاقات العربية التركية) لمؤلفه خليل ابراهيم الناصري, ويعد من المصادر المهمة, اذ اعتمد المؤلف على عدد من المؤلفات التركية، والاجنبية, والكتاب في الاصل رسالة ماجستير في العلوم السياسية, ومن الكتب الاخرى المهمة كتاب (العلاقات العربية التركية) بجزئه الاول الذي كان من منظور عربي وصدر عن معهد البحوث والدراسات العربية التابع لجامعة الدول العربية عام 1991, اما في جزئه الثاني فقد كتب من منظور تركي, وصدر عن معهد البحوث والدراسات العربية, بالتعاون مع مركز الابحاث للتاريخ والفنون والثقافة الاسلامية باسطنبول عام 1993, والكتاب عبارة عن مجموعة بحوث تناولت مختلف جوانب العلاقات التركية العربية, وما يؤخذ على الكتاب ان بعض تواريخ الاحداث الواردة فيه غير دقيقة, وكذلك بعض الاسماء, الامر الذي دفع الباحث الى الرجوع للجرائد؛ من اجل التاكد من تواريخ الاحداث. ومن الكتب المهمة مؤلفات الدكتور جلال عبد الله معوض, منها كتاب (صناعة القرار في تركيا والعلاقات العربية - التركية), وهو كتاب يوضح كثيرا من خبايا وتوجهات السياسة التركية, على الرغم من ان معظم فصول الكتاب تقع خارج نطاق البحث، وكتاب (قضايا العلاقات المصرية التركية), وهذا الكتاب ذو طبيعة سياسية, اعتمد فيه المؤلف على التحليل السياسي للمواقف, الا انه ذكر بعض الجوانب التاريخية في العلاقات بين البلدين, وكذلك مؤلفات الدكتور احمد نوري النعيمي, ومنها كتاب تركيا وحلف شمال الاطلسي، وهو كتاب يتناول بالبحث والتحليل موقع تركيا في حلف شمال الاطلسي واسباب انضمام تركيا لهذا الحلف, وكذلك مؤلفات الدكتور عوني عبد الرحمن السبعاوي، ومؤلفات الدكتور ابراهيم الداقوقي, وغيرهم، وتاتي اهمية هذه الدراسات في كونها مؤلفات متخصصة في عدة مجالات من شؤون تركيا. واستعان الباحث بعدد من الرسائل والاطاريح الجامعية، كانت في مقدمتها اطروحة اميرة محمد كامل الخربوطلي، الموسومة بـ(العلاقات المصرية - التركية 1952 - 1971), والتي نوقشت في كلية الاقتصاد والعلوم السياسية - جامعة القاهرة عام 1979, ومنهج كتابة الاطروحة كان منهجا سياسيا وليس منهجا تاريخيا, لكني افدت منها في معرفة خلفيات العلاقات التركية المصرية, واستعنت برسالة احمد نوري النعيمي (السياسة الخارجية التركية بعد الحرب العالمية الثانية) وهي رسالة ماجستير اعتمدت على الصحافة بالدرجة الاساس وتصل لغاية عام 1975، وكذلك اطروحة احمد جاسم الطائي (موقف تركيا من قضايا المشرق العربي 1967 - 1978), فقد اشار فيها الى جوانب يمكن الافادة منها؛ لفهم العلاقات التركية المصرية, ورسالة الماجستير للباحث زياد عزيز حميد الجلبي، (السياسة الخارجية التركية 1973 - 1983) وغيرها, وقد افاد منها الباحث في الفصل الاول من الاطروحة فقط. كما شكلت البحوث المعتمدة في المؤتمرات العلمية والبحوث المنشورة في الدوريات العربية، مرتكزا اخر افاد منه الباحث في كتابة اطروحته, اذ قدمت الابحاث والدراسات معلومات قيمة عن العلاقات التركية العربية بشكل عام, وتاتي في طليعتها البحوث المنشورة في مجلة السياسة الدولية الصادرة عن مركز الاهرام, كذلك اعتمد الباحث بشكل كبير على الشهريات الموجودة في مجلة السياسة الدولية, كدليل لمعرفة الزيارات المتبادلة وتواريخها للبحث عنها, وعما دار فيها من مباحثات في الجرائد والمصادر الاخرى, كما ان مجلة السياسة الدولية كانت تعنى ايضا بنشر بعض الملفات الوثائقية عن بعض الاحداث المهمة. اما الجرائد والمجلات العربية والتركية والاجنبية, المحفوظة في دار الكتب والوثائق القومية في القاهرة, او في المكتبة الوطنية (Milli Kütüphane) في انقرة, او في دار الكتب والوثائق الوطنية في بغداد, او في مركز الدراسات الاستراتيجية في بغداد, فقد شكلت رافدا مهما من روافد الاطروحة؛ اذ اعتمد عليها الباحث اعتمادا كبيرا في توثيق الزيارات والمباحثات التي جرت بين البلدين, فقد كانت هذه الجرائد حريصة على متابعة الاحداث والمواضيع وتطوراتها, وما نتج عنها, وقد اعتمد الباحث في اغلب المواضيع على اكثر من صحيفة, ومن مختلف التوجهات؛ من اجل الوصول الى دقة المعلومة, واهم هذه الجرائد هي جريدة الاهرام المصرية, واضواء الانباء التركية, و(Milliyet) وغيرها من الجرائد. وكان للمواقع الالكترونية الموثقة اثر مهم في تزويد الاطروحة ببعض الوثائق والمعلومات, مثل موقع الامم المتحدة, وموقع مقاتل من الصحراء, وموقع عالم المعرفة وغيرها من المواقع الالكترونية . وفي الحقيقة ان هذا الجهد الذي بذل من قبل الباحث قد واجه عدة صعوبات, متعارف عليها عند اغلب الطلبة والباحثين, منها عدم اهتمام وزارة التعليم العالي والبحث العلمي في تذليل العقبات امام الطلبة؛ من اجل الحصول على الوثائق والمصادر من خارج العراق, فيبقى الطالب معتمدا على جهده الذاتي وعلاقاته الشخصية؛ من اجل الحصول على وثيقة, او كتاب نادر. ولم يدخر الباحث جهدا او مالا في سبيل ذلك, اذ قام بعدة سفرات في داخل العراق وخارجه, شملت عددا من المدن التركية والمصرية لاكثر من مرة, فضلا عن المدن العراقية, يقتفي اثر المعلومة؛ من اجل سد الثغرات, وكنت اعمل بشكل دؤوب في المكتبات التركية والمصرية لساعات طوال, باحثا في صفحات المجلات والجرائد وناقلا منها, اذ ان بعض المكتبات تمنع استعمال تقنية التصوير بكل انواعه, اما الوثائق المصرية غير المنشورة فلا يحق للباحث الاطلاع عليها, الا بعد الحصول على موافقة وزير الخارجية حصرا, وبتزكية من احد الاساتذة الجامعيين المصريين, وبعد مدة انتظار قد تصل الى اكثر من خمسة شهور, لا يتمكن الباحث من الاطلاع على جميع الوثائق التي يرغب في الحصول عليها. والشيْ الاخر الذي يدعو الى الاسى هو وجود عدة تقارير وجرائد تخص علاقة تركيا مع الدول العربية, كانت متوفرة في مكتبة مركز الدراسات الاقليمية في جامعة الموصل, ولكنها فقدت او اتلفت بعد سيطرة (داعش) على المدينة عام 2014, وعلى الرغم