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موقف الحوزة العلمية في النجف الاشرف من التطورات السياسية في العراق 1914 - 1924

اسم المؤلف: اخلاص لفتة حريز الكعبي
اسم المشرف: موسى محمد ال طويرش
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2006
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: ماجستير
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
الملخص:
المصادر:

حركة انصار السلام في العراق 1954 - 1963 == The Movement for Supporters of Peace in Iraq 1954 - 1963

اسم المؤلف: علي برزان عطار الحسناوي
اسم المشرف: مؤيد شاكر كاظم مخيلف الطائي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: ماجستير
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: ذي قار
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The study of political movements of all kinds is of interest to researchers in the field of history, in light of their significant contribution to the weaving of new events in the history record. Since the movement of the supporters of peace is one of those important movements witnessed by the world in general and Iraq in particular, The movement of supporters of peace in Iraq 1954 - 1963) will contribute to know the role played by this movement in the history of contemporary Iraq by revealing the conditions that contributed to its establishment, and the impact of the society in different layers and directions, and to know the nature of its work alongside other political parties , And its position on issues Local, Arab and international peace, and the position of the ruling authority0The study was divided into an introduction, four chapters, a conclusion, and a group of supplement 0The first chapter is entitled "The Historical Roots of the 1945 The second chapter, entitled "The First Founding Conference of the Movement and the Stage of Secret Activity" (1954 - J - - - - - 1954) dealt with the political situation in Iraq prior to the conference preparation for holding the conference and its meetings. The of the movement, as well as severing relations with the Soviets and 0 - July 14, 1959, we referred to the position of the movement from the revolution of 14 July 1958, then the national communist truggle and the peace festival in Mosul. The activity of the movement and the Communist aspiration of the government and its repercussions on the movement, where the activity included the convening of the second conference of the movement on April 14, 1959, and the festivals of the movement Peace in Halabja, Hilla and Benghouin as well as the movement's international activity 0 The fourth and final chapter was devoted to a statement (the impact of internal conflicts and laws in the activity of the movementJuly 14, 1959 - 1963), the most important of which were the events of Kirkuk, July 14, 1959, the assassination attempt on 7 October 1959, The chapter also discussed the Movement's position on international peace issues, the most prominent of which was the position on the French nuclear tests in the Sahara of Algeria and the support of the peace talks between Khrushchev and Ishaeur. , And attend a conference Peace in Indonesia and the persecution of prominent international peacekeepers, including the trials of peace supporters in West Germany, the assassination of the President of the Government of the Congo (Patrice Lumumba), the strengthening of the call for disarmament and the end of the movement's activities. The movement of the supporters of peace in Iraq created international conditions that had repercussions in Iraq, in which the voices calling for an end to wars and the need to resolve disputes by peaceful means were part of the world peace movement establishedby the World Peace Council in Warsaw in November 1950, Peace and supports all peace movements in the world, including the movement of supporters of peace in Iraq 0 The movement of supporters of peace in Iraq during the era of the royal era to prove its presence at the internal and external levels, at the level of the interior worked to put itself on the political and national issues of the country along with the national movement and opposition parties won the confidence of both, on the external level has worked to send representatives To attend meetings (the World Peace Council) and the rest of the meetings held to support the issues of peace 0 After establishing its position domestically and internationally, the movement held its first founding conference, which was held on July 15, 1954, in Baghdad under the tight guard of the eyes of the authority, which regarded it as a communist movement working for the then banned Iraqi Communist Party, which fought its activities and persecuted its men throughout the royal era.The date of the end of the monarchy in Iraq on 14 July 1958 was a major turning point in the history of the movement of supporters of peace in Iraq. The movement considered that day a victory for the will of the people and the national forces that formed the movement.As the movement moved from secret to public, so its support came to the revolution of July 14 warmly and in particular, especially that the most prominent elements of the movement who were stripped of Iraqi nationality and others and away from the country has been prepared for them to return, which was the most prominent Aziz Sharif, who returned to the country after the success of the revolution He worked on the establishment of an Peace Council in cooperation with Lawyer Tawfiq Munir and some of the figures.Since then, Aziz Sharif has been secretary general of the movement until the end of its activity on 8 February 1963, the end of the first republican era.

