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المسور بن مخرمة دراسة في مروياته التاريخية == Almuswr Bin Makhrama Astudy Of His Historical Narratives

اسم المؤلف: سجاد حنتوش شوكان الزيادي
اسم المشرف: عباس جبير سلطان التميمي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الاسلامي
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: كربلاء
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: Our study tackled the historical narratives only about the personality of Al Mswer Bin Mekhremeh, that we searched about the oldest available references. He was one of the minor prophet's(p.b.u.h.) companion. He lived in the prophet's time. He had a role during the orthodox caliphs, especially in the caliph's Omar Bin Al Khettab time. He had also an important role during the time that followed killing the caliph Omar when he participated with his uncle Abdul Rehman Bin Ouf in choosing the third caliph Othman Bin Iffan when he was the right hand to his uncle to choose the caliph in spite of the signs that he had a tendency towards the prophet's family. He had good stand with Al Imam Ali, Al Imam Al Hassan ,and Al Imam Al Hussein. After choosing Othman as caliph, they depended on him in many issues like sending him as an envoy to Africa and other states. The caliph Othman also relied on him when he sent to MuawehBin AbiSufyan besieging him to raise the blockade when he was surrounded by the angry rebels in the house accident. But Muawehdid not respond to his request, the matter that made the caliph angry on Muaweh. Al Mswer also had an opposite opinion to the Umayyad, but Muawehby his slyness could attract Al Mswer and made him calm. His opinion towards Umayyad remained him clear. That is after Muaweh'sdeath his stand was against the Umayyad when Yazid was chosen as caliph when he stood beside the Zubairis in the war against the Umayyad where he was killed by a canon stone that was thrown towards the hornableKabba which wasbesieged by the Umayyad and he was buried there. What concerns our study, it consisted of three chapters, an introduction, and a conclusion. In the introduction, reasons behind choosing the topic were studied as well as the difficulties that have been faced. The first chapter talks about Al Mswer's social, cultural, and political life. Several issues about Al Mswer's antecedents, fathers, and birth ambiguities ending with his death. Concerning his cultural activity, he was considered one of the legists where he had speeches about the prophet. The political aspects and stands in his life were discussed, particularly the last about Al Zubairi and hid death. The second chapter was about this historical narratives that were before and after prophecy. Some of these were about events that happened during the prophet's time like wars led by the prophet. Some of them belong to Al Mswer's personal issues. Some of the narratives were deeds to Al Mswer which were close to the prophet. The third chapter was about Al Mswer's narratives during the orthodox caliphs and part ofMuaweh's time. In this chapter we found his clear activity during the caliph Omar Bin Al Khettab and his witness to the events at that time such as Al Remadah Year and later killing of the caliph Omar and the election issue as well as his role. Later some narratives during the caliph Othman Bin Iffan and his uncle's Abdul Rehman Bin Ouf deeds were mentioned. After that we see turning his narratives about Othman's mistakes when he gave fortune to his relatives rather than other people. That what made people rebel and kill Othman. He had one or two narratives duringMuaweh Bib AbiSufyan. At last Al Mswer's narratives were studied concerning the source and narrated people as well as studying the narrative body to select the perfect
الملخص:
المصادر:

الاستراتيجية الامريكية تجاه العراق على اثر احتلال دولة الكويت 1990 - 2003 : دراسة تاريخية == American Strategy toward Iraq after the occupation of Kuwait State 1990 - 2003 Historical Study

اسم المؤلف: غسان بنيان جلود الشويلي
اسم المشرف: ياسين طه ياسين الهارون
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: دكتوراه
الجامعة: جامعة البصرة
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: البصرة
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: Iraq's relationship with marked United States since antiquity, but that relationship was ruled by the nature of international relations and global policy environment, and historical evidence pointed toward this relationship, which differed in different historical phases that passed by, through us site United States of America in international balance, Iraq has become a centerpiece of American interest and particularly after the end of World War II, especially after he became one of the most important factors for oil factor in the success of this war, and that Iraq enjoys a strategic location and its resources made it in Us policy priorities in accordance with the adopted strategy planning with multiple policies that has undergone transformation strategy wisdom international and regional situations and the Interior, as the actual intervention process began for the United States to Iraq and who skipped interest .Was the importance of this shift in the regional environment, after the fall of the Shah of Iran strategic ally of the United States in the Middle East, you may select the normal route of us strategic shift toward Iraq since Iran - Iraq war in 1980 - 1988, as The American decision maker, need to go towards a strategy to embrace Iraq, intelligence and logistical support in the course of the war, but that does not mean that the shift was not aimed at distancing strategy was primarily to destroy those strong regional area, and limit the expansion of Capabilities in the Middle East, the fact that both parties had United States animosity and ideological threat to their interests and its allies in the region that they both carry elements of geopolitical and economic and military power .The United States has adopted .And had proved its features and clearly as strategic shifts since the end of the Gulf war as a shift in the nature of dealing with the Iraqi file since 1993 - 2001, the policy of containment through economic and humanitarian dimensions, and carried military and security was intended to make the strategic dimension towards Iraq as Came the decision to stop the war, which set out the nature of the risks that they must stand against it based on the policy of containment, especially weapons of mass destruction, under UN Security Council resolutions, but that policy has failed to achieve the goal and different lobbyists around him success optimal strategy against Iraq was To be going towards a more effective policy that regime change in Iraq declared goal in light of the American strategy in Iraq Liberation Act .I took the success factors in Bush administration Jr in 2001 - 2003 September 11 helped in 2001, which varied around them, and what are the objectives behind them, but it's considered one of the most important factors in the nature of the shift towards Iraq and the ensuing consequences and becoming Opportunity invested by the Bush administration and neocons in the implementation strategy that drew toward Iraq since 1990, and go toward preemptive war, which was considered the decisive factor in achieving goal after failing military strategy of deterrence and containment, by connecting Iraq, global terrorism under the pretext of developing weapons of mass destruction, the US administration took escalating toward rogue States that support terrorism and Iraq was the priority attention being an anchor and a goal can usually process the overall security and military policy integration

حركة انصار السلام في العراق 1954 - 1963 == The Movement for Supporters of Peace in Iraq 1954 - 1963

اسم المؤلف: علي برزان عطار الحسناوي
اسم المشرف: مؤيد شاكر كاظم مخيلف الطائي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: ماجستير
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: ذي قار
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The study of political movements of all kinds is of interest to researchers in the field of history, in light of their significant contribution to the weaving of new events in the history record. Since the movement of the supporters of peace is one of those important movements witnessed by the world in general and Iraq in particular, The movement of supporters of peace in Iraq 1954 - 1963) will contribute to know the role played by this movement in the history of contemporary Iraq by revealing the conditions that contributed to its establishment, and the impact of the society in different layers and directions, and to know the nature of its work alongside other political parties , And its position on issues Local, Arab and international peace, and the position of the ruling authority0The study was divided into an introduction, four chapters, a conclusion, and a group of supplement 0The first chapter is entitled "The Historical Roots of the 1945 The second chapter, entitled "The First Founding Conference of the Movement and the Stage of Secret Activity" (1954 - J - - - - - 1954) dealt with the political situation in Iraq prior to the conference preparation for holding the conference and its meetings. The of the movement, as well as severing relations with the Soviets and 0 - July 14, 1959, we referred to the position of the movement from the revolution of 14 July 1958, then the national communist truggle and the peace festival in Mosul. The activity of the movement and the Communist aspiration of the government and its repercussions on the movement, where the activity included the convening of the second conference of the movement on April 14, 1959, and the festivals of the movement Peace in Halabja, Hilla and Benghouin as well as the movement's international activity 0 The fourth and final chapter was devoted to a statement (the impact of internal conflicts and laws in the activity of the movementJuly 14, 1959 - 1963), the most important of which were the events of Kirkuk, July 14, 1959, the assassination attempt on 7 October 1959, The chapter also discussed the Movement's position on international peace issues, the most prominent of which was the position on the French nuclear tests in the Sahara of Algeria and the support of the peace talks between Khrushchev and Ishaeur. , And attend a conference Peace in Indonesia and the persecution of prominent international peacekeepers, including the trials of peace supporters in West Germany, the assassination of the President of the Government of the Congo (Patrice Lumumba), the strengthening of the call for disarmament and the end of the movement's activities. The movement of the supporters of peace in Iraq created international conditions that had repercussions in Iraq, in which the voices calling for an end to wars and the need to resolve disputes by peaceful means were part of the world peace movement establishedby the World Peace Council in Warsaw in November 1950, Peace and supports all peace movements in the world, including the movement of supporters of peace in Iraq 0 The movement of supporters of peace in Iraq during the era of the royal era to prove its presence at the internal and external levels, at the level of the interior worked to put itself on the political and national issues of the country along with the national movement and opposition parties won the confidence of both, on the external level has worked to send representatives To attend meetings (the World Peace Council) and the rest of the meetings held to support the issues of peace 0 After establishing its position domestically and internationally, the movement held its first founding conference, which was held on July 15, 1954, in Baghdad under the tight guard of the eyes of the authority, which regarded it as a communist movement working for the then banned Iraqi Communist Party, which fought its activities and persecuted its men throughout the royal era.The date of the end of the monarchy in Iraq on 14 July 1958 was a major turning point in the history of the movement of supporters of peace in Iraq. The movement considered that day a victory for the will of the people and the national forces that formed the movement.As the movement moved from secret to public, so its support came to the revolution of July 14 warmly and in particular, especially that the most prominent elements of the movement who were stripped of Iraqi nationality and others and away from the country has been prepared for them to return, which was the most prominent Aziz Sharif, who returned to the country after the success of the revolution He worked on the establishment of an Peace Council in cooperation with Lawyer Tawfiq Munir and some of the figures.Since then, Aziz Sharif has been secretary general of the movement until the end of its activity on 8 February 1963, the end of the first republican era.

التنوع الطائفي واثره على الحياة السياسية اللبنانية 1958 - 1975 == The sectarian diversity and the impact on Lebanese political life (1958 - 1975

اسم المؤلف: لطيف ثجيل لطيف الصافي
اسم المشرف: عبد الرسول شهيد عجمي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: ماجستير
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: ذي قار
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The Lebanese society has been distinguished by its diverse sects. It is clear that the history of Lebanon is linked to the culture of the sects, whose social and political identity has been defined. The sectarian issue in Lebanon has made the society based on that diversity , which has been reflected in the reality of the Lebanese people and the thinking of its members. As Lebanon has become under the French control , which has further exacerbated that conflict, because the French.Government depends on its survival and the realization of its interests through this. Sectarian conflict interferes So I took all the power to impose its will on the political decision represented by some communities in Lebanon.The Lebanese political system since 1943 is a sectarian system of the first order. The sectarianism intervenes in every big and small in the Lebanese political system. The political parties are sectarian and the constitution is based on sectarian and the three powers. And the president is elected on a sectarian basis, the governments formed on a sectarian basis, as is the case for the parliament that is elected and divided on a sectarian basis. Therefore , sectarianism in Lebanon is aimed at exaggerating it in every direction.The study was divided into an introduction, a preface, three chapters and a conclusion. The introduction dealt with the historical composition of the Lebanese communities and their role in politics until 1958.The first chapter highlighted the impact of sectarian diversity on political developments and trends 1958 - 1964. The third topic dealt with the Lebanese sect's position on the draft amendment of the constitution in 1963. The fourthtopic dealt with the sectarian formations In the 1964 parliamentary elections. The second chapter dealt with the role of the sects in the Lebanese political developments from 1964 - 1970. It divided into three sections dealing with the first topic : the communities and the elections of Charles Helou in 1964. The third topic dealt with the position of the sects from the Palestinian presence in Lebanon 1964 - 1970. In Lebanese society 1969 - 1970. The third section highlighted the position of the sects on the Lebanese political developments prior to the civil war , which included four topics. The first topic was entitled The position of the sects regarding the events of March 1970 (fighting between the Lebanese army and the Palestinian resistance). The second section.Explained the repercussions of the economic situation on the Lebanese communities 1970 - 1972 , and the third topic to show the position of the Lebanese communities of the war of October 1973 , while the fourth topic discussed the causes and consequences of sectarian tension.