من كثرة الاتصالات مع بعض الاصدقاء لم اتمكن من الحصول الا على نزر يسير منها . وختاما فعلى الرغم مما بذله الباحث من جهد في اعداد هذه الدراسة، ومهما بلغ حرصه على دقتها, فانه لا يدعي الكمال فيما كتب, فالكمال لله وحده، وما اضافه من نتائج اعتمد فيها على ما توفر عليه من وثائق ومصادر علمية. وغاية ما يرجوه ان يكون قد وفق في متابعة موضوع بحثه, وان تحظى الاطروحة برضا الاساتذة الكرام، وان تكون جديرة بان تحتل مكانتها في المكتبة التاريخية العراقية ... والله الموفق . | Turkey and Egypt are considered among the most important countries in the Middle East. They share a common set of characteristics, in terms of the geographical location, the nature of political regime and economic system, the social formation, the population and so on. Both have an excellent geopolitical location which have an important geopolitical Area. Whereas the Turkish grounds lay between the continents of Asia and Europe it form a link between them, Also Egypt in which its grounds lay in Africa and Asian Areas and it forms as an important link between the ancient continents of the world (Asia, Africa, and Europe). As well both have long beaches on the Mediterranean sea. All of what mentioned above makes both countries among the most important countries of the Middle East . The political regime in both countries is a republican, and in such regime, The position of presidency should be assumed by Army officers with a head of government usually a civilian, manages the internal and external affairs of the country. As both countries are related to the growing countries in which agriculture is the main source of economy of their peoples, And both countries are suffering from economic problems, such as inflation and increasing external indebtedness. Both countries have a special relationship with the USA in the period of studied, and they were getting great economic support from the USA. The support comes in the second class, after "Israel" In addition both countries have a good diplomatic relationship with "Israel'' - that the other Islamic countries. All that similarity between the two countries, pushes the researcher to choose such a subject, to find out the similarity which has been mentioned, above and its role in growing the relation between the two countries. The researcher has divided the study depending on the unity of the subject, with observance of historical method, which is required to follow different events and attitudes according to historical sequence. And this is what makes going deeply into conditions and influences is very necessary to understand the development of Turkish - Egyptian relations. Therefore, the order of the chapters is as follows : Chapter I : The nature of Turkish - Egyptian relations until 1980Chapter II : Development of Turkish - Egyptian Political Relations 1980 - 1993Chapter III : Areas of Cooperation between Turkey and Egypt 1980 - 1993Chapter IV : The Attitude of Turkey and Egypt form The Regional Issues 1980 - 1993. The most important conclusions which have been reached by the researcher are that relations between both countries have developed relatively since 1965 and until the end of seventies, But the relations between them haven't reach advanced stages and the stage of coordination in attitudes and trends, only in the eighties and early nineties of the last century, This is reflected in the frequent visits between officials of the two countries at the highest levels, cooperation in the economic fields, the field of transport, the field of justice, the field of culture and other fields, as well as in the coordination of positions, either individually or through the Organization and the Conference. The Islamic, the United Nations. Turkey's drive towards Egypt was mainly due to two factors : the first is political; Turkey's attempt to obtain a supportive position in the Cyprus issue from the Arab and Islamic countries and the Non - Aligned Movement. Turkey was an important gateway to Egypt; to influence the positions of these countries, The economic factor was a major factor in the development of Turkish - Egyptian relations during this period. It was also the most active in the relations between the two countries because of the problems Economy Suffering from both countries. However, the economic relations between Turkey and Egypt have not reached an advanced stage compared to other Arab countries, Iraq, Libya and Saudi Arabia were the most economically connected countries with Turkey. The reason for this is that Turkey and Egypt were competing in some Economic fields. It is clear here that the process of making foreign political decision in the Turkish state has been subject to several variables internal, regional and international, has been determined the process of issuing in accordance with Turkey's political relations and economic interests with those determinants