التنوع الطائفي واثره على الحياة السياسية اللبنانية 1958 - 1975 == The sectarian diversity and the impact on Lebanese political life (1958 - 1975

اسم المؤلف: لطيف ثجيل لطيف الصافي
اسم المشرف: عبد الرسول شهيد عجمي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: ماجستير
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: ذي قار
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The Lebanese society has been distinguished by its diverse sects. It is clear that the history of Lebanon is linked to the culture of the sects, whose social and political identity has been defined. The sectarian issue in Lebanon has made the society based on that diversity , which has been reflected in the reality of the Lebanese people and the thinking of its members. As Lebanon has become under the French control , which has further exacerbated that conflict, because the French.Government depends on its survival and the realization of its interests through this. Sectarian conflict interferes So I took all the power to impose its will on the political decision represented by some communities in Lebanon.The Lebanese political system since 1943 is a sectarian system of the first order. The sectarianism intervenes in every big and small in the Lebanese political system. The political parties are sectarian and the constitution is based on sectarian and the three powers. And the president is elected on a sectarian basis, the governments formed on a sectarian basis, as is the case for the parliament that is elected and divided on a sectarian basis. Therefore , sectarianism in Lebanon is aimed at exaggerating it in every direction.The study was divided into an introduction, a preface, three chapters and a conclusion. The introduction dealt with the historical composition of the Lebanese communities and their role in politics until 1958.The first chapter highlighted the impact of sectarian diversity on political developments and trends 1958 - 1964. The third topic dealt with the Lebanese sect's position on the draft amendment of the constitution in 1963. The fourthtopic dealt with the sectarian formations In the 1964 parliamentary elections. The second chapter dealt with the role of the sects in the Lebanese political developments from 1964 - 1970. It divided into three sections dealing with the first topic : the communities and the elections of Charles Helou in 1964. The third topic dealt with the position of the sects from the Palestinian presence in Lebanon 1964 - 1970. In Lebanese society 1969 - 1970. The third section highlighted the position of the sects on the Lebanese political developments prior to the civil war , which included four topics. The first topic was entitled The position of the sects regarding the events of March 1970 (fighting between the Lebanese army and the Palestinian resistance). The second section.Explained the repercussions of the economic situation on the Lebanese communities 1970 - 1972 , and the third topic to show the position of the Lebanese communities of the war of October 1973 , while the fourth topic discussed the causes and consequences of sectarian tension.

موقف الحزب الشيوعي العراقي من القضية الكردية في العراق 1968 - 1979 : دراسة تاريخية == The position of the Iraqi Communist Party From the Kurdish Issue of Iraq (1968 - 1979) )Historical study(