موقف الحزب الشيوعي العراقي من القضية الكردية في العراق 1968 - 1979 : دراسة تاريخية == The position of the Iraqi Communist Party From the Kurdish Issue of Iraq (1968 - 1979) )Historical study(

اسم المؤلف: كاتب محمد غافل الحجامي
اسم المشرف: مؤيد شاكر كاظم مخيلف الطائي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: ماجستير
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: ذي قار
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The Iraqi Communist Party is one of the most prominent Iraqi political parties that played an important role in influencing the course of events in the political arena in Iraq at the beginning of the second half of the thirties of the last century where that period of history saw the emergence of the Kurdish issue is clearly in the policies and the literature of the Communist Party, especially after Barzan events (1943 - 1945) in northern Iraq and its aftermath, and how to deal with successive Iraqi governments, and Anbra the Communist party introduced the appropriate peaceful solutions .The importance of this study comes from the fact that it dealt with a subject of historical, political and social dimensions. At the same time, the Kurdish issue was a prominent event on the political scene and for a long time in the history of modern Iraq. In the royal and republican covenants, and this was reflected in the Kurdish issue itself. The position of the Iraqi Communist Party on the Kurdish issue (1968 - 1979) is worthy of consideration because the Communist Party provided much support and support in many local and international forums.The study was based on the chronology of events while preserving the unity of the topic. The study was divided into four chapters, a conclusion and a set of annexes, as well as the introduction, which aims at clarifying the importance of the thesis and determining its main contents. The first introductory chapter dealt with the period since the establishment of the Iraqi Communist Party (1968 - 1949), the execution of Fahd, secretary of the Communist Party, the development of the relationship between the Communist Party and the Kurdish Movement (KDP) For the period (1958 - 1963) Of the Communist Party of the Kurdish issue and the accompanying armed events in the era of the First Baathist coup and the government of the brothers Aref (1963 - 1968). The second chapter, which we included under the title of the Iraqi Communist Party and its position on the Kurdish issue (1968 - 1973), shed light on several issues in which we discussed the position of the Communist Party on the Kurdish issue (1968 - 1970) and the repercussions of the July 17 coup on the Kurdish issue, Declaration of March 11, 1970 and the declaration of self - rule of the Kurds and the position of the Iraqi Communist Party, the relation of the Communist Party to the Kurdish issue of the period (1971 - 1973) and the accompanying events.The third chapter dealt with the period from the proclamation of the National Front and Progressive Nationalism (July 17, 1973) to the establishment of the Kurdish War in 1974, and the influence of the Baathist Communist Alliance on the Kurdish issue and the deterioration in the relations of the Communist Party with the Kurdish leadership. The position of the Communist Party from the April 1974 - March 1975 war, the reasons for the Algiers agreement and its repercussions on the Kurdish issue, the March 6, 1975 agreement, the collapse of the armed Kurdish movement, and the consequences for the Kurdish issue.The fourth and final chapter, entitled "The position of the Iraqi Communist Party on the Kurdish issue 1975 - 1979", explained the position of the Communist Party for the two years (1975 - 1976) on the Kurdish issue after the Algiers Agreement and the impact of thecollapse of the Kurdish armed movement on the Kurdish parties. The deterioration of the relations between the Ba'th Party and the Iraqi Communist Party by engaging in the National Progressive National Front between the Ba'th Party and the Iraqi Communist Party, the Communists having to resort abroad, the return of the alliance with the Kurdish parties and the adoption of the method of armed struggle for the purpose of overthrowing the Baath regime.The conclusion included the most important findings of the study of scientific results in the light of its contents, as well as the recommendations and proposals that we consider necessary from the point of view of the researcher modest, and we also sought through the annexes to the study to provide the letter with a set of documents and important data of the Iraqi Communist Party and the Kurdistan Democratic Party with a number of Foreign Documents. In his study of the position of the Iraqi Communist Party on the Kurdish issue, the researcher reached the following conclusions : 1 - The Kurdish issue has a clear impact on the programs and thought of political parties, especially in the thought and literature of the Iraqi Communist Party.2. Both the Iraqi Communist Party and the Barati Party have played a large and effective role in highlighting the Kurdish issue and supporting it in obtaining the right of the Kurdish people to attain their national rights.3 - The Kurdish issue has contributed directly or indirectly to the tension of the Iraqi political situation for many years reflected on the economic and social aspects of the Iraqi people and Kurds alike.4. The Kurdish issue will remain a problem unless a peaceful, just and democratic solution is found, unless radical solutions are found that realize the legitimate rights of the Kurds and guarantee Iraq the unity of its land and people.5 - Calling the Communist Party of successive governments not to practice the policy of racial discrimination against the Kurdish people, which will inevitably push him to seek separation from Iraq by any means.From his humble point of view, the researcher suggests some of the recommendations he deems necessary to solve the persistent Kurdish problem in its modern and contemporary history : In order for the Kurdish issue not to come out of scope and the Kurds aremoving toward full separation and dealing with foreign countries, Finally, I put this modest effort in the hands of my professors, members of the discussion committee, to evaluate them and increase their rank in a way that makes them efficient to provide Iraqilibraries as a source of study of Iraq's modern and contemporary history.

موقف الحزب الشيوعي العراقي من القضية الكردية في العراق 1934 - 1968 == The Communist Party's Position on the Kurdish Issue (1934 - 1968

اسم المؤلف: ابتسام سلمان عطية الغزي
اسم المشرف: مؤيد شاكر كاظم مخيلف الطائي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: ماجستير
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: ذي قار
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The Kurdish issue was one of the most important issues that occupied a large part of the activity of the Iraqi Communist Party, which emphasized its importance and the need to deal with it since the beginning of its establishment in 1934 as one of the most complex issues facing the Iraqi state, and because this issue is of high importance, the Iraqi Communist Party had to determine its position on this issue as one of the most important political parties operating in the Iraqi field at the time.The study consisted of three chapters, an introduction, a conclusion and an appendix. The first chapter, entitled Position of the Communist Party on the Kurdish Question 1934 - 1958, dealt with the Marxist perspective of minorities, the developments of the Kurdish issue until 1934, the position of the Communist Party on partisan life in Iraqi Kurdistan as well as the relations between the Iraqi Communist Party and the Kurdistan Democratic Party until 1958, As for the second chapter, it highlighted the position of the Iraqi Communist Party on the Kurdish issue in the era of Abdul Karim Qasim 1958 - 1963, in which we discussed the position of the communists and Kurds from the July 14 revolution, the role of the Iraqi Communist Party and the Kurdistan Democratic Party in suppressing the movement of Mosul in March 1959, and the rebellion of Rashid Lulan and Abbas Mamand, and the events of Kirkuk, as well as the position of the Iraqi Communist Party from the events of September 1961, and the developments of the crisis in Kurdistan until 1963. The third chapter we have shown in it the position of the party on the Kurdish issue 1963 - 1968, and the study dealt with the position of the Communist Party of the Kurdish issue under the reign of Abdul Salam Arif and the reign of Abdul Rahman Arif until the end of 1968.The Iraqi Communist Party was the only international party that, since its establishment, sought to present solutions and slogans to the issues of nationalities, especially the Kurdish issue, The study found that there is some contradiction in the positions ofthe Iraqi Communist Party, which quickly abandoned the principle of independence of Kurdistan, mentioned in the first statement of the Anti - Colonial Society and investment in the first congress of the Communist Party in 1944,where the slogan of rights and equality was resolved for the Kurds replaced the slogan independence and the word minority instead of the words of the Kurdish people. Hence, the Iraqi Communist Party embarked on a broad national concept, especially after realizing that the British officials sought to exploit the Kurdish issue in their favor and to tamper with the capabilities of the Kurdish people at that time in history of contemporary Iraq.The Communist Party of Iraq stressed the need to give the Kurds their national rights within the framework of Iraqi unity, and opposed the idea of separation. In March 1953, a qualitative change took place in the party's position through the new charter prepared by the secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party Bahaauddin Nuri, in which he called for recognition of the right of separation to the Kurdish people and to ensure the real equality of other national groups. The reason for this change in the position of the party is the arrival of Kurdish figures to the leadership of the Central Committee of the Iraqi Communist Party, but there has been a clear decline in this position because of widespread splits in the ranks of the party, which considered separatism an invitation propagated by the colonial propaganda to divide the unity of the struggle of theArab and Kurdish peoples, And agreed to the autonomy of Iraqi Kurdistan within the Iraqi unity, although he continued to support the Kurdish issue in the years 1963 - 1968 and his criticism of Iraqi governments and his condemnation of its military campaigns against the Kurds and his calls for a peaceful solution instead of military confrontation and sometimes his armed participation with the Kurds against the ruling power, all this comes because of the Communist Party's position and interests, which called for such positions and the influence of the Soviets on its policy and positions as well.

الامام علي عليه السلام في كتاب الطبقات الكبير لابن سعد البصري 230هـ844م : دراسة تحليلية نقدية == Imam Ali (peace be upon him) : A Study in lbn Sa'd's The Book of the Major Classes ( Arabic : Kitab Tabaqat Al - Kubra) : An Analytical Critical Study

اسم المؤلف: هادي عبد الزهرة عبد السادة الديراوي
اسم المشرف: جواد كاظم النصر الله
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الاسلامي
الدرجة: ماجستير
الجامعة: جامعة البصرة
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: البصرة
الصفحات الاولى:

المساعدات الكويتية لبعض بلدان المشرق العربي 1961 - 1981 : دراسة تاريخية == Kuwaiti aids to some countries of the Arab Orient ( 1981 - 1961)A.D (Historical study)

اسم المؤلف: نجوان حسن سبع الشاوي
اسم المشرف: فراقد داود سلمان الشلال
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: ماجستير
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: البصرة
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: الموقع الجغرافي للكويت وتاريخها السياسي والاقتصادي 1752 - 1961 | سمات وانواع المساعدات التنموية والمعونات الكويتية | اولويات السياسة الخارجية الكويتية | العلاقات الكويتية ببعض بلدلن المشرق العربي | The study aims at showing the prominent role of the state of Kuwait in providing the assistance many decades ago. In other word when the economy of Kuwait has developed since the oil discovered through supporting growth in eastern countries. The aids have increased locally and officially to support Arab countries.Kuwait has created Kuwait fund for Arab Economic Development since its independence, which has been considered the most important economic support funds in Middle East.This fund is considered as an important economic means to highly providing support for Arab countries. Besides, Kuwait has followed the dinar policy throughout creating the Kuwaiti Fund of financing all projects within the years 1961 - 1981.The objective behind granting aids by Kuwait to strengthen their political interests through Arab countries gain. Their growth while having international and reginal crises, the aids had many forms within which were political aids to support the situations of Arab issues.Even the artists have their own contributions to support Arab issues. As obvious, as much as the Kuwaiti financial capacity increases, it refers to huge oil flow in terms of huge oil flow during the Seventies. Therefore, the aids covered the International and Arab countries.Kuwait also considers providing aids is a national duty necessary for the development of nations. Kuwait duty is also not limited to providing aids but it extents to encompass the role of mediator to solve many problems.

محمد ناصر ودوره التربوي والثقافي والسياسي في العراق حتى عام 1967 == Mohammed Nasser and his Educational Cultural and Political Role in Iraq untill 1967

اسم المؤلف: علاء عريبي غانم
اسم المشرف: حميد احمد حمدان التميمي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: ماجستير
الجامعة: جامعة البصرة
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: البصرة
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: هذه الرسالة هي دراسة تاريخية لمحمد ناصر الذي كان احد اوائل الشخصيات التي ساهمت في تطوير التعليم في العراق وكان ايضا باحثا ومحاضرا وكاتبا ومترجما يتقن اللغة الانكليزية وقليلا من اللغة الفرنسية وشغل العديد من المناصب في الدولة الادارية والوزارية كما كان لد ادوار وانشطة سياسية وثقافية طول المدة وجودة في الحكومة حتى عام 1967 وكانت هذه الرسالة تسلط الضوء على سيرته الشخصية والتعليمية والسياسية والثقافية في العراق , وتتكون الرسالة من مقدمة وثلاث فصول وخاتمة يتناول الفصل الاول دراسة حياته المبكرة , نشاته ومراحل تعليمه , وقسم عنا الفصل الاول الى مبحثين , الاول بين نسبه ونشاته وبعض ملامح شخصيته في حين تطرق المبحث الثاني الى دراسته والوظائف التي شغلها حتى عام 1965 وبحث الفصل الثاني نشاطه السياسي الوطني القومي على مرحلتين حتى عام 1958 واشتملت على مشاركته في التظاهرات ضد زيارة الفرد موند في 8 شباط 1928 ومشاركته في التظاهرات التي كانت تطالب بالاستقلال وانهاء الانتداب 1930 ودوره في تاسيس جمعية الجوال العربي 1934 - 1941 وموقفه من حركة مايس 1941وموقفه من العدوان الثلاثي على مصر 1956 والمرحلة الثانية بحثت في المدة من ثورة 14 تموز 1958 وحتى عام 1966 وبينت موقفه من ثورة 14 تموز 1958 وموقعه من انقلاب 8 شباط 1963 وموقفه من بعض القضايا الوطنية ما بين 1964 - 1966 , اما الفصل الثالث فقد تحدث عن محمد ناصر وزيرا وباحثا ومحاضرا وتكون من اربعة مباحث تناول الاول استيزاره لوزارة التربية والتعليم من 31 /كانون الثاني - 17 /حزيران/ 1964 ومنجزات الوزارة في عهده اما المبحث الثاني فقد تناول محمد ناصر وزيرا للثقافة والارشاد من 6 /ايلول /1965 - 6 /اب/ 1966 ومنجزات الوزارة في عهده واستعرض المبحث الثالث معظم مؤلفاته ومقالاته ما بين 1963 - 1990 , في حين تضمن المبحث الرابع ظروف سفره الى الكويت في عام 1967 . | This thesis is a historical study of Muhammad Nasser, who was one of the early figures in the development of education in Iraq. He was also a researcher, lecturer, writer and translater who mastered the English language and a little French. He held many positions in the state, Administrative and ministerial. He also had political and cultural roles and activities throughout his tenure in the government until 1967This thesis was to highlight his personal and educational role, political and cultural in IraqThe thesis consists of an introduction, three chapters and a conclusion. The first chapter deals with the study of the early life of Muhammad Nasser, his beginnings and the stages of his education. This chapter is divided into two sections, the first containing his origin, proportions, extras and some aspects of his personality. While the second topic dealt with the study of Mohammed Nasser Specialist and the functions he occupied in 1964The second chapter examined the activities of Muhammad Nasser national and national politician, in two stages, the first until 1958, including his participation in the demonstrations against the visit of the Al Ferd Mond in February 1928, as well as his participation in the demonstrations calling for independence 1930 and his role in the establishment of the AL - JAWAL AL - ARABI Association 1934 - 1941 and his position of the May 1941 movementAnd his position on the tripartite aggression against Egypt 1956 and the second stage followed from the revolution of July 14, 1958 until 1966, and touched on the position of Mohammed Nasser from the revolution of July 14, 1958, as well as his position on the coup of February 8, 1963. Muhammad Nasser was an ambassador in the Soviet Union 1964 - 1965 and his position on some national issues Between 1964 - 1966The third chapter Which is about Mohammed Nasser, minister, researcher and lecturer, consists of four topics , the first dealt with the receipt of the Ministry of Education from 31/1/1964 to 17/1/1964 and the achievements of the ministry in his reign. The second topic dealt with Mohammed Nasser Minister of Culture and Guidance from 19/6 / 1965 until 6/8/1966 and the achievements of the ministry in the era of the third article reviewed the writings and articles of Muhammad Nasser, while the fourth section included his travel to Kuwait in 1967