القزلباش ودورهم العسكري والسياسي في ايران 1500 - 1629 == The Kizilbash And Their Military And Political Role In Iran 1500 - 1629 AD

Author name: شهد عبد الرزاق محمد
Supervisor name: مشعل مفرح ظاهر العونان
General topic: History
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:
Abstract: The Iranian studies have been major focus of many Iraqi researchers, and it was for many reasons including geographical proximity, ease of travel to Iran, visit Iranian libraries, and can be utilized and accessing books, and many other factors, the subject of QIZILBASH and their political and military role in Iran during 1500 - 1629 AD is considered from the subjects that assumed its importance from the importance of the state exitance itself of being THE FIRST that had arisen in Iran during the modern times, and QIZILBASH are the pillars of that state, they had been a huge role of its formation by their standing with SHAH ISMAIL THE FIRST and their assistant of SAFAVID statehood and consolidation, therefore the study of QIZILBASH have made on the political and military levels, many of political and events and developments during that time, reveals about the nature of those tribes, their numbers and how they did join to the SAFAVID state, and then engaged them to SAFAVID state politically and military during holding administrative and military positions in the SAFAVID state, where the thesis discusses many important events during that time with the QIZILBASH were for many times had an important role in it, where those events represent by rebel movement and separation who they are part of Qizilbash, and another part had eliminated it, besides, they undertake to take power effectively and they cancelled the role of SAFAVID SHAHAT and limiting them on the nominal power only, as it happened during both the SHAH ISMAIL the second and MOHAMMAD KHODABANDA eras even they forced him to abdicate to SHAH ABBAS THE GREAT, therefore we chose to study them in detail to know about their influence on the SAFAVID society and SAFAVID state. Starting from there huge role in SHAH ISMAIL SAFAVID era towards SHAH ABBAS THE GREAT era and2downsizing their role and establish an alternative army of them known as “SHAHSYOON”.Based on the foregoing, the letter is divided into three chapters preceding a study of important reasons of research, in preparation for it, followed by conclusion, appendixes, resource list and references, which they made a preparation entitled a “Geography of QIZILBASH home”, and I have addressed many subjects which the first one was the geography of QIZILBASH home which it has the famous cities which they stayed at it and they appeared from it inside every tribe separately. Then spoke about the modern mini - states of those tribes and the role of each of emergence of appearing of QIZILBASH tribes on the political drama.First Chapter : It comes under the heading of appearance of SAFAVID state, I was addressing the introduction of this chapter, the founders of SAFAVID state from SAFI ADDIN ARDABILI to SHAH IMAIL THE FIRST then I have addressed the role of the QIZILBASH about installation the SHAH ISMAIL THE FIRST on the throne and then elimination on the internal rebellion in his era access to conducting them the Battle of CHALDIRAN in 1514 with the Ottoman Empire.Second Chapter : It is addressing the political situations after Battle of CHALDIRAN access to installation of SHAH TAHMASP THE FIRST on the thrown and then we address the role of SHAH TAHMASP about his struggle against Qizilbash, and then the conflict of QIZILBASH at the end of the life of SHAH TAHMASP THE FIRST access to SHAH ABBAS THE FIRST.3Third Chapter : It is addressing SHAH ABBAS THE GREAT and how he was establishing an alternative army of the QIZILBASH and resizing their influence, and then addresses the important positions that existed in the SAFAVID state during 1500 - 1629 A.D.In conclusion, I have addressed a presentation of the most remarkable results that I figured it out and issues I have discussed. The French researcher well - known Rojer SAVORY and his researches, live a book “My investigation in the Iran SAFAVID era history” (collections of essays) which had been translated and commented on it by : ABBAS QUILI GHAFARI and MOHAMMED BAQIR ARAM and their book of “Iran under the SAFAVID” or “Iran under SAFAVID” and SAVORY is a specialist of SAFAVID studies, so he enriched the thesis which most its pages covered with important information.Most importantly “The administrative institutions of SAFAVID governments”, also a book of “History of Persia” by Sir PERCY SYKES the author reviewed the history of Iran generally, also the book of “The fall of the SAFAVID dynasty and the AFGHAN occupation of Persia” by LAURENCE LOCKHART, and the professor LOCKHART if from the specialist Iran history studies and his book almost from the important studies which have presented about analysis of SAFAVIDs state collapse and he wrote many essays about the Persian army in the SAFAVID times, and Persian cities.Accordingly, sources have confirmed the historical importance of QIZILBASH in the SAFAVID state at both on the political and military levels by providing us with valuable and important information about political and military influence in the SAFAVID state from its very beginning until beginning of SHAH ABBAS THE GREAT era , collapse their influence and reducing their numbers.

دور عبد الحسين الجلبي السياسي في العراق 1921 - 1939 == The political Role of Abdul Hussein Alchalabi in Iraq (1877 - 1939)

Author name: سيف معتز عمر المناصير
Supervisor name: انور جاسب شنته الطريف
General topic: History
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:
Abstract: This thesis studies the life and character of the late diseased Abdul Hussein AlChalbi, a prominent merchant from a wealth family, known for its merchandise in Kadhumiaya. He was one of the fifteen delegates, wo met with the General Secretary of the Civil Governor to help Iraqi people achieve what they have long hoped for; namely forming a national government. Alchalabi held several ministerial positions in the Iraqi government during the reign of Kink Faisal and King Ghazi. He was also prominent figure when the Iraqi government was once established during the royal era. He was also a well - known academic figure who had played a significant role in promoting knowledge and education. Since then, the Iraqi government was under the British mandate and it was in a badly need for such figures to fill the ministerial formations with people to which they show obedience and loyalty, for the development of the political process and for the common good.The current study comprises an introductory part and it is fallen under three main chapters : the first chapter consists of three sections, and the second and third chapters consist of two sections each and a concluding part. His autobiography, character, qualities and his stand in the elimination of the massive Wahhabist influences in Iraq in the 1920s by Faisal AlDoweish, and the supports he showed for the Iraqi government are discussed in chapter one. This chapter also highlights the establishment of the Iraqi national party. Alchalabi was one of the influential founding bodies to get an approval from the Iraqi government for the establishment of the Iraqi National party, he is a member of the Alahad part as well.The second chapter sheds light on the ministries that were taken over during his inauguration in the Iraqi ministries, including the Ministry ofAbstractBEducation, which was filled eight times : the first in 1922; the second in March 1925; the third in June 1925, the fourth in September 1929, the fifth in November 1929, the sixth and the seventh in October 1931; and the eighth one in March 1935. The Ministry of Telecommunication that was taken over in between 1925 and 1926, the Ministry of Agriculture, which was taken over twice in the first 1927, and the second per procuration in 1930. These years, during the period of his administration, were characterized by extraordinary achievements that aimed to contribute clearly to the political, economic and social construction of the public interest and the Iraqi government in particular.The third chapter discusses Alchalabi's political role in terms of the House of Representatives and his vital participation in the approval and vote in many of the legislations that were being deliberated by members of the House of Representatives, for the first electoral cycle on 16 July 1925 - 28 January 1928, as member of the chamber of Deputies for the second round of elections on 19 May 1928 - 1 July 1930, and as a member of the Chamber of Deputies for the third election session on 1 November 1930 - 4. This chapter also exposes the role of Abdul Hussain Chalabi in the senate and his presidency of the financial and economic committees in approving and rejecting the regulations that are circulated by the members of the senate, where he was a member of the senate from November 1933 until his death on the 11th of March 1939

السياسة الاميركية تجاه القضية الكورية 1945 - 1950 : دراسة تاريخية == American Policy toward the Korean Issue 1945 - 1950 : A Historical Study

Author name: سوسن عبد المجيد شهاب المحمد
Supervisor name: ابراهيم فنجان صدام الامارة
General topic: History
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:
Abstract: The Korean issue is regarded one of the vital and most important issues in modern and contemporary history which embodied the confrontation and international conflict in what is called "The Cold War" between the Communist and Western camps. Previous studies that dealt with the modern and contemporary history of Korea focused on war between the two Koreas and never tackled the Korean events and trends between 1945 - 1950 which is considered one of the hardest and most critical periods in Korean history that led to the division of Korea and the outbreak of war between its people, a division that continued till the present day. The thesis consists of an introduction, four chapters, a conclusion, and appendices. Chapter one deals with the American foreign policy toward Korea 1866 - 1945. The chapter is divided into two sections : section one deals with the American interest in the Korean peninsula 1866 - 1910, while section two focuses on planning for the policy of joint occupation in Korea 1941 - 1945. Chapter two is devoted to study the US administration in South Korea 1945 - 1947 and consists of two sections : section one centers on the US or American military occupation policy in South Korea, whereas section two deals with the American role in Moscow Conference and the Soviet - American Committee. Chapter three deals with the American efforts to settle the Korean case in the United Nations 1947 - 1948. It is also divided into two sections : section one deals with the American role in inserting the Korean issue in the United Nations General Assembly's agenda, while section two deals with the American project and its role in establishing the republic of South Korea and Democratic People's Republic of Korea. Finally, the policy of the United States toward the interior developments in Korea 1948 - 1950 was the main concern of chapter four which is, in turn, divided into two sections : section one concentrates on the role and influence of the United States on the internal circumstances of South Korea, whereas section two is devoted to study the American military and economical supports to the republic of South Korea. In conclusion, the situation in Korea 1945 - 1950 represents a miniature of the situation in the world which was divided into two groups : western and eastern. The Korean War forms the first image of the cold war as it was not just a war between the two republics of Korea, but between the west led by the United States and the east represented by the Soviet Union. It was a war between two different systems and political ideologies.