اسم المؤلف: كاتب محمد غافل الحجامي
اسم المشرف: مؤيد شاكر كاظم مخيلف الطائي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: ماجستير
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: ذي قار
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The Iraqi Communist Party is one of the most prominent Iraqi political parties that played an important role in influencing the course of events in the political arena in Iraq at the beginning of the second half of the thirties of the last century where that period of history saw the emergence of the Kurdish issue is clearly in the policies and the literature of the Communist Party, especially after Barzan events (1943 - 1945) in northern Iraq and its aftermath, and how to deal with successive Iraqi governments, and Anbra the Communist party introduced the appropriate peaceful solutions .The importance of this study comes from the fact that it dealt with a subject of historical, political and social dimensions. At the same time, the Kurdish issue was a prominent event on the political scene and for a long time in the history of modern Iraq. In the royal and republican covenants, and this was reflected in the Kurdish issue itself. The position of the Iraqi Communist Party on the Kurdish issue (1968 - 1979) is worthy of consideration because the Communist Party provided much support and support in many local and international forums.The study was based on the chronology of events while preserving the unity of the topic. The study was divided into four chapters, a conclusion and a set of annexes, as well as the introduction, which aims at clarifying the importance of the thesis and determining its main contents. The first introductory chapter dealt with the period since the establishment of the Iraqi Communist Party (1968 - 1949), the execution of Fahd, secretary of the Communist Party, the development of the relationship between the Communist Party and the Kurdish Movement (KDP) For the period (1958 - 1963) Of the Communist Party of the Kurdish issue and the accompanying armed events in the era of the First Baathist coup and the government of the brothers Aref (1963 - 1968). The second chapter, which we included under the title of the Iraqi Communist Party and its position on the Kurdish issue (1968 - 1973), shed light on several issues in which we discussed the position of the Communist Party on the Kurdish issue (1968 - 1970) and the repercussions of the July 17 coup on the Kurdish issue, Declaration of March 11, 1970 and the declaration of self - rule of the Kurds and the position of the Iraqi Communist Party, the relation of the Communist Party to the Kurdish issue of the period (1971 - 1973) and the accompanying events.The third chapter dealt with the period from the proclamation of the National Front and Progressive Nationalism (July 17, 1973) to the establishment of the Kurdish War in 1974, and the influence of the Baathist Communist Alliance on the Kurdish issue and the deterioration in the relations of the Communist Party with the Kurdish leadership. The position of the Communist Party from the April 1974 - March 1975 war, the reasons for the Algiers agreement and its repercussions on the Kurdish issue, the March 6, 1975 agreement, the collapse of the armed Kurdish movement, and the consequences for the Kurdish issue.The fourth and final chapter, entitled "The position of the Iraqi Communist Party on the Kurdish issue 1975 - 1979", explained the position of the Communist Party for the two years (1975 - 1976) on the Kurdish issue after the Algiers Agreement and the impact of thecollapse of the Kurdish armed movement on the Kurdish parties. The deterioration of the relations between the Ba'th Party and the Iraqi Communist Party by engaging in the National Progressive National Front between the Ba'th Party and the Iraqi Communist Party, the Communists having to resort abroad, the return of the alliance with the Kurdish parties and the adoption of the method of armed struggle for the purpose of overthrowing the Baath regime.The conclusion included the most important findings of the study of scientific results in the light of its contents, as well as the recommendations and proposals that we consider necessary from the point of view of the researcher modest, and we also sought through the annexes to the study to provide the letter with a set of documents and important data of the Iraqi Communist Party and the Kurdistan Democratic Party with a number of Foreign Documents. In his study of the position of the Iraqi Communist Party on the Kurdish issue, the researcher reached the following conclusions : 1 - The Kurdish issue has a clear impact on the programs and thought of political parties, especially in the thought and literature of the Iraqi Communist Party.2. Both the Iraqi Communist Party and the Barati Party have played a large and effective role in highlighting the Kurdish issue and supporting it in obtaining the right of the Kurdish people to attain their national rights.3 - The Kurdish issue has contributed directly or indirectly to the tension of the Iraqi political situation for many years reflected on the economic and social aspects of the Iraqi people and Kurds alike.4. The Kurdish issue will remain a problem unless a peaceful, just and democratic solution is found, unless radical solutions are found that realize the legitimate rights of the Kurds and guarantee Iraq the unity of its land and people.5 - Calling the Communist Party of successive governments not to practice the policy of racial discrimination against the Kurdish people, which will inevitably push him to seek separation from Iraq by any means.From his humble point of view, the researcher suggests some of the recommendations he deems necessary to solve the persistent Kurdish problem in its modern and contemporary history : In order for the Kurdish issue not to come out of scope and the Kurds aremoving toward full separation and dealing with foreign countries, Finally, I put this modest effort in the hands of my professors, members of the discussion committee, to evaluate them and increase their rank in a way that makes them efficient to provide Iraqilibraries as a source of study of Iraq's modern and contemporary history.