مدينة الناصرية منذ 1869 - 1921 : دراسة تاريخية == The city of Nasiriyah from 1869 - 1921 Historical study

اسم المؤلف: مسلم عوض مهلهل الخزعلي
اسم المشرف: مؤيد شاكر كاظم مخيلف الطائي | علي حسين الاسماعيلي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: ذي قار
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The study of the local history of the cities of Iraq is a historical necessity. In order to shed light on this important and bright historical chapter in the study of the local history of its cities, this study of Nasiriyah came as this city has historical roots and is worthy of study and attention. But it did not receive a scientific academic study, while we find that the depth of civilization and its heritage of science and intellectual dictates to us a lot of effort and giving in writing the history of this city, especially during the period (1869 - 1921), which has undergone historic transformations and important political events, The Presbyterian L And the establishment of administrative units as well as the variables of international policy that came under the occupation of Britain to live under the table, and began the history of resistance against the occupier at the time it became called the House of Jihad after To be called the Mujahid Mujahid Muhammed Muhammad Said al - Haboubi as the Mujahideen sat in their folds to launch their convoys to resist the occupier in the battle of Shuaiba, and this historical importance of the city on the political side, as for the economic and social situation was not less ah Mia before it, which took the first economic position in the brigade after the city occupied the economic status through the river and maritime trade as a mode of transport between the cities of the south and center and the north, and on the other hand, we find the social side of this city floating to the surface is full of poetic and intellectual, A class of bourgeoisie and merchants who took over the management of the city's commercial affairs.The research was divided into four basic chapters, followed by the preparation of a set of appendices as well as the introduction of the importance of study and the development of frameworks to determine their content and conclusion. The conclusions of the thesis showed a summary in English.The preface to give a geographical overview of the nature of the region and a historical glimpse of the city, which was founded on the legacy of the ancient civilization and in the prelude to the political conflicts that have already been founded on the city of the Presbyterian side and with the Ottoman government on the other.The first chapter of the study was devoted to the establishment of the city of Nasiriyah in 1869 and the subsequent circumstances of the establishment, where we discussed the personality of Prince Nasser Pasha Al - Saadoun and a course in the establishment of the city conditions that approved the establishment stage. The second section, which highlighted the political developments towards the deceased in the era of Medhat Pasha, who established the guardian of Iraq that the establishment of the city, and what are the most important events that accompanied the stage of incorporation at the time came the third section to show the objective reasons for the establishment of the city and what is the grandeur of that establishment and the importance of political, economic and social matter for the side Eight of the fourth chapter of the chapter was a reflection of the families that lived in the city during the establishment, which played an important role in the management of public life.In the second chapter of the study of the general conditions of the city of Nasiriyah after the establishment to shed light in the first section on the administrative structure of the city and the most important formations and laws that worked to organize life in the city through the introduction of administrative units.The third chapter is devoted to highlighting the city of Nasiriyah in the late Ottoman period and the beginning of the First World War in 1914 to study the developments and conditions that plagued the city. The first topic was the British attitudes towards the region. It shows the British ambitions before the war and the policy followed by the British government before intervening with the tribes. The second topic explains the circumstances of the First World War 1914 in the city of Nasiriyah, entering a new phase of domination and injustice, as was the city of Dar al - Jihad to stand up and address the occupier and the resistance against him, while the third section came the city of Nasiriyah The repercussions of the British occupation Here the city enters the framework of the occupation officially and lives in a state of stability not to mention the role of its children at this critical stage and the difficulty of the situation for the people of the city, and also the fourth section of the secret conference of officers in the city and they seek to establish a national government and independent military establishment and seek the British side in that. The fourth chapter, which shed light on the most important events in the city under the city of Nasiriyah under the British occupation 1915 - 1921 was the first section, which illustrates the resistance of the sons of Nasiriyah and tribes against the British presence and the most important battles fought by the tribes on the outskirts of the city, Nasiriyah through working on the establishment of the State Departments in accordance with the interests required and required by their actions, and worked on the appointment of officers and political rulers in accordance with a systematic policy and give positions to loyalists without consideration of the interests of the city, Of the city of Nasiriyah under the British administration focused on the process of laying the foundations and the foundations of the British administration through the establishment of devices in the service of the establishment of the Shabana, ie, the police from the tribes and they are playing the role of maintaining security as well as work on the establishment of municipal departments, health and education and lightning, The third stage to highlight the role of the city of Nasiriyah from the revolution of the twentieth and it reveals the extent of the suffering suffered by the people until the people rose up with a revolution in spite of the results that were not within the military ambition and lack of success in the City at the time was the coronation of the king of Iraq, the result of this revolution and the positions of the sons of the city from the coronation process.The conclusion summarized the main findings of the study in the light of its contents, and we worked in annexes to document statistics and maps related to the history of the city of Nasiriyah.Before the establishment of the city of Nasiriyah, the Emirate of Al - Mustafir witnessed a state of clandestine and tribal conflict. It was managed by the Ottoman administration to weaken its status and military strength as it represented a danger and a source of concern for the Ottoman government, as well as supporting one side without the other. On collection taxes easily.The establishment of the city of Nasiriyah, carrying a political side as well as other aspects of its economic and social contrary to what has been circulated, because it came personal desire or a result of bargaining, and the Ottoman authorities aimed to bring a new policy in the region as a result of developments and has also weakened the authority of the Church through The number of symbols of the tribal and restrict the cities, and then replace the Presbyterate function, which is Sheikh subordinate to the authority in contrast to the former, as well as the resettlement of tribes in a region defined geographically for control while being outside the will of the government and this is what happened after the decision to settle tribes and impose Guan The recruitment and dispossession of lands intended to subject all to power.The city witnessed armed resistance continued against the British side of its arrival to the city of Baghdad, which led to the depletion of the efforts of their sons to take into account the city from the British side, especially the imposition of economic siege on the people of the city.The institutions of the state began to appear even if only by the British administration of the city of Nasiriyah when the police and the rest of the state institutions.The people of the city had a prominent role in the revolution of the twentieth and stand in the face of the British occupation and meet the call of reference in Jihad for two phases in Shuaiba and the Revolution of the twentieth

موقف الحلفاء الولايات المتحدة الامريكية وبريطانيا من الاجتياح الالماني لاراضي الاتحاد السوفيتي 1491 - 1491 اعتمادا على الوثائق السوفيتية == Allies Stance - United States of America and United Kingdom - Against the German Sweep of the Lands of the Soviet Union (1941 - 1945) in the light of soviet documents

اسم المؤلف: محمد يعقوب يوسف
اسم المشرف: حيدر عبد الرضا حسن التميمي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: ماجستير
الجامعة: جامعة البصرة
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: البصرة
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: After WWII (1939 - 1945) , the allies had realised the risks at the political and economic levels in case of the over domination of the Nasists spreading out in Europe. Since then, they had started putting forward military tactics to stop the German sweep. Even much more, they had taken some serious steps taking advantage of the German announcement abolishing the treaty of friendship signed with the Soviet Union and the start of a large - scale military campaign to invade its territory on the 22nd of June 1941.Although the Soviet army was reluctant to resist the German invasion of their territory, the German forces took control of several important Soviet cities such as Stalingrad, which had led to several military campaigns to overthrow Moscow. The United States of America and Britain were deeply concerned about the growing Nazi threat to their interests and their influence in the region. So they decided to provide the military and political support necessary for the Soviet leadership of Hitler's expansionist plans in the Soviet Union. Accordingly, Washington had started to strengthen its relations with Moscow by holding several meetings with representatives of the Soviet government to discuss the latest developments at the military level. The Britain, represented by the Prime Minister Winston Churchill had made an agreement with its counterpart the Soviet PM - Joseph Stalin to unite their military efforts in order to expel the Germans from the territory of the Soviet Union.The significance of the current study lies in answering the following controversial questions that remained unanswered in the study of this important era in the history of the world, namely : What is the official and non - official position of the allies of the German invasion of the territory of the Soviet Union? Did the above - mentioned allies (US administration and the UK) provide enough political and military support to the Soviet Union in order to expel the Germans from its territory?Due to the different explanations proposed by researchers in the field by giving a clear view of the American and British position on the German invasion of Soviet territory on the one hand, and the absence of any academic study - except for what was written about the history of the Second World War - in the Iraqi universities, we decided to examine the subject in question, utilizing the Soviet books and documents that are related to the study of World War II that could help to answer the research question.The nature of the study necessitates that the research plan is based on the historical sequence of events, except for some of the sections in the thesis. The study, thus, includes an introduction, four chapters and a conclusion.Chapter one presents the German invasion of the Soviet Union and the position of the Allies (June 1941 - November 1941). Chapter two highlights the position of the United States and Britain, considering the German invasion of the territory of the Soviet Union (22 June 1941 - December 1942(. Chapter three investigates the role of allies' conferences, in providing support to the Soviet Union (January 1943 - December 1943 . ( Chapter four discusses the position of the Allies of the Soviet victories over German forces and Stalin's demands at the Potsdam conference held in (1944 - 1945). Our most important conclusion is that the military and logistical assistance provided by the Allies played a major role in the Soviet resistance against the German invasion of their lands.

سياسة اليابان الاقليمية : دراسة تاريخية في قضايا الجزر المتنازع عليها في شمال شرق اسيا (1951 - 1978) == Japan Regional Policy : A historical Study of the Disputed Islands in the East - north Asia 1951 - 1978

اسم المؤلف: لـــؤي ثجـيــل جمعة الاســدي
اسم المشرف: كاظم هيلان محسن السهلاني
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: دكتوراه
الجامعة: جامعة البصرة
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: البصرة
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: After the Second World War, the second part of the 20th century witnessed the cold war. Till now, there are some border disputes resulted from that war. This war was a reflection of that cold war through diverse sites in Asia, centering on the East - north of the continent. In accordance with San Francisco treaty in Japan for peace in 1951, there rose the cold war and how the USA contributed to that strife. As a result of the new regional situation of the former Japan Empire, the islands are (the Southern Kuril islands / Northern Territories), (Dokdo / Takeshima), and (Senkaku / Diaoyu).The history of the challenges on these islands goes back to different periods. These were confirmed by the regional expansion conducted by Japanese policy from 1879 to 1939. These challenges got complicated by the USA during the cold war in the east and north of Asia. This conflict was affirmed by San Francisco treaty for peace in 1951. This case is seen as an important one which has been still sustained. This conflict affects directly the economic and diplomatic relations between Japan and the other disputed countries. This also has an influence upon the social and cultural relations among the peoples of those countries at various levels, besides, these conflicts also affect the settlement and peace in the north and east of Asia. This may lead to armed conflicts. The current study focuses on the occurrence of those conflicts after the Second World War, as a result of San Francisco treaty for peace in 1951 and how these conflicts affect the diplomatic relations between the disputed countries from 1951 up to 1978, besides the role played by the USA in affirming these conflicts, and the historical roots for each case concerning these islands. These conflicts are enhanced historically rather than politically. The dissertation is, thus, divided into an introduction and four chapters. The first chapter is about the policy of regional expansion and its effect upon the Japan foreign affairs (1951 - 1979). It includes three sections : the first one is about the occurrence of Japan colonial tendency and the policy of expansion. Section two is concerned with the entrance of Japan into the Second World War and being under the USA occupation. The third section exposes the session of San Francisco in 1951 in the north east of Asia in affirming the Japanese regional conflicts. Chapter two is devoted to the study of Japan - Soviet conflict over (the Southern Kuril islands / Northern Territories) in (1951 - 1960). This chapter is also composed of three sections. The first on is about the historical roots of the conflict over these islands. The second one focuses on the case of these islands and how these affect the Japanese - Soviet relations and the USA position from the conflicts (1951 - 1960). The third section addresses the claims of the disputed powers over the dominance over the disputed islands. Chapter three shows the Japanese - Korean conflicts over (Dokdo / Takeshima) islands (1951 - 1978). It also includes three sections. The first section is about the historical background about these two islands. The second one is concerned with the reflection of these disputes over the Japanese - Korean relations and the position of USA from them. The third one shows the Japanese claims about the dominance over these two islands and how Korea responded. Chapter four is specified for the Chinese - Japanese dispute over (Senkaku / Diaoyu) from 1951 to 1978. It is composed of three sections. The first one is about the historical background of the dispute (1885 up to 1951). The second section is devoted to the Japanese - Chinese relations in response to the dispute over these two islands and the USA position from this conflict. The thirds section is concerned with the claims of China about the dominance over these two islands and how Japan responded to this claim. The conclusion is a summary of what the researcher has found about these various aspects of disputes.