الاحزاب البرلمانية في العراق 1925 - 1935 : حزب الوحدة الوطنية نموذجا == Parliamentary Parties in Iraq 1921 - 1935 : National Unity Party as an Example

Author name: رقية سلمان عبد الكريم عبد الواحد العيسى
Supervisor name: فاروق صالح العمر
General topic: History
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:
Abstract: During the last Ottoman era, Iraq witnessed the formation of various parties and associations that had been active in the political arena. The events of the First World War, the declaration of the British Mandate on Iraq in April, and the resulting political and military developments, most notably (thawratl cshreen) the revolution of the twentieth ,the subsequent events , great results in the partisan life and the public opinion in the country had led to the establishment of the provisional government (The first Naqeebi goverment) and the proclamation of the monarchy in Iraq after the inauguration of Prince Faisal bin al - Hussein as King of Iraq on August 23, 1921 provided the opportunity for opposition and government political parties to engage in politics and its affairs. Amongst these parties was the National Unity Party, Which was approved on 6 December 1934 and which is the subject of the study.The National Unity Party was formed during the accession of Ali Jawdat Al - Ayoubi as prime minister in 1934. In fact, the purpose of its establishment is to support himself in ruling the country and to stand against the opposition, which was led by the National Brotherhood Party. The period during which the party was formed was a critical period in which movements and tribal uprisings that took place during the period 1934 - 1935 during which the tribal force became a deterrent force used in politics, and in overthrowing governments and a manifestation of the loss of stability in Iraq.bThe study consists of an introduction, three chapters and a conclusion as well as a number of appendices.Chapter one which is entitled Iraq Political Development is of two sections : the first deals with the British occupation of Iraq and the movements which took place in the Iraqi cities to combat this occupation ; the second touched upon the beginning of the partisan life in Iraq and the parties and associations that emerged after the legislation of the law of establishing of associations.Chapter two which is entitled Parliamentary Parties 1925 - 1935, was divided into two sections. The first deals with the parliamentary parties 1925 - 1930 and Britain's goal of implementing the parliamentary system in Iraq. The second section deals with the political parties 1930 - 1935 , the first of which is the Iraqi Covenant Party ( hizbl - ahadl - craqi) which was formed on October 13, 1930 was established by Noori Al - Saeed after being a prime minister, the second is the National Brotherhood Party led by Yaseen Al - Hashmi the opposing party to Noori Al - Saeed government. The two parties were approved by the ministry of interior in the same month. The chapter then ended in how the Brotherhood Party became the ruling party.Chapter three with the title The National Unity Party and the Formation of Al - Ayoubi Government is the subject upon which the study is built. It consists of two sections, the first deals with the first government of Al - Ayoubi which was formed on August 27 , 1934 , its most achievements, the reasons beyond its establishment, the general attitude towards it, its plans, the inner system of the party, and the founders of the party who lacked Political consensus. The second section touched upon the tribal movements which were the results of several factors most notably, the personal conflict between thecpolitical leaders and the political opposition; this of course had led to the emergence of two blocsstruggling to win power; it had also led to the division of the tribes, each supports a political bloc against the other.As required by the historical research approach, the conclusion is devoted to presenting the most important findings of the research followed by a followed by a list of sources and references that were used in writing this research. The forefront of them are the works of my supervisor Professor Farouk Saleh Al - Omar of which is his book entitled the Partisan Life between the two Wars; the Political Parties in Iraq 1921 - 1932. This is in addition to the works of Abdulrazaq Al - Hassani of which are History of the Iraqi Political Parties and Iraq during the Periods of British Occupation and Mandatory which is of two volumes. This is in addition to theses, dissertations, newspapers, magazines, encyclopedias, translated books which all helped enrich the work with valuable information.

كباشي السعد 1866 - 1929م : دراسة تاريخية

Author name: رائد محمد لزم
Supervisor name: انور جاسب شنته الطريف
General topic: History
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:

الخطاب السياسي للزعيم عبد الكريم قاسم للمدة (1958 - 1963) : دراسة تاريخية == Political Discourse of Colonel Abd ALKareem Qasim (1958 - 1963) A Political Study

Author name: حنين سالم حمادي التميم
Supervisor name: عمار خالد رمضان الربيعي
General topic: History
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:
Abstract: The revolution of 14th of July, 1958 in Iraq was considered a great transition on all internal, regional and international levels. This study highlights the political discourse of Colonel Abd AlKareem Qasim, leader of the revolution, during his rule (1958 - 1963). That period was one of the most important stages in modern lraqi history. It had affected not only the internal and regional situation but it also had its international dimension in the world relations, particularly during the cold war era. The period was considered as very important as a result of the fact that lraq was a rich country of energy and had a strategic geographical location. In his discourse, Colonel Abd AlKareem Qasim illustrated the policy of the revolution towards the internal, regional and international matters. That discourse displayed the policy that outlined features of the foreign policy of Iraq and it indicated the political thinking of how to deal with the internal and foreign questions. It also introduced the ideas and philosophies that made up the ruling theory in Iraq according to which the relation between the group and the individual was organized through certain codes and values that not only governed distribution of influence and power inside the country but also went beyond that to dealing with the foreign affairs.The study applied the analytic perspective of the content on the political discourse of colonel Kareem and shed light on the factors that determind elements of the political regime in Iraq to treat the political, social andeconomic problems during the period of 1958 - 1963. At that time, the ruling regime in Iraq had come through many crises and much pressure that constituted challenges that affected both positively and negatively the political discourse whether it was internally, regionally or internationally directed. The dimensions of the discourse of Colonel Abd AlKareem Qasim reflected the narure of the political and ideological trends towards the several important historical events in light of the many challenges that the region, including Iraq, was facing. This, in turn, reflects the featured and trends of the leadership of the revolution particularly through the personality of colonel Abd AlKareem Qasim in light of the internal struggle regional problems and international domination

الصراع السياسي في الصين 1966 - 1976 (الثورة الثقافية) == Political conflict in China, 1966 - 1976 (Cultural Revolution