موقف الحزب الشيوعي العراقي من القضية الكردية في العراق 1934 - 1968 == The Communist Party's Position on the Kurdish Issue (1934 - 1968

اسم المؤلف: ابتسام سلمان عطية الغزي
اسم المشرف: مؤيد شاكر كاظم مخيلف الطائي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: ماجستير
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: ذي قار
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The Kurdish issue was one of the most important issues that occupied a large part of the activity of the Iraqi Communist Party, which emphasized its importance and the need to deal with it since the beginning of its establishment in 1934 as one of the most complex issues facing the Iraqi state, and because this issue is of high importance, the Iraqi Communist Party had to determine its position on this issue as one of the most important political parties operating in the Iraqi field at the time.The study consisted of three chapters, an introduction, a conclusion and an appendix. The first chapter, entitled Position of the Communist Party on the Kurdish Question 1934 - 1958, dealt with the Marxist perspective of minorities, the developments of the Kurdish issue until 1934, the position of the Communist Party on partisan life in Iraqi Kurdistan as well as the relations between the Iraqi Communist Party and the Kurdistan Democratic Party until 1958, As for the second chapter, it highlighted the position of the Iraqi Communist Party on the Kurdish issue in the era of Abdul Karim Qasim 1958 - 1963, in which we discussed the position of the communists and Kurds from the July 14 revolution, the role of the Iraqi Communist Party and the Kurdistan Democratic Party in suppressing the movement of Mosul in March 1959, and the rebellion of Rashid Lulan and Abbas Mamand, and the events of Kirkuk, as well as the position of the Iraqi Communist Party from the events of September 1961, and the developments of the crisis in Kurdistan until 1963. The third chapter we have shown in it the position of the party on the Kurdish issue 1963 - 1968, and the study dealt with the position of the Communist Party of the Kurdish issue under the reign of Abdul Salam Arif and the reign of Abdul Rahman Arif until the end of 1968.The Iraqi Communist Party was the only international party that, since its establishment, sought to present solutions and slogans to the issues of nationalities, especially the Kurdish issue, The study found that there is some contradiction in the positions ofthe Iraqi Communist Party, which quickly abandoned the principle of independence of Kurdistan, mentioned in the first statement of the Anti - Colonial Society and investment in the first congress of the Communist Party in 1944,where the slogan of rights and equality was resolved for the Kurds replaced the slogan independence and the word minority instead of the words of the Kurdish people. Hence, the Iraqi Communist Party embarked on a broad national concept, especially after realizing that the British officials sought to exploit the Kurdish issue in their favor and to tamper with the capabilities of the Kurdish people at that time in history of contemporary Iraq.The Communist Party of Iraq stressed the need to give the Kurds their national rights within the framework of Iraqi unity, and opposed the idea of separation. In March 1953, a qualitative change took place in the party's position through the new charter prepared by the secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party Bahaauddin Nuri, in which he called for recognition of the right of separation to the Kurdish people and to ensure the real equality of other national groups. The reason for this change in the position of the party is the arrival of Kurdish figures to the leadership of the Central Committee of the Iraqi Communist Party, but there has been a clear decline in this position because of widespread splits in the ranks of the party, which considered separatism an invitation propagated by the colonial propaganda to divide the unity of the struggle of theArab and Kurdish peoples, And agreed to the autonomy of Iraqi Kurdistan within the Iraqi unity, although he continued to support the Kurdish issue in the years 1963 - 1968 and his criticism of Iraqi governments and his condemnation of its military campaigns against the Kurds and his calls for a peaceful solution instead of military confrontation and sometimes his armed participation with the Kurds against the ruling power, all this comes because of the Communist Party's position and interests, which called for such positions and the influence of the Soviets on its policy and positions as well.

نقرة السلمان 1921 - 1968 : دراسة في اوضاعها الامنية والادارية والاقتصادية والاجتماعية == NIGRET ALSALMAN Study on its Administrative ,Economic and Social Status 1921 - 1968