دور جورج كينان في تخطيط السياسات الاستراتيجية الامريكية 1947 - 1953م == George Kennan's Role In Planning The American Strategy Policy 1947 - 1953

اسم المؤلف: قاسم نمر جلوب السعيدي
اسم المشرف: اميرة رشك لعيبي الزبيدي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: دكتوراه
الجامعة: جامعة البصرة
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: البصرة
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The Study Aims To Explain The Strategic Role Played By Kennan And Its Impact On The American Foreign Policy Between (1947 - 1953). During The Time, Kennan Exercised His Greatest Influence In Implementing The Policy Of Containment. The Study Endeavours To Expose Kennan's Comprehensive And Coordinate Role In The Cold War. Kennan's Long Telegram Which He Prepared In 1946 Drew The Attention Of Such Major American Policy Makers In Washington D. C. As The Secretary Of Navy James Forrestal. The Telegram Offered Reasons And Justifications To Change The Aims Of The American Foreign Policy In Relation To The Soviet Union. Kennan Stated In His Evaluating Reports That The Communist Soviet Expansion Threatened The American Interests And Security. It Is Worth Mentioning That Kennan Did Not Name A Specific Strategy When He Wrote His Long Telegram. However, His Ideas Began To Clarify When He Gave Lectures At The National Defense University. These Lectures Made Clear His Ideas And Opinions In Relation To The American Foreign Policy. In The Meantime, Kennan Started To Outline What Is Termed As The Containment Strategy. Though His Ideas Did Not Design The Formal Strategic Line Of The State Department, They Had A Great Impact On The American Public. Therefore, The Long Telegram And The Lectures That Kennan Gave At The National Defense University Were Helpful Factors In Understanding Some Of His Ideas And Explaining Their Influence In Redefining The Concepts Of The Soviet Threat.The Conclusion Lists The Main Results Of The Study

الطيران المدني العراقي 1933 - 1979 : دراسة تاريخية == Iraqi Civil Aviation (1933 - 1979)A Historical Study )

اسم المؤلف: فلاح حسن عاتي البهادلي
اسم المشرف: ياسين طه ياسين الهارون
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: ماجستير
الجامعة: جامعة البصرة
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: البصرة
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The present study focusses on civil aviation in Iraq to show its importance in the history of Iraq especially in keeping up with the global developments and international relations. It consists of an introduction, four chapters and a conclusion. The first chapter introduces civil aviation. It reviews the establishment and development of civil aviation in the world, focusing on the development of civil aviation in Britain and the beginnings of its entry into Iraq until 1932.The second chapter covers the role of Britain in the establishment of civil airports in Iraq between 1933 and 1939. It tackles how Britain has used its military airports for civil purposes. It also discusses the establishment of civil airports in Baghdad and Basrah through the cooperation between Iraq and Britain.The third chapter deals with Iraqi civil aviation between the outbreak of the Second World War in 1939 and the fall of the Monarchy in 1958. Moreover, it touches on the impact of the Second World War on the activity of that aviation. Particularly, it emphasizes the development of the aviation after that war when a new stage has been established for the Iraqi Airways through the development of civil aviation at the international level. The fourth chapter reviews the development of civil aviation between 1958 - 1979. It tries to explain the effect of political developments in Iraq following the fall of the Monarchy in 1958 and its impact on civil aviation. It then comments on the development of civil aviation at the national and international levels during the first Republican Era (1958 - 1968) and the second Republican Era (1968 - 1979). The Study ends up with a number of conclusions

بناء الدولة بين فكر الامام علي بن ابي طالب (عليه السلام) ومنهج ابن خلدون (ت808هـ) : دراسة تحليلية == The construction of the state between the thought of Imam Ali ibn Abi Talib (peace be upon him) and the methodology of Ibn Khaldun (T 808 e) analytical study

اسم المؤلف: فاطمة عبـد سعيد شلال المالكي
اسم المشرف: شكري ناصر عبد الحسن المياحي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الاسلامي
الدرجة: دكتوراه
الجامعة: جامعة البصرة
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: البصرة
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: يعد التخطيط الاستراتيجي( ) العنصر الاساسي في الفكر السياسي لبناء الدولة, لكونه يحدد الرؤية والفلسفة الخاصة المراد بناء الدولة على اساسها ويحيط بالاهداف المرسومة والمتناسقة المراد تحقيقها لفترة زمنية محددة ومن الممكن تنفيذها , ووضع البرامج والاليات المحكمة لتنفيذ هذه الاهداف وفق الاستراتيجية المرسومة لها سلفا. وقد اعتنى موضوع البحث ( بناء الدولة بين فكر الامام علي بن ابي طالب(عليه السلام) ومنهج ابن خلدون (ت808ه) دراسة تحليلية) بدراسة نموذجين في بناء الدولة تمثل النموذج الاول بناء الدولة في فكر الامام المعصوم من خلال الولوج في فكر الامام علي () واستخراج اهم الاليات والتخطيط المحكم في بناء الدولة وكيفية تنظيمه وتسخيره امكانيته وقدراته الفكرية الروحية السياسية والدينية والاجتماعية والاقتصادية لتنظيم الدولة وبناءها على اساس هذه المستويات المذكورة وتنظيم امر بنائها بشكل متناسق محكم ودقيق لبناء دولة قوية ومستمرة وقادرة على حملة رسالة الاسلام الانسانية وتجسيد مبادئها تطبيقيا عمليا واقعيا. ومثل النموذج الاخر بناء الدولة في منهج ابن خلدون حيث بنى اسس نظريته على اساس اطلاعه على اخبار الدول وما عايشه من الاحداث والتي دونها في مؤلفه ( العبر وديوان المبتدا والخبر في ايام العرب والعجم والبرر ومن عاصرهم من ذوي السلطان الاكبر ) الذي درس فيه ابن خلدون معطيات بناء الدولة واسباب انهيارها والتي اكد عليها ابن خلدون وعدها من الثوابت التي لا يمكن تجاوزها وانها من السنن الطبيعية التي لا تتغير وهي حاكمة على بناء الدولة وان حكومات الدول لا تملك بدلا الا ان تسير على وفق هذه المعطيات وكذلك عبر فيه عن فكره الذي تبلور لدية نتيجة عمله الاداري والسياسي في الاندلس والمغرب ومصر ونتيجة قراءته للواقع والتاريخ من وجهة نظره وتحليله( ) . وقد تم اختيار موضوع البحث لعدة دواعي منها ما ياتي : - 1. ان تحديد نموذجي البحث بفكر الامام علي ومنهج ابن خلدون لكون الامام علي مثل بناء الدولة التي مثلت فكر المعصوم في وضع استراتيجية بناء الدولة ولما عبر فيه ابن خلدون عن دراسة شاملة لجميع الدول لمساحة مترامية الاطراف من الشرق الاسلامي الى المغرب والاندلس وكذلك امم الروم والمجوس فصل في اخبارها وعوائد بناء الدول فيها مما يجعلنا امام نموذجين مثل الاول الفكر المعصوم في البناء ومثل الثاني الفكر البعيد عن فكر الائمة المعصومين فاثارنا دراستهما معا لمعرفة نقاط الضعف والقوة في كليهما ومدى الاصالة والمعاصرة التي تتمتع بها فكر بناء الدولة على اسس اسلامية دون الحيد عنها والثبات عليها مهما حدث من متغيرات وظهرت من مستجدات , ومدى دستورية الاسلام في اسس بنائها من حيث تشخيص مدى تلازمية الدين والاخلاق في استراتيجية بنائها ,فمثل النموذج الاول فكر الامام علي () الذي يعكس صورة منهج الاسلام الكامل في التخطيط الاستراتيجي لبناء الدولة الذي جاء ترجمة وتطبيقا متكاملا لمباديء الشريعة الاسلامية من خلال الخطب والرسائل التي عرفت عنه () والتي ارسلها الى ولاته وعماله وغيرهم بالاضافة الى حكمه القصار التي جمعت في مؤلف (نهج البلاغة) وفي غيره من المصادر الاخرى وتناولناها بالدراسة المقارنة مع النموذج الاخر وهو فكر ومنهج ابن خلدون الذي مثل الاتجاه الواقعي لدراسة الواقع التاريخي للدولة الاسلامية كمصدر لافكاره ونظريته ومنهجه في دراسة ظاهر قيام الدول وزوالها في التاريخ الاسلامي فقدم صورة الدولة العصبية التي تقوم على العامل القبلي (العصبية) والعامل الديني وفق منهج ومبدا القوة المادية المتمثلة بالعصبية الى جانب العامل الديني الذي سخره لتبرير سياسات هذه الدول وجعل من سياستها وتخطيطها في بناء وادارة الدول بانها حقيقة لابد منها ولا يمكن تجاوزها حسب فكره ومنهجه الجبري الذي يفسر به الظواهر التاريخية ,فقدم لنا صورة منهج بناء الدولة التي ابتعدت عن التاسيس الاسلامي للدولة التي تحمل بذور مرضها وانهيارها المحتم في اسسس واستراتيجية بنائها عندما اعتمدت مبدا القوة المادية والشهوات النفسانية وانحرفت عن المبدا الاسلامي .2.عدم وجود دراسات تناولت هذا الموضوع من قبل فاغلب الدراسات الاكاديمية ان لم نقل جميعها وحسب اطلاع الباحثة انها شملت جانب معين من بناء الدولة في فكر الامام علي () كالجانب الاداري او السياسي او الاقتصادي منها الدراسة الاكاديمية التي حملت عنوان "الفكر الاقتصادي في نهج البلاغة)( ) للباحثة ذكرى عواد ياسر العامري التي اختصت بالفكر الاقتصادي عند الامام علي () .