Author name: حسين عبد الكاظم عودة الحسيناوي
Supervisor name: فرقد عباس قاسم المياحي
General topic: History
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:
Abstract: The present study focused on the Cultural Revolution in the Republic of China 1966 to1976. Primary aim of this revolution was to take possession of the state authority by power, to get hold of things and to crush the resistance of old elites in the Party after Mao and his followers realized that the totalitarian regime and conflict over the authority is endless in the central committee of the communist Party in China. Broadly, this cultural revolution embodied a series of general and political crises that republic of China tolerated during the 20th century. Mao and his group focusing on the central function of this revolution which was to prevent China from turning into being Capitalistic and to adopt Mao's ideas Besides, this revolution aims at flourishing the ideological awareness so that people can free themselves through class struggle. Mao believed that manipulating the political, ideological and public and public processes of the revolution, Mao's proponents could accomplish their revolutionary goals and also make their economic and social improvement. But this resulted in heightening the political turmoil accompanied by sustained ideological struggles, swept through the whole state. Mao thought Leo Shao Shi and his fellow, Ding Shiow Beeing were adopting capitalism in their support of some groups and instigation against the cultural revolution which, accordingly, resulted in a distortion of their interior affair in the face of the Party and the people of China. This struggle was known as "conflict between two link". Although this type of struggle was not over between the president and Mao at the beginning, the latter was able to exert his sovereignty as a leader to the communist party in China, for he believes the Chinese communist party was the dominant power that had ruled for a long time during bureaucratic leadership that made it lose its communist values and revolutionary spirit. In response, communist China witnessed some accusations and criticism oriented towards the great political and military. Majors, even different categories of people as well as conflict movements. In addition, China witnessed the formation of a number of organizations and armed groups coincided these divisions and the armed conflicts, even within one organization or one group. The conclusion shows that throughout this study one can comprehend the final version of the cultural revolution in that it was a huge risk to Chinese policy since it was exploited by Mao who succeeded in eliminating the communist party on the inside and dismantling it. Mao and the group of the central revolution took the advantage of the unsettled situation in China in order to distort the reputation of those who work for the president, Leo, Which is part of their political attempt to disrepute the party leaders and their system. Further, Mao was able, via this revolution, practiced communist totalitarian and to spread hatred throughout the state. At the same time, he succeeded in accomplishing his primary aim which is to control the authority under the rule of his power. Though he progressively attempted to turn China into being socialist and communist based upon Marxism, these attempts reached a resounding failure

العلاقات السياسية الالمانية - اليابانية 1933 - 1941 == German - Japanese political relations 1933 - 1941

Author name: حسام طعمة ناصر
Supervisor name: حميد احمد حمدان التميمي
General topic: History
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:
Abstract: After the First World War (1914 - 1918), the history of the international relations has witnessed many conflicts, some of them were born from the womb of the mitigations that were founded by the victorious countries. And the return of Germany and Japan to the cycle of the conflict, during the thirties of 20th century was one of the results of those mitigations, after they both have suffered from the oppression of the Allies Forces. The yield of Japanese policy to the army influence early thirties decade of the 20th century, and seizing the rule by Nazi in Germany in 1933, was an announcement to start a huge transition in the international relations.In the light of those conditions, the research of Germany - Japan political relations has acquired unique position for history study of the international relationships between the two World Wars. This thesis specifically addresses (1933 - 1941) era, during which, particularity in 1933, the Nazi headed by Adolf Hitler took power, with all the changes that took place in both the internal and external policy of Germany and the giant transition towered Japan. The study is concluded in 1941, where Japan officially involved in the second World War beside Germany, specifically during the bombardment of American Pearl Harbor in December of that year.The methodology of the thesis addresses both events chronologically, and at the same time maintains subject cohesion. The thesis includes a preface and four chapters, beside this introduction, conclusion, and bibliography. The preface is dedicated to research the history of the Germanys - Japanese relations advancement, up to 1933. It focused on Germany’s role in building the modern Japan, and the colonial competition between the two countries in the Middle East area. The research consists of two themes, the first has discusses the ideological elements and the political circumstances that effected the rapprochement, while the second theme discusses Germany - Japan political relations during the 1935 - 1936 period and the ratification of the anti - communism agreement on October 1936.The second chapter studies the impacts of Japan’s expansion in China on Germany - Japan relationships from 1937 to 1938. This chapter includes three themes : the first one discusses the Germany’s policyGerman - Japan political relations 1933 - 1941 toward the Far East prior to July - 1937 China - Japan war. While the second theme follows up the Germany’s attitude toward Japan - China war, and the third theme explores the internal and external factors that forced Germany to stand beside Japan, sacrificing its economic interests in China.The third Chapter is divided into three themes; the first one studies the attempts of the Japanese army to consolidate the military alliance with Germany. While the second theme discusses the impact of Germany - Soviets nonaggression treaty on the tripartite alliance negotiations. The third theme highlights the Japan’s attitude toward the Second World War in the period from September 1939 until July 1940.The fourth chapter in its three themes unveils the political relations of the two countries in light of the tripartite alliance in 1940 - 1941. The first theme focusses on the agreement discussion of the Germany - Italy - Japan tripartite alliance. While the second theme discusses the Japan - Soviet neutrality agreement in April 1941, and the Japan attitude toward the attack of its own ally, Germany, on the Soviets territories. The third theme focuses on Germany’s attitude toward America - Japan negotiations, and the Japanese attack on the American Pearl Harbor on 7th December 1941, Japan’s evolvement in the war beside its allies the Axis against the United States and Brittan.The thesis is counted on a group of sources and references; the most significant ones are collections of German, Britain and American documentations, in addition to a number of foreign specialized books, researches, and academic studies concerning Japan and Germany.The thesis concludes that the Germany - Japan relationships were not fully harmonious, they were rather characterized by hesitancy, perhaps due to the domination sole interests of each country over the common goals of the alliance.

الشيخ العربي التبسي ونشاطه الاصلاحي والسياسي في الجزائر 1891 - 1957

Author name: جعفر جبار محسن
Supervisor name: عمار محمد كاظم فرج
General topic: History
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:

سياسة الكويت الخارجية في اطار مجلس التعاون لدول الخليج العربية تجاه القضايا الخليجية ودول المشرق العربي 1981 - 1989 == Kuwait's foreign policy within the framework of the Cooperation Council and the Arab OrientalCountries 1981 - 1989 (Historical study