اسم المؤلف: عبد الله خير الله مسير الركابي
اسم المشرف: عماد جاسم حسن الموسوي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2017
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: ماجستير
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: ذي قار
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: (Nigret Al - Salman : A study on Its Administrative, Economic and Social Status During the Period 1921 - 1968”) is one of the most central topics in the history of contemporary Iraq, for it addresses a vital region in Iraq that has contributed, in one way or another, to the manufacture of some political events in Iraq history. This area is characterized by its far distance from the Iraqi urban areas. The researcher chose the year 1921 as the beginning of his topic for this year marked the establishment of the modern Iraqi state and the official declaration of the beginning of the monarchy in Iraq. The researcher also chose the year 1968 for it marked the 17th of July coup.Despite the large volume of academic studies in Iraqi universities that have been interested in the history of contemporary Iraq or its local history, these studies did not shed light on the area of "Nigret Al - Salman," hence the significance of the topic stems from the fact that the subject has not been studied previously in the same direction that we studied. This added a great burden on the researcher in terms of the scarcity of resources on the subject, especially with regard to its economic and social aspects.The study is divided into Introduction, four Chapters, a large number of Annexes and Conclusion. Chapter One is an introduction in which we provided a geographical and historical overview on Al - Salman area until 1921. The chapter included two main sections : Section One discusses the geographical location of the area, its naming and population, while Section Two was a historical sketch on Al - Salman area until 1921. Chapter Two addresses the development of the Administrative System of Al - Salman from 1921 to 1968. It has been divided into three main sections. Section One discusses the Wahhabi attacks on Al - Salman area until 1932, and its subsequent halting after the Iraqi government has turned to fight back those attacks and demarcation of the border. Section Two is a follow - up to the governmental procedures set to protect the Iraqi Kingdom at a continuous and direct basis. Section Three is devoted to the great administrative developments that the Salman area passed through various ages, especially during the British occupation, monarchy era and towards the end of the Republican era in 1968.Chapter Three of the study focuses on the administrative aspects of Nigrat Al - Salman and its development from 1921 until 1968, especially the buildings of the Iraqi government, such as the border post and the prison. The chapter also follows on the administrative development of Nigrat Al - Salman within the study frame - time, besides taking note of the development of teaching, health and other services in Nigrat Al - Salman.Chapter Four shed light on the economic and social conditions at Nigrat Al - Salman during the period between (1921 - 1968). The first section elaborates on the economic developments of Nigrat Al - Salman (1921 - 1968), and in particular the economic activities on which people relied to provide such necessary needs as food and drink to themselves and their animals or watering their plantations, and the most important economic revenues that the people benefit from these various activities, with the most chief minerals and treasures that Nigrat Al - Salman has. The second section is the societal developments that Nigrat Al - Salman underwent from 1921 to 1968, the social formations in Al - Salman and the social constructions and tribes settled therein, and the development of the population, whether in terms of health conditions, education or other necessary services, such as electricity, water, roads, transportation, and even archaeological sites spread out in Nigrat Al - Salman, and ending with sports.The Salman region formed a significant geographic dimension to the Iraqi border which made the region in the forefront among the Iraqi regions that has faced hardships caused by Wahhabis throughout the ages, especially as it was a way to transit goods and commodities from Iraq to neighboring countries, so it became the focus of traders for temporary stability before they move on their route. The presence of watering holes and wells as well contributed to the arrival of pastoralists to settle in the area for the shedding of animals and irrigation form those wells and holes that continued from ancient times, through the establishment of the Arab Islamic state towards the end of the Ottoman Empire in 1918.The establishment of the modern Iraqi state in 1921 has major repercussions on Al - Salman area towards which the government has drawn great attention because it is located on the ground trade routes of the Iraqi kingdom, making it a residential areaacting to fight back recurrent attacks by the Saudi Wahhabis nearby. The Iraqi government had to take seriously the proposals made by Glope Pasha to establish a border post at Al - Salman in October 1927 - the post that is considered to be the precursor of the establishment of this region in a permanent and stable manner.The emergence of Nigrat Al - Salman was linked to the permanent population stability, which was the residence of some tribes that had a significant impact on the successive Iraqi governments to provide different ways of livelihood, especially during the stagesof the monarchy era (1921 - 1958) and delivery of whatever possible as drinking water, construction of schools and mosques, in order to sustain the lives of the settled citizens. The social developments in Al - Salman region were great compared to the harsh place characterized by Al - Salman as a desert area; however, that did not prevent the sustainability of population stability and the various activities such as sport. Al - Salman region was part of and administratively linked to Diwaniyah city during the period 1921 - 1968.Of course, in proportion to the difficult conditions, the simple agricultural economic system exerted itself to Al - Salman region. The spread of agriculture was only meant to fulfill the local needs and if only by a small fraction of life. But this did not thwart the people from bringing goods and agricultural crops from nearby cities metropolitans such as Samawah and Diwaniyah, so that they meet the growing needs, and the exploration of metals found in the ground such as phosphates, oil or mercury and others. However, the development pace of those excavations was not up to the required level so the people and government can utilize to develop projects and provide public services at Al - Salman throughout the time covered by the study.Although Al - Salman area was formed primarily from tribal and human groups that were not homogenous in terms of tribal descent, it, nevertheless, molded a single human conglomerate throughout the ages. There existed tribes from al - Muntafiq, Samawah or Diwaniyah that combined together to confront the dangers that besetthem, known, at the same time, to have goodness and hospitality which is a clear -