واما في الجانب الاداري جاءت دراسة الباحثة هدى ياسر سعدون بعنوان ( الفكر الاداري عند الامام علي () في نهج البلاغة) ( ),وهي دراسة اهتمت بالجانب الاداري فقط . واما الدراسة الشاملة التي تعرضت لهذا الموضوع فهو كتاب بعنوان( اسس بناء الدولة في فكر الامام علي () ). وهذا الكتاب هو رسالة ماجستير منشورة وهو جهد يشكر عليه الباحث لكونها اول دراسة شاملة لبناء الدولة في فكر الامام علي () الا انها دراسة مختصرة جدا ولم تعط جميع الجوانب حقها من الدراسة فلم تتعرض لمزايا القيادة المعصومة ولم يعط للاساس الاجتماعي في بناء الدولة حقه من الدراسة والبحث لما يمثله هذا الجانب من قاعدة اساسية مهمة فاقتصر دراسته على مكانة الاسرة في فكر الامام علي واثرها الاجتماعي, ولم يبين الاثر الاستراتيجي الكبير للقاعدة الاجتماعية التي تمثل الرعية بعنوانها الواسع في بناء الدولة وقيمة المجتمع في نظر الدولة ايضا والتي يعتمد عليها في كونها مخزن الطاقات الكامنة البشرية التي استفاد الامام من توظيفها في كل مراحل وجوانب بناء الدولة . اما الدراسات التي تناولت بناء الدولة عند ابن خلدون فانها , ( فكر ابن خلدون العصبية والدولة معالم نظرية خلدونية في التاريخ الاسلامي) لمحمد عابد الجابري كانت دراسة تحليلية لنظرية العصبية في بناء الدولة و( الدولة في فكر ابن خلدون ) لتوفيق خلف زيدان احمد السعيدي وهي رسالة ماجستير غير منشورة, فجميع الدراسات جاءت منفرده في الجانبين وكان لهذه الدراسة الريادة في عقد المقارنة بينهما. وتمت دراسة الموضوع في اربعة فصول ومقدمة وفي نهايتها خاتمة تضمنت اهم النتائج التي توصلت اليها الدراسة وقائمة المصادر والمراجع جاء الفصل الاول بعنوان القيادة واثرها في استراتيجية بناء الدولة .تضمن عدة مباحث الاول ضرورة وجود القيادة الحاكمة للدولة .والمبحث الثاني مسميات القيادة في فكر الامام علي() وفكر ابن خلدون ,والمبحث الثالث مؤهلات وصفات القائد واثرها في استراتيجية بناء الدولة واما المبحث الرابع طرق اختيار القيادة واثرها في استراتيجية بناء الدولة من كونها اختيار بالنص الالهي عند الامام علي() ومزايا قيادة اختيار النص الالهي ومقارنتها بطرق اختيار القيادة عند ابن خلدون. والفصل الثاني بعنوان قيمة المجتمع واثرها في استراتيجية بناء الدولة تضمن عدة مباحث المبحث الاول روابط بناء المجتمع واثرها في استراتيجية بناء الدولة, والمبحث الثاني دور المجتمع واثره في بناء الدولة والمبحث الثالث نظام العلاقة بين القيادة والشعب واثرها في بناء الدولة والمبحث الرابع انفتاح الدولة على المجتمع والمبحث الخامس التاسيس الفكري لمفهوم المعارضة واثره في بناء الدولة. والفصل الثالث تلازمية الدين والاخلاق واثرهما في استراتيجية بناء الدولة وتضمن مبحثين؛ الاول اثر الدين في بناء الدولة والمبحث الثاني اثر الاخلاق في بناء الدولة. اما الفصل الرابع استراتيجية بناء المنظومة الادارية للدولة بثلاثة مباحث الاول هيكلية النظام الاداري وبناء مؤسساته ونظام عملها واثره في استراتيجية بناء الدولة من حيث الولايات والية ادارتها والوزارة والكتاب وتشخيص صفات اختيار موظفي الدولة, والمبحث الثاني هيكلية النظام الاقتصادي واثره في استراتيجية بناء الدولة من حيث توزيع الاقتصاد وتطوير الانتاج من الزراعة والصناعة والتجارة والمبحث الثالث استراتيجية الرقابة الحكومية واثرها في بناء الدولة وما تثمره هذه المؤسسة من نتائج تؤدي الى تنفيذ الواجبات وتادية الحقوق ورصانة عمل الاداريين في الدولة .والمبحث الرابع استراتيجية بناء المنظومة الامنية من حيث مرتكزات بنائها واسس هذه المرتكزات, وبيان محور مهام المنظومة الامنية والمبحث الخامس استراتيجية بناء المنظومة القضائية من حيث اهمية القضاء في نظام الدولة وشروط القاضي ومدى الحرص على استقلالية القضاء وتنفيذ احكامه . واعتمدت الدراسة على جملة من المصادر والمراجع العلمية في مقدمتها كتاب( نهج البلاغة ) المصدر الاساس للدراسة الذي حوى منهج الامام علي () ومشروعه الحضاري لبناء الدولة بما تضمنه من خطب ورسائل وحكم ,الذي جمعه الشريف الرضي (ت406ه /1015م),وكذلك شروحات نهج البلاغة التي تناولت خطب النهج ورسائله بالشرح والتوضيح .ومنها منهاج البراعة في شرح نهج البلاغة لقطب الدين الراوندي ابي الحسين سعيد بن هبة الله (ت 573ه/1177م ـ) وشرح نهج البلاغة لابن ميثم البحراني (ت ق6ه/ق12م) .وكذلك المصدر الاساسي الاخر الذي كان محور الدراسة كتاب ( العبر وديوان المبتدا والخبر في ايام العرب والعجم والبربر ومن عاصرهم من ذوي السلطان الاكبر ) لابن خلدون ت808 ه موضع الدراسة, والذي كان موضوع الدراسة بما احتوى لفكر ابن خلدون ونظريته في بناء الدولة وطبيعة العمران البشري. واغنت التفاسير بما حوته من احكام واراء كانت لها الكلمة الفصل في المواضيع التي تم توظيفها فيها منها تفسير جامع البيان عن تاويل اي القران القران للطبري (ت 310ه/922م),وكذلك تفسير ابو الليث السمرقندي (ت383ه/993م) وتفسير الفخر الرازي (ت606ه / 1209م ). والتي كان لها حضور محوري في موضوع الدراسة لما تضمنته من تفسير بعض الايات القرانية الكريمة التي استشهدنا فيها في بعض محاور الدراسة ومنها التي تخص موضوع البحث في الفصل الاول في اختيار القيادة واثر هذا الاختيار في بناء الدولة. وكان لكتب الحديث والاخبار فائدة مهمة للدراسة لما تضمنته معلومات واحاديث كثيرة عن النبي محمد( ) واهل بيته المعصومين (عليهم السلام) فيما يخص النظم الادارية والسياسية لبناء الدولة منها كتاب الكافي للكليني (ت329ه/940م ), وكتاب الاختصاص للمفيد (ت413ه/1022م) , وكتاب دعائم الاسلام للقاضي النعمان(ت 363 ه/973م ). وكذلك كتب التاريخ كان لها الحضور والاولوية في مقدمتها كتاب تاريخ الرسل والملوك للطبري محمد بن جرير (ت310ه/922م), وكتاب الكامل في التاريخ لابن الاثير(ت 630هـ/1232م). وكذلك كتب الطبقات والتراجم ومنها كتاب الطبقات الكبرى لابن سعد محمد بن منيع (ت230هـ /941م), وكتاب سير الاعلام للذهبي ت748ه/1347م, وغيرها من المصادر التاريخية الاخرى. اضافة الى المراجع الحديثة التي اغنت البحث ببعض الاراء التي عضدت الدراسة منها كتاب منطق ابن خلدون لعلي الوردي ,والفكر الاجتماعي عند الامام علي () دراسة في ضوء نهج البلاغة لعبد الرضا الزبيدي. وغيرها من المراجع الاخرى. وكذلك جملة من الاطاريح والرسائل العلمية اهمها رسالة الماجستير الدولة في فكر ابن خلدون, لتوفيق خلف زيدان احمد السعيدي والتي اغنت الاطروحة بما تضمنته من اراء ومعلومات. وكذلك رسالة ماجستير( الفاظ الدولة وشؤونها في كتاب نهج البلاغة للامام عليّ بن ابي طالب (عليه السلام) - دراسة دلاليّة –) لعلي شعلان سلطان الساعدي, التي اغنت معلوماتها بعض مواضيع الفصل الاول وخاصة مسميات القيادة وهناك جملة من الاطاريح والرسائل الاخرى والبحوث العلمية التي افادت الدراسة والتي يطول المقام بذكرها اثرنا ذكرها في قائمة المصادر والمراجع. واخيرا نود ان نشير الى ان كل دراسة مهما بلغت لا يمكن لها ان تدعي الكمال فالكمال لله وحده لانه جهد بشري يخطئ ويصيب ولكن هذا لا يمنع من الدراسة والبحث على قدر الوسع والاجتهاد ومن الله العون وله الحمد اولا واخرا | The study included a study entitled "Building the State between the Thought of Imam Ali Ibn Abi Talib (peace be upon him) and Ibn Khaldun's Method (808 AH) Analytical Study." The curriculum and the strategy of state building were studied by Imam Ali Ibn Abi Talib and Ibn Khaldun at all levels The selection of leadership qualities and conditions of leadership qualifications as well as the methods of selecting the leader and the impact on the building of the state and touched on the study of the value of the community and its impact on state building and was also briefed on the issue of employment religious image and moral impact in the construction of the state. As well as the study of the strategy of building state administrative, security, judicial and supervisory institutions and referring to the characteristics of both approaches in building institutions. The first chapter, entitled Leadership and its Impact on the Strategy of State Building, was presented. The first discussion included the necessity of the existence of the ruling leadership of the state. The second topic is the names of the leadership in the thought of Imam Ali and thought Ibn Khaldun, and the third topic, the qualifications and qualities of the leader and its impact on the strategy of building the state. The fourth topic is the methods of selecting leadership and its impact on the strategy of building the state from being a choice in the divine text of Imam Ali and Ibn Khaldun. The second chapter deals with the value of the society and its impact on the strategy of state building. The first topic deals with the building of the society and its impact on the strategy of state building. The second topic is the role of the society and its impact on building the state. Fifth, the intellectual foundation of the concept of opposition and its impact on state building. And the impact of religion on the building of the state, and included the study of the impact of religion and its centrality in the sources of legislation to build the institutions of the state, and the extent of the state's commitment to them, and the implementation of the priority of the preservation of Islamic teachings in the construction strategy, And the stability of intellectual reference. The second topic is the impact of ethics in building the state, which includes a statement of the impact of ethics in the policy of building the state and the ratio of the symbiosis between construction and ethics in terms of the fact that this correlation is constant and continuous or temporary. The fourth chapter is the strategy of building the administrative system of the state in three aspects. The first is the structure of the administrative system and the building of its institutions and its work system and its impact on the strategy of building the state in terms of states, state administration, ministry and writers. And the development of production from agriculture, industry and trade. The third topic is the strategy of government control and its impact on state building and the results produced by this institution which lead to the implementation of duties and the performance of rights and the integrity of the work of administrators in the state. Fourth Study of building the security system in terms of building the foundations and the foundations of these pillars, and the statement of the security functions of the system axis and fifth section building the judicial system in terms of the importance of the judiciary in the state system and the conditions of the judge and the extent of ensuring the independence of the judiciary and the implementation of its provisions strategy strategy