Author name: باسم علوان حسين
Supervisor name: طيبة خلف عبد الله
General topic: History
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:
Abstract: The period between 1981 - 1989 is one of the important periods in the history of the Arab region in general and Gulf in particular, as Kuwait continued its policy and became more developed than the previous years and the Prince of Kuwait Jaber Al - Ahmad played a major role in that policy. Kuwait's policy was clearly evident in the personality of Kuwaiti Foreign Minister Sabah al - Ahmad, who has worked in the ministry since its establishment until late .During that period, the regional and Gulf scenes witnessed important events, most notably the outbreak of the Iran - Iraq war, the Israeli invasion of Lebanon, the continuation of the Lebanese civil war, the occurrence of many Palestinian uprisings and the settlement of the Yemeni conflict with Oman, that conflict lasted a long time . At the level of the Gulf arena, it witnessed an important event for all Gulf countries, namely the establishment of the Gulf Cooperation Council as a reaction to regional and international changes. Kuwait had a major role in establishing the JCC from the idea of Sheikh Jaber Al - Ahmad, which continued until the Council was established. One of the most important developments in the Gulf arena is the attempts to destabilize internal security in Kuwait, Bahrain and Saudi Arabia, as well as the border dispute between Qatar and Bahrain. As Kuwait was a major factor in the establishment of the Council, it had a distinguished presence and active and prominent activity in the discussion and address the many problems posed by the Council summits and sessions, and given Kuwait's great activity was chosen for this subject.The study aimed at shedding light on Kuwait's policy in the GCC and its activities, and clarifying the Kuwaiti position on internal and external events. The study included the introduction and preparation of three chapters and a conclusion, starting with the introduction of the foreign policy of Kuwait, the governmental positions, which started from independence and the accompanying events, the establishment of the state and joining the international and Arab organizations, and the settlement of Kuwait's land and sea borders and its role of Gulf and Arab events in that period. The first chapter was titled (The role of Kuwait in the establishment of the Gulf Cooperation Council and its position on the local events 1981 - 1989). The chapter is divided into three sections : the first is the Gulf security projects and Kuwait's position. The second topic is the role of Kuwait in establishing the Gulf Cooperation Council. The third topic highlighted Kuwait's position on local events and the second chapter titled "Kuwait's Position on Regional Conflicts within the GCC" (1981 - 1988). The chapter is divided into two sections. The first is Kuwait's position on the regional conflicts of the 1980 - 1988 Iran - Iraq war within the framework of the Gulf Cooperation Council. The second topic is the position of Kuwait on the conflict between Yemen and Oman .The third chapter, entitled "Kuwait's Position on the Events of the Arab Orient in the Gulf Cooperation Council 1981 - 1989", included two topics : Kuwait's position on the events in Kuwait and the two events.He highlighted Kuwait's position on the Lebanese civil war.

موقف الاردن من اتفاقية كامب ديفيد واثره على العلاقات مع الولايات المتحدة الامريكية 1977 - 1979

Author name: اسعد كاظم جابر الغزي
Supervisor name: اميرة رشك لعيبي الزبيدي
General topic: History
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:
Abstract: The reason for choosing the subject was to know the Jordanian position regarding the Camp David Accords and its impact on US relations with Jordan from 1977 until 1979, which marks a turning point in Arab - American relations in general and Jordanian - American in particular. US Presidency .The importance of the study comes from the specificity of the stage covered by the conflict, which witnessed the intensification of the Arab - Israeli conflict and the entry of the parties into crises and wars. The Arab parties and the Jordanian side resorted in particular to seek the support of the United States, which strongly entered the Arab region to resolve disputes and to settle the settlement Both American and Israeli, because of the strategic relationship between the United States and Israel, which is the cornerstone of American foreign policy in the region .The Camp David Accords were an important turning point in history in the history of the Arab - Israeli conflict. The agreement, which was accompanied by protracted negotiations for nearly a year and a half, paved the way for the signing of a formal peace treaty on March 26, 1979 between Egypt and Israel. This led to close ties with the United States and a profound change in the strategic map of the Middle East .The Camp David Agreement is one of the issues affecting the two countries because of the Jordanian interests' ties with the United States of America through the active role of Jordan in the Arab region and its international relations with the major countries. Especially with the United States .The interest of the United States and its support for Jordan stemmed from the general interest of the United States in the Middle East. The Middle East was an advanced front for the West in a possible confrontation with the Eastern bloc. It contained vast reserves of raw materials needed by the West, most importantly oil, and at the same time a market for Western products Thus, the American perception centered on the statement that the one who controls the Arabian Peninsula and the Middle East controls the European continent. Therefore, the key to interpreting the US policy in Jordan was the result of his opposition to the Soviet threat and the associated elements Because of its geographical location and because of its interest in peace in the region. Jordan is a small country with few major economic resources, which has made it rely heavily on US foreign aid to compensate for the scarcity of resources and its need for economic and social programs to support growth. Great Population .ABSTRACTBThe United States has considered Jordan as the qualified party to take positions in support of US peace initiatives, but rather to call for a key role in the peace process .The United States views Jordan as a major party in its political vision of the nature and dimensions of the conflict, seeking to ensure its security and stability, which is thus reflected in ensuring Israel's security. In contrast, Jordan has taken advantage of the US interest in highlighting its regional role towards peace .The first chapter was entitled "Negotiations for the Settlement of the Arab - Israeli Conflict and its Impact on US - Jordanian Relations 1973 - 1977". The first topic focused on the October 1973 war and the Jordanian - American contacts. The American attempts to settle the conflict and the Jordanian position, 1973 - 1974, are also discussed in the third article; following the decisions of the Arab summit on the Jordanian position on the peace talks 1974 - 1976 .While the second chapter dealt with the direction of the administration of US President Jimmy Carter to settle the Arab - Israeli conflict and the Jordanian position in 1977. In the first part, he focused on the Jordanian position on American mediation until October 1977, and in the second part, the Jordanian position on the joint Soviet - American statement and Sadat's visit to Jerusalem .The third chapter explains the role of the United States in the Camp David talks, the signing of the 1978 - 1979 Egyptian - Israeli peace treaty, the recognition of mutual visits prior to the agreement, the details of the Leeds Castle Conference in July 1978, the transition to the White House announcement to call the Camp David Conference, The Camp David Summit, during its thirteen days, monitored and analyzed the proposed projects, which were presented to the agenda of the negotiations, and what was reached at the end of the conference, embodied in the Camp David Agreement and the Egyptian - Israeli Treaty. And the Egyptian - Israeli negotiations until September 1978. The second topic was the US hosting the Camp David conference and its role in the Egyptian - Israeli peace treaty 1978 - 1979 .The fourth chapter was entitled : The Jordanian Position on the Camp David Accords and the Egyptian - Israeli Treaty and its Impact on American - Jordanian Relations. The first topic dealt with the Jordanian reservations to the Camp David Accords and the American position on them. David at the Ninth Arab Summit in Baghdad, and the latter dealt with the impac

نشاط السفارة البريطانية في العراق 1958 - 1959

Author name: اسراء فالح غالي علي السيلاوي
Supervisor name: فرات عبد الحسن كاظم الحجاج
General topic: History
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:

موقف جماعة الاخوان المسلمين من التطورات السياسية الداخلية في مصر (1967 ـ 1981) م : دراسة تاريخية == THE POSITION OF THE MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD OF INTERNAL POLITICIAL DEVELOPMENTS IN EGYPT ( 1967 - 1981 )

Author name: اسراء حميد حنون حسن السيد نور
Supervisor name: عمار فاضل حمزة العابد
General topic: History
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:
Abstract: Many researchers were interested in the history of Egypt because it was one of the countries which have had a tremendous effect on the Arab World. Brotherhood issue is considered as one of the important political issues witnessed in the twentieth century. This group was established in 1928 on the hands of an Egyptian young man named Hasan Al - Banna. This issue raises many theoretical and practical disputes about Egypt in particular and the Islamic World in general. This study is part of a series that tackled Brotherhood issue in different Arabian and foreign countries. It is a fruitful subject for study and research for its great impact on society. The thesis involves an introduction, four chapters and a conclusion. The first chapter, entitled “The Beginning and Development of Muslim Brotherhood Group and their Relationship with the Political System in Egypt (1928 - 1967)”, consists of four sections. The first section deals with the beginning of Muslim Brotherhood group and their organizational and propaganda domains in Egypt. The second section, on the other hand, tackles the relationship of Muslim Brotherhood group with the political system (1939 - 1949). The position of Brotherhood group of the revolution of 1952 is discussed in the third section. Whereas their position of the crisis of 1954 in Egypt is the main subject of discussion in section four. The second chapter is entitled “The Advancement of Brotherhood’s Relationship with the Political System from Estrangement to Conciliation (1967 - 1971)”. Like chapter one, this chapter also includes four sections. The first section deals with Brotherhood and the consequences of the war of May 1967. Brotherhood’ position of students’ demonstrations of 1968 is discussed in the second section. The third section, on the other hand, tackles the death of the Egyptian president Jamal Abdel Nasser in 1970. The last section covers the conciliation with Brotherhood in 1971.The third chapter, entitled “Brotherhood, Political and Overt Actions (1972 - 1976)”, consists of five sections. The first section covers Brotherhood, university and Brotherhood’s position of 1972 students’ demonstrations. Brotherhood’s Journalism is investigated in the second section. Whereas their position of the war of Ramadan 1973 is discussed in the third section. The fourth section reveals the relationship of Brotherhood with other Islamic groups, like their relationship with Salih Siriyah and their position of his coup in 1974, their relationship with the Islamic group and their position of the assassination of Al - Dhahabi in 1977, and their relationship with Al - Jihad organization. The last section deals with Brotherhood’s position of the multiplicity of political parties in 1976.The fourth and last chapter of the thesis comes under the title “Brotherhood, Political System and Return of Estrangement (1977 - 1981)”. This chapter consists of four sections. The first section covers Brotherhood’s position of the demonstrations in January 1977. Their attitude of Al - Sadat’s visit (to the Zionist entity) in 1977 is discussed in the second section. The third section deals with Brotherhood and peace treaties. It examines Brotherhood’s position of the peace treaty with the Zionist entity - 1978 Camp David treaty, and their attitude of the peace treaty of 1979. The fourth section tackles 1981 September arrests and Brotherhood’s attitude.It is concluded that Al - Sadat allows Islamic groups, especially Brotherhood group, to achieve their aims. Moreover, Brotherhood took advantage of Al - Sadat to return to the political scene after being prohibited. They were able to work normally without any offences from the Egyptian system. In addition, Al - Sadat got rid of all Nasserist and Left - wing political opponents. But dispute and estrangement happened quickly between Brotherhood and Al - Sadat especially after Al - Sadat’s visit (to the Zionist entity). Because of this dispute, Brotherhood’s members were arrested and put in prison in September 1981. With the help of Al - Jihad organization, Brotherhood assassinated Al - Sadat in 1981 platform accident

انتفاضـة المانيا الشرقيـة عام 1953 وموقف الاتحاد السوفيتي منها

Author name: سعـد علي حسن الاسـدي
Supervisor name: حسين عبد القادر محيي التميمي
General topic: History
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:
Abstract: The uprising of East Germany in 1953 of uprisings job then and return its importance for being occurred in the time and place of the utmost importance, On the point of time they broke out in a period in which the Cold War has crystallized in Mlhod between the two camps east and west, in addition to that she was one of the first uprisings in Eastern Europe and that has raised fears the Soviets that affect the rest of the Soviet influence in Eastern Europe, and the place they broke out in the area is very important, a Germany which was then the cause of the outbreak of two world wars and the strategic task was teased competition and a struggle for control of the strategic reasons, was the United States believes that Germany is generally the wall real hard, which can be a strong barrier generally tide Communist, while the Soviets wanted to East Germany to be a starting point for dissemination of communism toward Western Europe, and had these two forces the ability to decide the fate of the world and that appeared on both sides of the balance of power , and the back of what is known ( the double polar). The German question since the end of World War II, a key element in international politics between the poles mentioned in Europe, was not the defeat of Germany in the war and eventually put an end to the problems of international, but it was the beginning of the road towards the problem of a new European emerged because of the division, which was applied to German territory, which imposed itself on the victorious allies, which led to the establishment of the victors divided into four zones occupation according to the military presence in each sector, and the capital Berlin, which was at the heart of the sector, the Soviet has agreed to be divided into four areas of occupation, and the merged sectors of the American, British and French in one sector , which became a strip west is dominated by Western countries, and the sector east under the control of the Soviet Union, it is natural that the Soviets were not happy for this gathering because they realized that the Germans in the eastern sector will feel dissatisfied because their compatriots in the western sectors have achieved stronger than unity, and so the two states in Germany in 1949, and both are located under the influence of one of the two big poles United States and the Soviet Union, and each went in a different route dictated by the conditions of dependency and occupation