المساعدات الكويتية لبعض بلدان المشرق العربي 1961 - 1981 : دراسة تاريخية == Kuwaiti aids to some countries of the Arab Orient ( 1981 - 1961)A.D (Historical study)

اسم المؤلف: نجوان حسن سبع الشاوي
اسم المشرف: فراقد داود سلمان الشلال
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: ماجستير
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: البصرة
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: الموقع الجغرافي للكويت وتاريخها السياسي والاقتصادي 1752 - 1961 | سمات وانواع المساعدات التنموية والمعونات الكويتية | اولويات السياسة الخارجية الكويتية | العلاقات الكويتية ببعض بلدلن المشرق العربي | The study aims at showing the prominent role of the state of Kuwait in providing the assistance many decades ago. In other word when the economy of Kuwait has developed since the oil discovered through supporting growth in eastern countries. The aids have increased locally and officially to support Arab countries.Kuwait has created Kuwait fund for Arab Economic Development since its independence, which has been considered the most important economic support funds in Middle East.This fund is considered as an important economic means to highly providing support for Arab countries. Besides, Kuwait has followed the dinar policy throughout creating the Kuwaiti Fund of financing all projects within the years 1961 - 1981.The objective behind granting aids by Kuwait to strengthen their political interests through Arab countries gain. Their growth while having international and reginal crises, the aids had many forms within which were political aids to support the situations of Arab issues.Even the artists have their own contributions to support Arab issues. As obvious, as much as the Kuwaiti financial capacity increases, it refers to huge oil flow in terms of huge oil flow during the Seventies. Therefore, the aids covered the International and Arab countries.Kuwait also considers providing aids is a national duty necessary for the development of nations. Kuwait duty is also not limited to providing aids but it extents to encompass the role of mediator to solve many problems.

محمد ناصر ودوره التربوي والثقافي والسياسي في العراق حتى عام 1967 == Mohammed Nasser and his Educational Cultural and Political Role in Iraq untill 1967