العلاقات التركية المصرية 1980 - 1993 : دراسة تاريخية == Turkish - Egyptian Relations 1980 - 1993 (Historical study

اسم المؤلف: عمار عبد الرضا ماهود الزبيدي
اسم المشرف: طيبة خلف عبد الله
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: دكتوراه
الجامعة: جامعة البصرة
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: البصرة
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: الاقليمي في المنطقة, وتجمع بينهما مجموعة صفات متقاربة او مشتركة, فمن حيث الموقع الجغرافي يتمتع البلدان بموقع جغرافي ممتاز, له اهميته الجيوسياسية في منطقة مهمة واستراتيجية من العالم, هي منطقة الشرق الاوسط, وهما البلدان الوحيدان في المنطقة اللذان لهما امتدادات في قارتين؛ فاراضي تركيا تتوزع بين اسيا واوربا, وتشكل حلقة اتصال بينهما, وكذلك مصر التي تمتد اراضيها في قارتي افريقيا واسيا, كذلك يمتلك البلدان سواحل طويلة على البحر المتوسط, كل ذلك جعل البلدين يتمتعان باهمية بالغة في الشرق الاوسط. ان النظام السياسي في كلا البلدين نظام جمهوري, تلعب فيه المؤسسة العسكرية دورا بارزا, وتولى ضباط الجيش منصب رئاسة الجمهورية, مع وجود رئيس للحكومة عادة ما يكون مدنيا, يتولى ادارة شؤون البلاد الداخلية والخارجية, فضلا عن انهما من البلدان النامية, وتشكل الزراعة فيهما النشاط الاقتصادي الرئيس للسكان, وانهما يعانيان من مشاكل اقتصادية متشابهة متمثلة في التضخم, وزيادة المديونية الخارجية, لذلك اتبعا مجموعة نظم واجراءات اقتصادية, من اجل التخلص من هذه المشاكل, فضلا عن ذلك هنالك تماثل في التكوين الاجتماعي, وفي عدد السكان في البلدين, والتداخل الديموغرافي بين ابناء الشعبين (التركي والمصري), فهناك مصريون من اصول تركية, وهناك اتراك من اصول عربية مصرية. اضف الى ذلك كون البلدين يرتبطان بعلاقة متميزة مع الولايات المتحدة الامريكية طيلة المدة التي هي قيد الدراسة, وكانا اكثر بلدين يتلقيان مساعدات اقتصادية منها بعد "اسرائيل" من الولايات المتحدة الامريكية, كذلك يرتبطان دون غيرهما من البلدان الاسلامية, بعلاقات دبلوماسية جيدة مع "اسرائيل" في هذه المدة. كل هذا التشابه بين البلدين وغيره, دفع الباحث الى اختيار الموضوع, فضلا عن افتقار المكتبات في الجامعات العراقية والتركية والمصرية, الى دراسة اكاديمية تتناول بحث العلاقات التركية المصرية, وتحليلها في المدة 1980 - 1993, تقف على نقاط التشابه التي تم ذكرها, ودورها في تنمية العلاقات بين البلدين في مختلف الجوانب. اما سبب تحديد عام 1980 لبدء الدارسة فيكمن في ان العلاقات التركية المصرية شهدت الانطلاقة الحقيقية نحو التطور في هذا العام, بعد تسلم كنعان ايفرين رئاسة الجمهورية التركية, على اثر الانقلاب العسكري في الثاني عشر من ايلول 1980, وسعيه الى توثيق علاقات تركيا مع الدول العربية, والدور الذي لعبه توركوت اوزال في توجه تركيا نحو مصر وباقي الدول العربية, سواء عندما كان رئيسا للوزراء على دورتين (1983 - 1989), ام بعد توليه رئاسة الجمهورية (1989 - 1993), وقد توقفنا في البحث عند عام 1993؛ لانه يمثل سنة وفاة توركوت اوزال الذي كان له دور الرئيس في تطوير سياسة تركيا الداخلية والخارجية, وعلاقاتها السياسية والاقتصاد مع مصر وباقي الدول العربية, وبذلك انتهت الحقبة الاوزولية التي امتدت من عام 1983 حتى عام 1993. وقد اعتمد الباحث في تقسيم الدارسة على وحدة الموضوع, مع مراعاة المنهج التاريخي بما يتطلب من تتبع للاحداث والوقائع المختلفة، حسب التسلسل التاريخي, مما يجعل التعمق في بحث الاحوال والمؤثرات التاريخية امرا ضروريا؛ لفهم تطور العلاقات التركية المصرية, ولذا كان ترتيب الفصول على الشكل الاتي : الفصل الاول, تناولت فيه طبيعة العلاقات التركية المصرية قبل عام 1980, وهو فصل تمهيدي, يعرض بالبحث والتحليل العلاقات التركية المصرية منذ قيام النظام الجمهوري في مصر عام 1952, واسباب توتر العلاقات التركية المصرية في هذه المدة حتى عام 1965, ثم دراسة العوامل التي دفعت تركيا الى تغيير سياستها تجاه مصر وباقي الدول العربية, ومراحل تحسن العلاقات بين البلدين, وصولا الى عام 1980, كذلك تناول الفصل تطور العلاقات التركية المصرية في المجال الاقتصادي, والعلمي, والثقافي, والصحي, في هذه المدة. اما الفصل الثاني فقد تناول تطور العلاقات السياسية بين البلدين في المدة 1980 - 1993, والعوامل التي ادت الى هذا التطور في العلاقات, وتبادل الزيارات الرسمية بينهما على اعلى المستويات, في مدة حكم كنعان ايفرين (1980 - 1989), ومدة حكم توركوت اوزال (1989 - 1993). اما الفصل الثالث فقد تناول مجالات التعاون بين تركيا ومصر (1980 - 1993), التي اشتملت على خمسة محاور هي : المحور الاول, ويناقش المجال الاقتصادي والمسوغات التي ادت الى انفتاح البلدين نحو بعضهما, من اجل زيادة مجالات التعاون الاقتصادي بينهما في مختلف المستويات، سواء التجاري منها ام السياحي، او في مجال الصناعة (المدنية, والعسكرية), وكذلك في مجال الانشاءات والمقاولات. اما المحور الثاني فقد تناول جانب التعاون في مجال النقل البحري والجوي بين البلدين. في حين يرصد المحور الثالث التعاون في مجال مشاريع الطاقة الكهربائية وغيرها. وعاين المحور الرابع التعاون في المجال القضائي، واحكام المسجونين, والمعتقلين, اما المحور الاخير فقد رصد التعاون في المجال الثقافي والعلمي، وكذلك مجال الاذاعة والتلفزيون. اما الفصل الرابع فقد وقف فيه الباحث على موضوع مهم, كان له انعكاساته على تطور العلاقات بين البلدين في مختلف المجالات, وهو موقف تركيا ومصر من القضايا الاقليمية, وقد ركزنا فقط على القضايا الاقليمية التي شهدت اهتماما مشتركا من قبل البلدين, وكان لهما موقف مشترك او متباين منها, ومدى تعاونهما مع بعضهما؛ لايجاد حلول لبعض هذه القضايا, واهم هذه القضايا التي تم تناولها هي : حرب الخليج الاولى (1980 - 1988), والصراع العربي "الاسرائيلي", المتمثل في هذه المدة بتطورات القضية الفلسطينية, والاجتياح "الاسرائيلي" للبنان في عام 1982, وتطورات القضية القبرصية, اضافة الى ازمة الخليج (1990 - 1991), واخيرا الحرب في البوسنة والهرسك عام 1992, وعلى الرغم من ان هذه الموضوعات هي موضوعات سياسية, الا انها تعد خارجة عن موضوع تطور العلاقات السياسية بين البلدين؛ لانها تمثل قضايا اقليمية كان لتركيا ومصر موقف منها, لذا تم تناولها في فصل خاص, ولم تدمج مع الفصل الثاني من الاطروحة. ثم تلت هذه الفصول خاتمة, ضمنها الباحث اهم النتائج التي تمخضت عنها الدراسة. اعتمدت فصول الدراسة على مجموعة كبيرة من المصادر الاصيلة، ياتي في مقدمتها عدد غير قليل من الوثائق التركية غير المنشورة، المحفوظة في ارشيف الدولة التركية في انقرة (Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü), فضلا عن مجموعة من الوثائق التركية المنشورة في الجريدة الرسمية التركية (Resmi Gazete)، وهي جريدة معنية بنشر الاتفاقيات الدولية والقوانين بعد مصادقتها من قبل رئيس الجمهورية, هذا فيما يخص الوثائق التركية التي اعتمدتها الدراسة، اما الوثائق المصرية فقد اطلعت على الاتفاقيات والبروتوكولات بين مصر وتركيا, المنشورة في الجريدة الرسمية المصرية, والتي تصدر عن مركز المعلومات والتوثيق ودعم اتخاذ القرار في الهيئة العامة لشؤون المطابع الاميرية في امبابة في محافظة الجيزة، اذ تنشر هذه الجريدة جميع الاتفاقيات والبروتوكولات التي توقعها مصر مع دول العالم بعد مصادقة رئيس الجمهورية عليها، وموافقة وزير الخارجية على نشرها, فضلا عن التقارير الصادرة عن المؤسسات الرسمية مثل الامم المتحدة, والبنك الدولي, وتقارير السفارات. كذلك اعتمدت فصول الاطروحة على عدد كبير من الكتب العربية والمعربة والكتب الاجنبية, التي رفدت الاطروحة بمعلومات مهمة, ومنها كتاب (التطورات المعاصرة في العلاقات العربية التركية) لمؤلفه خليل ابراهيم الناصري, ويعد من المصادر المهمة, اذ اعتمد المؤلف على عدد من المؤلفات التركية، والاجنبية, والكتاب في الاصل رسالة ماجستير في العلوم السياسية, ومن الكتب الاخرى المهمة كتاب (العلاقات العربية التركية) بجزئه الاول الذي كان من منظور عربي وصدر عن معهد البحوث والدراسات العربية التابع لجامعة الدول العربية عام 1991, اما في جزئه الثاني فقد كتب من منظور تركي, وصدر عن معهد البحوث والدراسات العربية, بالتعاون مع مركز الابحاث للتاريخ والفنون والثقافة الاسلامية باسطنبول عام 1993, والكتاب عبارة عن مجموعة بحوث تناولت مختلف جوانب العلاقات التركية العربية, وما يؤخذ على الكتاب ان بعض تواريخ الاحداث الواردة فيه غير دقيقة, وكذلك بعض الاسماء, الامر الذي دفع الباحث الى الرجوع للجرائد؛ من اجل التاكد من تواريخ الاحداث. ومن الكتب المهمة مؤلفات الدكتور جلال عبد الله معوض, منها كتاب (صناعة القرار في تركيا والعلاقات العربية - التركية), وهو كتاب يوضح كثيرا من خبايا وتوجهات السياسة التركية, على الرغم من ان معظم فصول الكتاب تقع خارج نطاق البحث، وكتاب (قضايا العلاقات المصرية التركية), وهذا الكتاب ذو طبيعة سياسية, اعتمد فيه المؤلف على التحليل السياسي للمواقف, الا انه ذكر بعض الجوانب التاريخية في العلاقات بين البلدين, وكذلك مؤلفات الدكتور احمد نوري النعيمي, ومنها كتاب تركيا وحلف شمال الاطلسي، وهو كتاب يتناول بالبحث والتحليل موقع تركيا في حلف شمال الاطلسي واسباب انضمام تركيا لهذا الحلف, وكذلك مؤلفات الدكتور عوني عبد الرحمن السبعاوي، ومؤلفات الدكتور ابراهيم الداقوقي, وغيرهم، وتاتي اهمية هذه الدراسات في كونها مؤلفات متخصصة في عدة مجالات من شؤون تركيا. واستعان الباحث بعدد من الرسائل والاطاريح الجامعية، كانت في مقدمتها اطروحة اميرة محمد كامل الخربوطلي، الموسومة بـ(العلاقات المصرية - التركية 1952 - 1971), والتي نوقشت في كلية الاقتصاد والعلوم السياسية - جامعة القاهرة عام 1979, ومنهج كتابة الاطروحة كان منهجا سياسيا وليس منهجا تاريخيا, لكني افدت منها في معرفة خلفيات العلاقات التركية المصرية, واستعنت برسالة احمد نوري النعيمي (السياسة الخارجية التركية بعد الحرب العالمية الثانية) وهي رسالة ماجستير اعتمدت على الصحافة بالدرجة الاساس وتصل لغاية عام 1975، وكذلك اطروحة احمد جاسم الطائي (موقف تركيا من قضايا المشرق العربي 1967 - 1978), فقد اشار فيها الى جوانب يمكن الافادة منها؛ لفهم العلاقات التركية المصرية, ورسالة الماجستير للباحث زياد عزيز حميد الجلبي، (السياسة الخارجية التركية 1973 - 1983) وغيرها, وقد افاد منها الباحث في الفصل الاول من الاطروحة فقط. كما شكلت البحوث المعتمدة في المؤتمرات العلمية والبحوث المنشورة في الدوريات العربية، مرتكزا اخر افاد منه الباحث في كتابة اطروحته, اذ قدمت الابحاث والدراسات معلومات قيمة عن العلاقات التركية العربية بشكل عام, وتاتي في طليعتها البحوث المنشورة في مجلة السياسة الدولية الصادرة عن مركز الاهرام, كذلك اعتمد الباحث بشكل كبير على الشهريات الموجودة في مجلة السياسة الدولية, كدليل لمعرفة الزيارات المتبادلة وتواريخها للبحث عنها, وعما دار فيها من مباحثات في الجرائد والمصادر الاخرى, كما ان مجلة السياسة الدولية كانت تعنى ايضا بنشر بعض الملفات الوثائقية عن بعض الاحداث المهمة. اما الجرائد والمجلات العربية والتركية والاجنبية, المحفوظة في دار الكتب والوثائق القومية في القاهرة, او في المكتبة الوطنية (Milli Kütüphane) في انقرة, او في دار الكتب والوثائق الوطنية في بغداد, او في مركز الدراسات الاستراتيجية في بغداد, فقد شكلت رافدا مهما من روافد الاطروحة؛ اذ اعتمد عليها الباحث اعتمادا كبيرا في توثيق الزيارات والمباحثات التي جرت بين البلدين, فقد كانت هذه الجرائد حريصة على متابعة الاحداث والمواضيع وتطوراتها, وما نتج عنها, وقد اعتمد الباحث في اغلب المواضيع على اكثر من صحيفة, ومن مختلف التوجهات؛ من اجل الوصول الى دقة المعلومة, واهم هذه الجرائد هي جريدة الاهرام المصرية, واضواء الانباء التركية, و(Milliyet) وغيرها من الجرائد. وكان للمواقع الالكترونية الموثقة اثر مهم في تزويد الاطروحة ببعض الوثائق والمعلومات, مثل موقع الامم المتحدة, وموقع مقاتل من الصحراء, وموقع عالم المعرفة وغيرها من المواقع الالكترونية . وفي الحقيقة ان هذا الجهد الذي بذل من قبل الباحث قد واجه عدة صعوبات, متعارف عليها عند اغلب الطلبة والباحثين, منها عدم اهتمام وزارة التعليم العالي والبحث العلمي في تذليل العقبات امام الطلبة؛ من اجل الحصول على الوثائق والمصادر من خارج العراق, فيبقى الطالب معتمدا على جهده الذاتي وعلاقاته الشخصية؛ من اجل الحصول على وثيقة, او كتاب نادر. ولم يدخر الباحث جهدا او مالا في سبيل ذلك, اذ قام بعدة سفرات في داخل العراق وخارجه, شملت عددا من المدن التركية والمصرية لاكثر من مرة, فضلا عن المدن العراقية, يقتفي اثر المعلومة؛ من اجل سد الثغرات, وكنت اعمل بشكل دؤوب في المكتبات التركية والمصرية لساعات طوال, باحثا في صفحات المجلات والجرائد وناقلا منها, اذ ان بعض المكتبات تمنع استعمال تقنية التصوير بكل انواعه, اما الوثائق المصرية غير المنشورة فلا يحق للباحث الاطلاع عليها, الا بعد الحصول على موافقة وزير الخارجية حصرا, وبتزكية من احد الاساتذة الجامعيين المصريين, وبعد مدة انتظار قد تصل الى اكثر من خمسة شهور, لا يتمكن الباحث من الاطلاع على جميع الوثائق التي يرغب في الحصول عليها. والشيْ الاخر الذي يدعو الى الاسى هو وجود عدة تقارير وجرائد تخص علاقة تركيا مع الدول العربية, كانت متوفرة في مكتبة مركز الدراسات الاقليمية في جامعة الموصل, ولكنها فقدت او اتلفت بعد سيطرة (داعش) على المدينة عام 2014, وعلى الرغم من كثرة الاتصالات مع بعض الاصدقاء لم اتمكن من الحصول الا على نزر يسير منها . وختاما فعلى الرغم مما بذله الباحث من جهد في اعداد هذه الدراسة، ومهما بلغ حرصه على دقتها, فانه لا يدعي الكمال فيما كتب, فالكمال لله وحده، وما اضافه من نتائج اعتمد فيها على ما توفر عليه من وثائق ومصادر علمية. وغاية ما يرجوه ان يكون قد وفق في متابعة موضوع بحثه, وان تحظى الاطروحة برضا الاساتذة الكرام، وان تكون جديرة بان تحتل مكانتها في المكتبة التاريخية العراقية ... والله الموفق . | Turkey and Egypt are considered among the most important countries in the Middle East. They share a common set of characteristics, in terms of the geographical location, the nature of political regime and economic system, the social formation, the population and so on. Both have an excellent geopolitical location which have an important geopolitical Area. Whereas the Turkish grounds lay between the continents of Asia and Europe it form a link between them, Also Egypt in which its grounds lay in Africa and Asian Areas and it forms as an important link between the ancient continents of the world (Asia, Africa, and Europe). As well both have long beaches on the Mediterranean sea. All of what mentioned above makes both countries among the most important countries of the Middle East . The political regime in both countries is a republican, and in such regime, The position of presidency should be assumed by Army officers with a head of government usually a civilian, manages the internal and external affairs of the country. As both countries are related to the growing countries in which agriculture is the main source of economy of their peoples, And both countries are suffering from economic problems, such as inflation and increasing external indebtedness. Both countries have a special relationship with the USA in the period of studied, and they were getting great economic support from the USA. The support comes in the second class, after "Israel" In addition both countries have a good diplomatic relationship with "Israel'' - that the other Islamic countries. All that similarity between the two countries, pushes the researcher to choose such a subject, to find out the similarity which has been mentioned, above and its role in growing the relation between the two countries. The researcher has divided the study depending on the unity of the subject, with observance of historical method, which is required to follow different events and attitudes according to historical sequence. And this is what makes going deeply into conditions and influences is very necessary to understand the development of Turkish - Egyptian relations. Therefore, the order of the chapters is as follows : Chapter I : The nature of Turkish - Egyptian relations until 1980Chapter II : Development of Turkish - Egyptian Political Relations 1980 - 1993Chapter III : Areas of Cooperation between Turkey and Egypt 1980 - 1993Chapter IV : The Attitude of Turkey and Egypt form The Regional Issues 1980 - 1993. The most important conclusions which have been reached by the researcher are that relations between both countries have developed relatively since 1965 and until the end of seventies, But the relations between them haven't reach advanced stages and the stage of coordination in attitudes and trends, only in the eighties and early nineties of the last century, This is reflected in the frequent visits between officials of the two countries at the highest levels, cooperation in the economic fields, the field of transport, the field of justice, the field of culture and other fields, as well as in the coordination of positions, either individually or through the Organization and the Conference. The Islamic, the United Nations. Turkey's drive towards Egypt was mainly due to two factors : the first is political; Turkey's attempt to obtain a supportive position in the Cyprus issue from the Arab and Islamic countries and the Non - Aligned Movement. Turkey was an important gateway to Egypt; to influence the positions of these countries, The economic factor was a major factor in the development of Turkish - Egyptian relations during this period. It was also the most active in the relations between the two countries because of the problems Economy Suffering from both countries. However, the economic relations between Turkey and Egypt have not reached an advanced stage compared to other Arab countries, Iraq, Libya and Saudi Arabia were the most economically connected countries with Turkey. The reason for this is that Turkey and Egypt were competing in some Economic fields. It is clear here that the process of making foreign political decision in the Turkish state has been subject to several variables internal, regional and international, has been determined the process of issuing in accordance with Turkey's political relations and economic interests with those determinants