محمد مزالي حياته ودوره السياسي والثقافي في تونس 1925 - 1986

Author name: رغداء عبد الامام فايز يوسف
Supervisor name: عمار فاضل حمزة العابد
General topic: History
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:
Abstract: This study addresses the personality of Mohammed Mzali and his political and cultural impact in Tunisia 1925 - 1986, by which the study sheds the light on various aspects of the contemporary history of Tunisia. 1925 chronicles the year of Mohammed Mzali's birth, while 1986 chronicles his dismissal by the Tunisian President, Bourguiba, from all his duties in the country and his sentence to prison. Mzali descends from a tribe of barbaric progeny inhabiting Sous from the side of Agadir, the stronghold of Ait Mzal. In Monastir, he was educated through his primary stage at the Quranic School, then he continued his secondary study in the Sadiki School (1940 - 1947). After, he received his higher education at the Faculty of Arts (La Sorbonne) at Paris, where he earned the Bachelor of Philosophy Degree in a matter of three year. Mohammed Mzali engaged early in the Patriotic Movement because of the historical circumstances that gripped his time, as his early youth age witnessed the escalation of political struggle against the colonial power and the exacerbation of clashes. In addition, his birth and brought up in Monastir, the birthplace of the Tunisian leader, Al - Habib Bourguiba, as well as familial kinship contributed to Mzali's involvement in the political struggle. Mzali studied in the same school where Bourguiba studied in when the first moved to the capital. After gaining the Baccalaureate, he traveled to Paris to study Philosophy. Mzali continued political activism which did not stop in France at the core of the Tunisian and the Maghreb student activity. In 1955, he issued Al - Fikr magazine that was still being issued till 1986 despite the major tasks that he was in charge of. Mzali was well - known to defend Arabic language and culture. While being a lecturer in the Sadiki School and a leading figure in Al - Hur new constitutional party, the first responsibility given to Mzali after Independence was his assignment to establish a general administration for youth and sport, so he had the honor of establishing a national youth policy, structures, organizations, and institutions which he will be working on consolidating them to form what is known as Ministry. So he took over the management of the first Ministry. He joined the structures of the modern national state since the beginning of independence and was appointed the head of the Ministry of Education Office 1956 - 1958. After that, he was appointed the director of the Youth & Sport Management in 1958 and continued in this place till 1964. Then he was appointed at the head of General Directorate of Radio and Television in 1964 as he introduced the Tunisian Television firstly - broadcasted in 1966. At his time, the Radio was also developed in terms of programs and broadcasting space. Since the beginning of 1968, he took over several ministerial positions; the first of which being the Minister of Defense on March 18, 1968, which is the first key ministry. Mzali took over the Ministry of National Education for 8 years starting from December 1969 till March 1980, punctuated by carrying out roles in the Ministry of Health during the period (1973 - 1976). The most important achievement he made in this ministry is Arabization. He succeeded Arabizing the early stages of primary school starting from the first to the fourth grade where teaching is conducted with Arabic language. Then after the fourth grade, French comes into use in addition to Arabic; to that time Tunisian student then had deeply - reflected the native language and had gotten in touch with it. He took over the Ministry of Public Health (1973 - 1976) where he did a lot of work in the field of free health care, as well as its circulation and strengthening its components, given that the national state in Tunisia was founded on three basis : the reformation, circulation, and strengthening of modern public education. In 1980, Mohammed Mzali took over the position of the prime minister as he gave a lot to Tunisia in various fields. Culture, Intellect, and Art had the opportunity to witness a remarkable development through the establishment of robust cultural institutions in addition to the existing ones, like the establishment of Translation & Investigation Institution (Bait Al - Hikma in Carthage), and the National Theatre, as well as developing the existing theatres and the advancement of national festivals. He continued working in his position till getting sacked by Bourguiba in July 1986. Among his works are : Democracy, From the Inspiration of Thought, Attitudes, Studies, The Tunisian House, Perspectives, In the Paths of Thought, Open Letter to Bourguiba, and others. The sresearch deals with the study and analysis of the multiparty system experience applied in Tunisia on October 1981 following the appointment of Mohammed Mzali as the Prime Minister at the head of the Tunisian government in April 1980, who made the democratic openness policy the slogan of his stage. The research then sheds the light on the conditions and factors of experience in addition to its results and the most important parties approved to participate in the elections, and their positions in some of the Tunisian political developments, especially the subject matter of legislative elections that took place in October 1981.

حـزب عمال ارض اسرائيل (الماباي) 1930 - 1968 : دراسة تاريخية == Workers Party of the Land of Israel (Mapai) (1930 - 1968) A Historical Study

Author name: جاسم محمد شغيت الكـعبي
Supervisor name: ابراهيم فنجان صدام الامارة
General topic: History
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:
Abstract: Political parties are the catalyst upon which the political regime has reckoned in Israel. The presence of these parties is seen as important traits of the modern political systems. The aim of this study is to shed light on the topic of considerable importance regarding the Israeli internal affair through tracing the origin and development of the labor party, identifying its thinking techniques, and its role in the Israeli political and martial institutions in Palestine before the declaration of Israel state. This study also tries to come to terms with that party's political role in Israel. These areas of investigation have motivated the researcher to analyze this party under the title " The Israeli Labor Party (Mapai) 1930 - 1968) : A Historical Study". The scope of this research is restricted to inspecting the development of this party when originated in 1930 up to 1968 . The year of 1930 is the birth of this party up to its end in 1968 after its coalition with other Israeli labor parties resulting in forming the Labor Party (Mapai). The present work is divided into four chapters. The first one is devoted to explaining the Jewish affairs in Palestine before 1930 comprising three sections. The first section is about Jew's migration to Palestine and the conditions that encouraged them to migrate. The second one is concerned with the labor parties and their political and martial contribution in Palestine. The third section is devoted to Jewish religious parties in Palestine. Chapter two is entirely related to the structural and ideological aspects of Israeli labor party (Mapai) and its political and martial attitudes in Palestine from 1930 up to 1948. This chapter is divided into three sections. The first one is about Israeli labor party in relation to its frames, ideologies and contribution in the Israeli institutions, the second one is about this party's role in the political development in Palestine, and the third section is concerned with the martial activity of this party in Palestine. Chapter three addresses mainly Israeli's Mapai party and its political and martial role from 1948 up to 1957, comprising three sections. The first one is concerned with the Mapai party's role in the foundation of Israel state (1948 - 1949), the second one is about its role in the establishment of the state constitutions (1949 - 1955), and the third section explains the political and martial role of this party in the war of 1956 against Egypt. Chapter four mentions the political and martial development in Israel and the Mapai party role from 1957 up to 1968. This chapter includes three sections. The first one is about the political development in Israel and the Mapai party's contribution from 1957 to 1957, the second one states the martial development in Israel and the Mapai party's role in 1967, and the third one is concerned with Lafone case and its impact on the unity of the Mapai party in 1968. The conclusion summarizes the important results.

اليهود في الاتحاد السوفيتي للمدة من 1922 - 1939

Author name: ايات عبد الحميد مجيد
Supervisor name: لازم لفتة ذياب المالكي
General topic: History
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:

طريق الفرات الصحراوي بصره - حلب في العصر الحديث

Author name: ابراهيم محمد ساجت الزبيدي
Supervisor name: طارق نافع الحمداني
General topic: History
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:

محمد فاضل الجمالي دوره السياسي ونهجه التربوي حتى عام 1958 == mohammed fadil al-jama'li his political role and education approach till 1958

Author name: رحيم كاظم محمد الهاشمي
Supervisor name: كمال مطهر احمد
General topic: History
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:

حكومة بازركان : دراسة في التطورات السياسية والداخلية في ايران 1979

Author name: جاسم خماس
General topic: History
Degree: Master
University: University Of Basrah
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
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