اسم المؤلف: علاء عريبي غانم
اسم المشرف: حميد احمد حمدان التميمي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: ماجستير
الجامعة: جامعة البصرة
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: البصرة
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: هذه الرسالة هي دراسة تاريخية لمحمد ناصر الذي كان احد اوائل الشخصيات التي ساهمت في تطوير التعليم في العراق وكان ايضا باحثا ومحاضرا وكاتبا ومترجما يتقن اللغة الانكليزية وقليلا من اللغة الفرنسية وشغل العديد من المناصب في الدولة الادارية والوزارية كما كان لد ادوار وانشطة سياسية وثقافية طول المدة وجودة في الحكومة حتى عام 1967 وكانت هذه الرسالة تسلط الضوء على سيرته الشخصية والتعليمية والسياسية والثقافية في العراق , وتتكون الرسالة من مقدمة وثلاث فصول وخاتمة يتناول الفصل الاول دراسة حياته المبكرة , نشاته ومراحل تعليمه , وقسم عنا الفصل الاول الى مبحثين , الاول بين نسبه ونشاته وبعض ملامح شخصيته في حين تطرق المبحث الثاني الى دراسته والوظائف التي شغلها حتى عام 1965 وبحث الفصل الثاني نشاطه السياسي الوطني القومي على مرحلتين حتى عام 1958 واشتملت على مشاركته في التظاهرات ضد زيارة الفرد موند في 8 شباط 1928 ومشاركته في التظاهرات التي كانت تطالب بالاستقلال وانهاء الانتداب 1930 ودوره في تاسيس جمعية الجوال العربي 1934 - 1941 وموقفه من حركة مايس 1941وموقفه من العدوان الثلاثي على مصر 1956 والمرحلة الثانية بحثت في المدة من ثورة 14 تموز 1958 وحتى عام 1966 وبينت موقفه من ثورة 14 تموز 1958 وموقعه من انقلاب 8 شباط 1963 وموقفه من بعض القضايا الوطنية ما بين 1964 - 1966 , اما الفصل الثالث فقد تحدث عن محمد ناصر وزيرا وباحثا ومحاضرا وتكون من اربعة مباحث تناول الاول استيزاره لوزارة التربية والتعليم من 31 /كانون الثاني - 17 /حزيران/ 1964 ومنجزات الوزارة في عهده اما المبحث الثاني فقد تناول محمد ناصر وزيرا للثقافة والارشاد من 6 /ايلول /1965 - 6 /اب/ 1966 ومنجزات الوزارة في عهده واستعرض المبحث الثالث معظم مؤلفاته ومقالاته ما بين 1963 - 1990 , في حين تضمن المبحث الرابع ظروف سفره الى الكويت في عام 1967 . | This thesis is a historical study of Muhammad Nasser, who was one of the early figures in the development of education in Iraq. He was also a researcher, lecturer, writer and translater who mastered the English language and a little French. He held many positions in the state, Administrative and ministerial. He also had political and cultural roles and activities throughout his tenure in the government until 1967This thesis was to highlight his personal and educational role, political and cultural in IraqThe thesis consists of an introduction, three chapters and a conclusion. The first chapter deals with the study of the early life of Muhammad Nasser, his beginnings and the stages of his education. This chapter is divided into two sections, the first containing his origin, proportions, extras and some aspects of his personality. While the second topic dealt with the study of Mohammed Nasser Specialist and the functions he occupied in 1964The second chapter examined the activities of Muhammad Nasser national and national politician, in two stages, the first until 1958, including his participation in the demonstrations against the visit of the Al Ferd Mond in February 1928, as well as his participation in the demonstrations calling for independence 1930 and his role in the establishment of the AL - JAWAL AL - ARABI Association 1934 - 1941 and his position of the May 1941 movementAnd his position on the tripartite aggression against Egypt 1956 and the second stage followed from the revolution of July 14, 1958 until 1966, and touched on the position of Mohammed Nasser from the revolution of July 14, 1958, as well as his position on the coup of February 8, 1963. Muhammad Nasser was an ambassador in the Soviet Union 1964 - 1965 and his position on some national issues Between 1964 - 1966The third chapter Which is about Mohammed Nasser, minister, researcher and lecturer, consists of four topics , the first dealt with the receipt of the Ministry of Education from 31/1/1964 to 17/1/1964 and the achievements of the ministry in his reign. The second topic dealt with Mohammed Nasser Minister of Culture and Guidance from 19/6 / 1965 until 6/8/1966 and the achievements of the ministry in the era of the third article reviewed the writings and articles of Muhammad Nasser, while the fourth section included his travel to Kuwait in 1967