القزلباش ودورهم العسكري والسياسي في ايران 1500 - 1629 == The Kizilbash And Their Military And Political Role In Iran 1500 - 1629 AD

اسم المؤلف: شهد عبد الرزاق محمد
اسم المشرف: مشعل مفرح ظاهر العونان
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: ماجستير
الجامعة: جامعة البصرة
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: البصرة
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The Iranian studies have been major focus of many Iraqi researchers, and it was for many reasons including geographical proximity, ease of travel to Iran, visit Iranian libraries, and can be utilized and accessing books, and many other factors, the subject of QIZILBASH and their political and military role in Iran during 1500 - 1629 AD is considered from the subjects that assumed its importance from the importance of the state exitance itself of being THE FIRST that had arisen in Iran during the modern times, and QIZILBASH are the pillars of that state, they had been a huge role of its formation by their standing with SHAH ISMAIL THE FIRST and their assistant of SAFAVID statehood and consolidation, therefore the study of QIZILBASH have made on the political and military levels, many of political and events and developments during that time, reveals about the nature of those tribes, their numbers and how they did join to the SAFAVID state, and then engaged them to SAFAVID state politically and military during holding administrative and military positions in the SAFAVID state, where the thesis discusses many important events during that time with the QIZILBASH were for many times had an important role in it, where those events represent by rebel movement and separation who they are part of Qizilbash, and another part had eliminated it, besides, they undertake to take power effectively and they cancelled the role of SAFAVID SHAHAT and limiting them on the nominal power only, as it happened during both the SHAH ISMAIL the second and MOHAMMAD KHODABANDA eras even they forced him to abdicate to SHAH ABBAS THE GREAT, therefore we chose to study them in detail to know about their influence on the SAFAVID society and SAFAVID state. Starting from there huge role in SHAH ISMAIL SAFAVID era towards SHAH ABBAS THE GREAT era and2downsizing their role and establish an alternative army of them known as “SHAHSYOON”.Based on the foregoing, the letter is divided into three chapters preceding a study of important reasons of research, in preparation for it, followed by conclusion, appendixes, resource list and references, which they made a preparation entitled a “Geography of QIZILBASH home”, and I have addressed many subjects which the first one was the geography of QIZILBASH home which it has the famous cities which they stayed at it and they appeared from it inside every tribe separately. Then spoke about the modern mini - states of those tribes and the role of each of emergence of appearing of QIZILBASH tribes on the political drama.First Chapter : It comes under the heading of appearance of SAFAVID state, I was addressing the introduction of this chapter, the founders of SAFAVID state from SAFI ADDIN ARDABILI to SHAH IMAIL THE FIRST then I have addressed the role of the QIZILBASH about installation the SHAH ISMAIL THE FIRST on the throne and then elimination on the internal rebellion in his era access to conducting them the Battle of CHALDIRAN in 1514 with the Ottoman Empire.Second Chapter : It is addressing the political situations after Battle of CHALDIRAN access to installation of SHAH TAHMASP THE FIRST on the thrown and then we address the role of SHAH TAHMASP about his struggle against Qizilbash, and then the conflict of QIZILBASH at the end of the life of SHAH TAHMASP THE FIRST access to SHAH ABBAS THE FIRST.3Third Chapter : It is addressing SHAH ABBAS THE GREAT and how he was establishing an alternative army of the QIZILBASH and resizing their influence, and then addresses the important positions that existed in the SAFAVID state during 1500 - 1629 A.D.In conclusion, I have addressed a presentation of the most remarkable results that I figured it out and issues I have discussed. The French researcher well - known Rojer SAVORY and his researches, live a book “My investigation in the Iran SAFAVID era history” (collections of essays) which had been translated and commented on it by : ABBAS QUILI GHAFARI and MOHAMMED BAQIR ARAM and their book of “Iran under the SAFAVID” or “Iran under SAFAVID” and SAVORY is a specialist of SAFAVID studies, so he enriched the thesis which most its pages covered with important information.Most importantly “The administrative institutions of SAFAVID governments”, also a book of “History of Persia” by Sir PERCY SYKES the author reviewed the history of Iran generally, also the book of “The fall of the SAFAVID dynasty and the AFGHAN occupation of Persia” by LAURENCE LOCKHART, and the professor LOCKHART if from the specialist Iran history studies and his book almost from the important studies which have presented about analysis of SAFAVIDs state collapse and he wrote many essays about the Persian army in the SAFAVID times, and Persian cities.Accordingly, sources have confirmed the historical importance of QIZILBASH in the SAFAVID state at both on the political and military levels by providing us with valuable and important information about political and military influence in the SAFAVID state from its very beginning until beginning of SHAH ABBAS THE GREAT era , collapse their influence and reducing their numbers.

السياسة الاميركية تجاه القضية الكورية 1945 - 1950 : دراسة تاريخية == American Policy toward the Korean Issue 1945 - 1950 : A Historical Study

اسم المؤلف: سوسن عبد المجيد شهاب المحمد
اسم المشرف: ابراهيم فنجان صدام الامارة
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: ماجستير
الجامعة: جامعة البصرة
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: البصرة
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The Korean issue is regarded one of the vital and most important issues in modern and contemporary history which embodied the confrontation and international conflict in what is called "The Cold War" between the Communist and Western camps. Previous studies that dealt with the modern and contemporary history of Korea focused on war between the two Koreas and never tackled the Korean events and trends between 1945 - 1950 which is considered one of the hardest and most critical periods in Korean history that led to the division of Korea and the outbreak of war between its people, a division that continued till the present day. The thesis consists of an introduction, four chapters, a conclusion, and appendices. Chapter one deals with the American foreign policy toward Korea 1866 - 1945. The chapter is divided into two sections : section one deals with the American interest in the Korean peninsula 1866 - 1910, while section two focuses on planning for the policy of joint occupation in Korea 1941 - 1945. Chapter two is devoted to study the US administration in South Korea 1945 - 1947 and consists of two sections : section one centers on the US or American military occupation policy in South Korea, whereas section two deals with the American role in Moscow Conference and the Soviet - American Committee. Chapter three deals with the American efforts to settle the Korean case in the United Nations 1947 - 1948. It is also divided into two sections : section one deals with the American role in inserting the Korean issue in the United Nations General Assembly's agenda, while section two deals with the American project and its role in establishing the republic of South Korea and Democratic People's Republic of Korea. Finally, the policy of the United States toward the interior developments in Korea 1948 - 1950 was the main concern of chapter four which is, in turn, divided into two sections : section one concentrates on the role and influence of the United States on the internal circumstances of South Korea, whereas section two is devoted to study the American military and economical supports to the republic of South Korea. In conclusion, the situation in Korea 1945 - 1950 represents a miniature of the situation in the world which was divided into two groups : western and eastern. The Korean War forms the first image of the cold war as it was not just a war between the two republics of Korea, but between the west led by the United States and the east represented by the Soviet Union. It was a war between two different systems and political ideologies.

الاحزاب البرلمانية في العراق 1925 - 1935 : حزب الوحدة الوطنية نموذجا == Parliamentary Parties in Iraq 1921 - 1935 : National Unity Party as an Example

اسم المؤلف: رقية سلمان عبد الكريم عبد الواحد العيسى
اسم المشرف: فاروق صالح العمر
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: ماجستير
الجامعة: جامعة البصرة
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: البصرة
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: During the last Ottoman era, Iraq witnessed the formation of various parties and associations that had been active in the political arena. The events of the First World War, the declaration of the British Mandate on Iraq in April, and the resulting political and military developments, most notably (thawratl cshreen) the revolution of the twentieth ,the subsequent events , great results in the partisan life and the public opinion in the country had led to the establishment of the provisional government (The first Naqeebi goverment) and the proclamation of the monarchy in Iraq after the inauguration of Prince Faisal bin al - Hussein as King of Iraq on August 23, 1921 provided the opportunity for opposition and government political parties to engage in politics and its affairs. Amongst these parties was the National Unity Party, Which was approved on 6 December 1934 and which is the subject of the study.The National Unity Party was formed during the accession of Ali Jawdat Al - Ayoubi as prime minister in 1934. In fact, the purpose of its establishment is to support himself in ruling the country and to stand against the opposition, which was led by the National Brotherhood Party. The period during which the party was formed was a critical period in which movements and tribal uprisings that took place during the period 1934 - 1935 during which the tribal force became a deterrent force used in politics, and in overthrowing governments and a manifestation of the loss of stability in Iraq.bThe study consists of an introduction, three chapters and a conclusion as well as a number of appendices.Chapter one which is entitled Iraq Political Development is of two sections : the first deals with the British occupation of Iraq and the movements which took place in the Iraqi cities to combat this occupation ; the second touched upon the beginning of the partisan life in Iraq and the parties and associations that emerged after the legislation of the law of establishing of associations.Chapter two which is entitled Parliamentary Parties 1925 - 1935, was divided into two sections. The first deals with the parliamentary parties 1925 - 1930 and Britain's goal of implementing the parliamentary system in Iraq. The second section deals with the political parties 1930 - 1935 , the first of which is the Iraqi Covenant Party ( hizbl - ahadl - craqi) which was formed on October 13, 1930 was established by Noori Al - Saeed after being a prime minister, the second is the National Brotherhood Party led by Yaseen Al - Hashmi the opposing party to Noori Al - Saeed government. The two parties were approved by the ministry of interior in the same month. The chapter then ended in how the Brotherhood Party became the ruling party.Chapter three with the title The National Unity Party and the Formation of Al - Ayoubi Government is the subject upon which the study is built. It consists of two sections, the first deals with the first government of Al - Ayoubi which was formed on August 27 , 1934 , its most achievements, the reasons beyond its establishment, the general attitude towards it, its plans, the inner system of the party, and the founders of the party who lacked Political consensus. The second section touched upon the tribal movements which were the results of several factors most notably, the personal conflict between thecpolitical leaders and the political opposition; this of course had led to the emergence of two blocsstruggling to win power; it had also led to the division of the tribes, each supports a political bloc against the other.As required by the historical research approach, the conclusion is devoted to presenting the most important findings of the research followed by a followed by a list of sources and references that were used in writing this research. The forefront of them are the works of my supervisor Professor Farouk Saleh Al - Omar of which is his book entitled the Partisan Life between the two Wars; the Political Parties in Iraq 1921 - 1932. This is in addition to the works of Abdulrazaq Al - Hassani of which are History of the Iraqi Political Parties and Iraq during the Periods of British Occupation and Mandatory which is of two volumes. This is in addition to theses, dissertations, newspapers, magazines, encyclopedias, translated books which all helped enrich the work with valuable information.

سعود الفيصل ودوره في السياسة الخارجية السعودية حتى عام 1989 == Saud Al - Faisal And his role in Policy Foreign Saudia Even Year 1989

اسم المؤلف: وائل ناصر حسين الاسماعيلي
اسم المشرف: عبد الرسول شهيد عجمي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: ماجستير
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: ذي قار
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: Some political figures have had significant impact on their successes both at home and abroad, but foreign policy is of paramount importance because of the high profile of international relations that benefits their countries and earns a global reputation. And an international stand which then qualifies it to manage the various crises and to search for its solution and lead its parties to ensure that they have the role of the mentor, planner and player in the basis of imposing his will on everyone. Therefore, achieving this is not easy and requires the external affairs of each country to have a foreign minister with extraordinary qualifications, able to map the foreign policy of his country. This may apply to the subject of the study, Saud al - Faisal.We divided the study into an introduction, five chapters and a conclusion. The researcher touched on the first chapter of the biography of Prince Saud al - Faisal since his birth, his studies, his studies and his series in the positions until he became a foreign minister in 1975. Prince Saud al - Faisal began his work in the ministry on October 13, In 1975, to start his journey in the Saudi Foreign Ministry to continue for forty years.The second chapter was titled : The Rise of Saudi Arabia's Role in the Arab World and the Efforts of Saud al - Faisal to End the Lebanese Civil War and Follow - up the Palestinian Cause 1975 - 1989. The first topic dealt with the emergence of the Saudi role in the Arab arena and the weakness of the Egyptian role. The third was the follow - up of Saud al - Faisal to the Palestinian cause from 1975 - 1989, through the Saudi interest in Jerusalem and the Palestinian issue 1975 - 1978, and the position of the Saudi Foreign Ministry on the Camp David Accords (1978 - 1979). , As well as the efforts of S. Dr. Faisal in support of the Palestinian cause 1980 - 1989 .The third chapter deals with how the Saudi foreign affairs deal with some issues related to Saudi security , beginning with the Yemeni issue, which posed a serious threat to the Saudi - Yemeni border, 1975 - 1989, and the Saudi support for North Yemenagainst the South. The second topic highlighted the issue of security of the Arabian Gulf in foreign policy practices Saudi Arabia, through the importance of the security of the Arabian Gulf in the Saudi thinking, as well as the Arab projects for the security of the Arab Gulf 1975 - 1980, including the Riyadh Declaration 1975, the First Muscat Conference 1976, the Second Muscat Conference 1977 , The Saudi position on the Iraqi - Iranian war 1980 - 1988, represented by Saud al - Faisal's vision of the developments of the Iran - Iraq war 1980 - 1981, as well as the efforts of Saud al - Faisal in establishing the Gulf Cooperation Council 1981, after sensing the Iranian threat to the security of the Persian Gulf, The great role of Prince Saud al - Faisal in ending the Iran - Iraq War 1982 - 1988, which was identified through his visits to Baghdad and Tehran, as well as the multiple meetings with the Secretary - General of the United Nations and success in his efforts through the issuance of United Nations resolutions to stop the war start with issuance of 598, And others .The fourth chapter bore the title : The role of Saud al - Faisal in the directions of Saudi foreign policy towards the regional countries (Iran and Turkey). The first topic on the Saudi foreign affairs and Iran came from the convergence of divergence 1975 - 1989 , The second topic focused on Saudi - Turkish relations in light of regional changes 1975 - 1989 , beginning with the 1973 oil crisis and its impact on the Turkish orientation towards the Persian Gulf until 1979, as well as the Turkish position on the Iranian revolution and its repercussions on the Saudi - Turkish relations, and then on Turkey's position on the 1979 Camp David Agreement and its relationship with Israel. Finally, the Turkish position on the Iran - Iraq war and its impact on the continuation of cooperation between Saudi Arabia and Turkey 1980 - 1989 .Chapter 5 : The leadership of Saud al - Faisal explained to the Saudi foreign policy toward the major countries (the United States and the Soviet Union), through issues of common interest in the field of foreign work, points of convergence and differences in dealing with both countries, and then the conclusion sources .The study reached the conclusion that Prince Saud al - Faisal was a difficult figure for Saudi diplomacy, and continued in his meetings and meetings with officials to solve the problems of the region and the world, and realized what to deal with the Arab and international problems, he was able to keep his country from entering into any war, For his important role in highlighting Saudi Arabia externally and as the most important party in the overall details of the region and the world .

كباشي السعد 1866 - 1929م : دراسة تاريخية

اسم المؤلف: رائد محمد لزم
اسم المشرف: انور جاسب شنته الطريف
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: ماجستير
الجامعة: جامعة البصرة
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: البصرة
الصفحات الاولى:

جيش لبنان الجنوبي (1976 - 2000) : دراسة تاريخية == South Lebanon Army (1976 - 2000) Historical study

اسم المؤلف: حسين زغير عيدان العمري
اسم المشرف: صالح جعيول جويعد السراي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: ماجستير
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: ذي قار
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The Lebanese civil war is one of the most important events that broke into the state of modern Lebanon. It was dangerous because it really embodied what the Lebanese society was suffering from sectarian and religious division in all its strata. also the war was serious because Lebanon became a place of regional, Arab and international disputes. The interests of States were different among themselves while everyone wants to achieve in the Lebanese territory. In the light of the foregoing, Israel worked to inflame this war to achieve its ambitions for the south of Lebanon by forming the southern Lebanon Army to serve as a tool in south Lebanon for the period between 1976 - 2000 by creating a human barrier separating the resistance in south Lebanon and Israeli settlements, This is why we chose this subject for our study, which consists of the introduction and preface, which was devoted to the study of " Zionist ambitions towards southern Lebanon until 1975" that highlighting the roots of Zionist ambitions and efforts to annex southern Lebanon to occupied Palestine. The researcher has an accurate picture of the drawings.The first chapter was entitled "Establishment of the southern Lebanon Army 1976 - 1979". It was divided into two sections. The first section included the beginnings of the establishment of the southern Lebanon Army (1976 - 1978) and The second section dealt with the formation of the South Lebanon Army 1978 - 1979. This chapter represents from the important chapters at the establishment phase of the South Lebanon Army and this stage witnessed many events, the most important of which was the Israeli invasion of southern Lebanon in 1987 and the expansion of this army. The second chapter, entitled "The escalation of the South Lebanon Army activity 1979 - 1984" The first section dealt with the Declaration of the Free State of Lebanon and the internal and external position , The second section was devoted to the role of the (SLA) and the developments in Lebanon, including its participation in the Israeli invasion of 1982, its role in the Sabra and Shatila massacre, and its location in the May 17, 1983 agreement.The third chapter was entitled "The decline of the activity of the southern Lebanon Army 1984 - 1989". The first section included the emergence of the Lebanese resistance and its stages of development. The second section was to explain the military role of the Lebanese resistance and its impact on the decline of the activity of the southern Lebanon Army. The fourth chapter deals two sections the first section include with the military role of Hezbollah in the collapse of the southern Lebanon Army, while the second section deals with the local and regional situation and its impact on the collapse of the southern Lebanon Army and the Israeli withdrawal from South Lebanon in 2000, and Disintegration of the South Lebanon Army. Finally, we can say that the southern Lebanon Army (Israel) acted as an instrument in southern Lebanon throughout the course of the study, but failed to achieve the plan's objective because of the emergence of the Lebanese resistance Which destroyed Israeli security. This led to the adoption of a role for the United Nations in protecting its borders Northern.

الخطاب السياسي للزعيم عبد الكريم قاسم للمدة (1958 - 1963) : دراسة تاريخية == Political Discourse of Colonel Abd ALKareem Qasim (1958 - 1963) A Political Study

اسم المؤلف: حنين سالم حمادي التميم
اسم المشرف: عمار خالد رمضان الربيعي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: ماجستير
الجامعة: جامعة البصرة
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: البصرة
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The revolution of 14th of July, 1958 in Iraq was considered a great transition on all internal, regional and international levels. This study highlights the political discourse of Colonel Abd AlKareem Qasim, leader of the revolution, during his rule (1958 - 1963). That period was one of the most important stages in modern lraqi history. It had affected not only the internal and regional situation but it also had its international dimension in the world relations, particularly during the cold war era. The period was considered as very important as a result of the fact that lraq was a rich country of energy and had a strategic geographical location. In his discourse, Colonel Abd AlKareem Qasim illustrated the policy of the revolution towards the internal, regional and international matters. That discourse displayed the policy that outlined features of the foreign policy of Iraq and it indicated the political thinking of how to deal with the internal and foreign questions. It also introduced the ideas and philosophies that made up the ruling theory in Iraq according to which the relation between the group and the individual was organized through certain codes and values that not only governed distribution of influence and power inside the country but also went beyond that to dealing with the foreign affairs.The study applied the analytic perspective of the content on the political discourse of colonel Kareem and shed light on the factors that determind elements of the political regime in Iraq to treat the political, social andeconomic problems during the period of 1958 - 1963. At that time, the ruling regime in Iraq had come through many crises and much pressure that constituted challenges that affected both positively and negatively the political discourse whether it was internally, regionally or internationally directed. The dimensions of the discourse of Colonel Abd AlKareem Qasim reflected the narure of the political and ideological trends towards the several important historical events in light of the many challenges that the region, including Iraq, was facing. This, in turn, reflects the featured and trends of the leadership of the revolution particularly through the personality of colonel Abd AlKareem Qasim in light of the internal struggle regional problems and international domination

الصراع السياسي في الصين 1966 - 1976 (الثورة الثقافية) == Political conflict in China, 1966 - 1976 (Cultural Revolution

اسم المؤلف: حسين عبد الكاظم عودة الحسيناوي
اسم المشرف: فرقد عباس قاسم المياحي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: دكتوراه
الجامعة: جامعة البصرة
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: البصرة
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The present study focused on the Cultural Revolution in the Republic of China 1966 to1976. Primary aim of this revolution was to take possession of the state authority by power, to get hold of things and to crush the resistance of old elites in the Party after Mao and his followers realized that the totalitarian regime and conflict over the authority is endless in the central committee of the communist Party in China. Broadly, this cultural revolution embodied a series of general and political crises that republic of China tolerated during the 20th century. Mao and his group focusing on the central function of this revolution which was to prevent China from turning into being Capitalistic and to adopt Mao's ideas Besides, this revolution aims at flourishing the ideological awareness so that people can free themselves through class struggle. Mao believed that manipulating the political, ideological and public and public processes of the revolution, Mao's proponents could accomplish their revolutionary goals and also make their economic and social improvement. But this resulted in heightening the political turmoil accompanied by sustained ideological struggles, swept through the whole state. Mao thought Leo Shao Shi and his fellow, Ding Shiow Beeing were adopting capitalism in their support of some groups and instigation against the cultural revolution which, accordingly, resulted in a distortion of their interior affair in the face of the Party and the people of China. This struggle was known as "conflict between two link". Although this type of struggle was not over between the president and Mao at the beginning, the latter was able to exert his sovereignty as a leader to the communist party in China, for he believes the Chinese communist party was the dominant power that had ruled for a long time during bureaucratic leadership that made it lose its communist values and revolutionary spirit. In response, communist China witnessed some accusations and criticism oriented towards the great political and military. Majors, even different categories of people as well as conflict movements. In addition, China witnessed the formation of a number of organizations and armed groups coincided these divisions and the armed conflicts, even within one organization or one group. The conclusion shows that throughout this study one can comprehend the final version of the cultural revolution in that it was a huge risk to Chinese policy since it was exploited by Mao who succeeded in eliminating the communist party on the inside and dismantling it. Mao and the group of the central revolution took the advantage of the unsettled situation in China in order to distort the reputation of those who work for the president, Leo, Which is part of their political attempt to disrepute the party leaders and their system. Further, Mao was able, via this revolution, practiced communist totalitarian and to spread hatred throughout the state. At the same time, he succeeded in accomplishing his primary aim which is to control the authority under the rule of his power. Though he progressively attempted to turn China into being socialist and communist based upon Marxism, these attempts reached a resounding failure

العلاقات السياسية الالمانية - اليابانية 1933 - 1941 == German - Japanese political relations 1933 - 1941

اسم المؤلف: حسام طعمة ناصر
اسم المشرف: حميد احمد حمدان التميمي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: دكتوراه
الجامعة: جامعة البصرة
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: البصرة
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: After the First World War (1914 - 1918), the history of the international relations has witnessed many conflicts, some of them were born from the womb of the mitigations that were founded by the victorious countries. And the return of Germany and Japan to the cycle of the conflict, during the thirties of 20th century was one of the results of those mitigations, after they both have suffered from the oppression of the Allies Forces. The yield of Japanese policy to the army influence early thirties decade of the 20th century, and seizing the rule by Nazi in Germany in 1933, was an announcement to start a huge transition in the international relations.In the light of those conditions, the research of Germany - Japan political relations has acquired unique position for history study of the international relationships between the two World Wars. This thesis specifically addresses (1933 - 1941) era, during which, particularity in 1933, the Nazi headed by Adolf Hitler took power, with all the changes that took place in both the internal and external policy of Germany and the giant transition towered Japan. The study is concluded in 1941, where Japan officially involved in the second World War beside Germany, specifically during the bombardment of American Pearl Harbor in December of that year.The methodology of the thesis addresses both events chronologically, and at the same time maintains subject cohesion. The thesis includes a preface and four chapters, beside this introduction, conclusion, and bibliography. The preface is dedicated to research the history of the Germanys - Japanese relations advancement, up to 1933. It focused on Germany’s role in building the modern Japan, and the colonial competition between the two countries in the Middle East area. The research consists of two themes, the first has discusses the ideological elements and the political circumstances that effected the rapprochement, while the second theme discusses Germany - Japan political relations during the 1935 - 1936 period and the ratification of the anti - communism agreement on October 1936.The second chapter studies the impacts of Japan’s expansion in China on Germany - Japan relationships from 1937 to 1938. This chapter includes three themes : the first one discusses the Germany’s policyGerman - Japan political relations 1933 - 1941 toward the Far East prior to July - 1937 China - Japan war. While the second theme follows up the Germany’s attitude toward Japan - China war, and the third theme explores the internal and external factors that forced Germany to stand beside Japan, sacrificing its economic interests in China.The third Chapter is divided into three themes; the first one studies the attempts of the Japanese army to consolidate the military alliance with Germany. While the second theme discusses the impact of Germany - Soviets nonaggression treaty on the tripartite alliance negotiations. The third theme highlights the Japan’s attitude toward the Second World War in the period from September 1939 until July 1940.The fourth chapter in its three themes unveils the political relations of the two countries in light of the tripartite alliance in 1940 - 1941. The first theme focusses on the agreement discussion of the Germany - Italy - Japan tripartite alliance. While the second theme discusses the Japan - Soviet neutrality agreement in April 1941, and the Japan attitude toward the attack of its own ally, Germany, on the Soviets territories. The third theme focuses on Germany’s attitude toward America - Japan negotiations, and the Japanese attack on the American Pearl Harbor on 7th December 1941, Japan’s evolvement in the war beside its allies the Axis against the United States and Brittan.The thesis is counted on a group of sources and references; the most significant ones are collections of German, Britain and American documentations, in addition to a number of foreign specialized books, researches, and academic studies concerning Japan and Germany.The thesis concludes that the Germany - Japan relationships were not fully harmonious, they were rather characterized by hesitancy, perhaps due to the domination sole interests of each country over the common goals of the alliance.
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