قوات بدر 1982 - 1991 : دراسة تاريخية == Badr Troops 1982 - 1991

اسم المؤلف: مروة محمود حمود المالكي
اسم المشرف: حسين عبد القادر محيي التميمي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2017
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: ماجستير
الجامعة: جامعة البصرة
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: البصرة
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: Iraqs political history was full of events ,notably the so - called1968 revolution and the Baathists militarily hold of power. Since then ,the situation in lraq has gradually worsened to the extent of the suppression of freedoms in all their forms,whether political or religious, accompanied by campaigns of prsecution and arrests.This bad situation generated an adverse reaction , especially when the injustice of the former regime extended beyond all borders such as carrying out deportations of citizens accused of having lranian origin. So, what is known as the Islamic opposition has appeared .It has taken from the Islamic Republic of Iran as headquarter ,mainly after the Islamic revolution in Iran .Gradually , this opposition developed to take on the armed struggle against the regime and crystallized in to what is know as Badrs Troops or Badirs Corp established in 1982.Bard's troops were not built on a sectarian basis,but included number of those belonging to other sects and religions and ,moreover, of other nationalities. One of the most important goals of these troops was to topple regime in lraq and to establish a national democracy system.Abstract These troops have carried out several military operation from the beginning of the establishment until the outbreak of the popular uprising called Al - Intifada Al - Shabaniah in lraq in 1991.The most prominent of these battles was the Battle of Taraba Territory where Badeis .though sacrificed many martyrs ,didwell and derived the regime to lose so many equipment and soldiers.The struggle continued during the yearsof Iran - Iraq war .The continuation of this struggle was supported by Iranian government , especially after the welcome of Iranian opposition know as the Mujahedeen - e Khalq by the regime in Iraq which also sought to change the government in Iran.Bard's corps has participated in Al - Sgabaniah in 1991, but it did not use all its heavy weapons perhaps because of the Iranian government s unwillingness to do so after the improvement of the relationship between the two countries (I.e. Iraq and Iran) as well as Iran s fears that the change would be at the expense of its strategic security if US controls Iraq and this threatens its national security.

محمد حسين هيكل ودوره في السياسة المصرية حتى عام 1956 : دراسة تاريخية == Mohammad Husein Haikal and his role in the Egyptian policy till 1956 A historical study

اسم المؤلف: مروة سلمان حسن
اسم المشرف: مها ناجي حسين
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2017
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: ماجستير
الجامعة: جامعة بغداد
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: يعد محمد حسين هيكل من الشخصيات المصرية البارزة التي صنفت ضمن الجيل السياسي الاول في تاريخ مصر الحديث والمعاصر، وقد ارتبط اسمه بحوادث مهمة جدا كانت لها اثرها في الواقع السياسي المصري في النصف الاول من القرن العشرين وهي مرحلة خصبة بما شهدته مصر من تحركات وارهاصات لنيل الاستقلال وتحقيق التكامل الوطني.ان الدراسات الاكاديمية التي تناولت سيرة محمد حسين هيكل اقتصرت على الجانب الادبي والصحفي منه، في حين تناولت الجانب السياسي له باقتضاب،على الرغم من انه عاصر مرحلة مهمة من تاريخ مصر المعاصر وهي مرحلة الملكية برمتها وشارك بنصيب وافر من احداثها المحورية ورافق تقلباتها السياسية منذ حداثة سنه وقد اثرت هذه المرحلة في سلوكه السياسي وتركت بصمة واضحة في علاقاته مع اقطاب السياسة المعاصرة له ومن هذه الزاوية جاء اختيارنا لدراسة هذه الشخصية ذات الانجازات السياسية المتعددة والاسهامات الوزارية المختلفة.وتحاول هذه الدراسة الاجابة الموضوعية عن تساؤلات عدة منها : - ا. ما البواكير الاولى لنشاة محمد حسين هيكل؟‌ب. ما اهم انجازاته الصحفية وطبيعة فكره السياسي وانتمائه الحزبي حتى عام 1921؟‌ج. هل كان لرئاسة محمد حسين هيكل تاثير في صحيفة (السياسة) وفي مجريات الاحداث السياسية في مصر حتى عام 1931؟‌د. ما الدور الذي اداه محمد حسين هيكل في اسقاط وزارة اسماعيل صدقي عام 1933 واعادة دستور عام 1923؟‌ه. ما دور محمد حسين هيكل في انتخابات عام 1937؟‌و. ما ابرز انجازات محمد حسين هيكل في وزارة المعارف (1938 - 1942)؟‌ز. ما هي طبيعة رئاسة محمد حسين هيكل لحزب الاحرار الدستوريين في عام 1943؟‌ح. كيف تولى محمد حسين هيكل رئاسة مجلس الشيوخ عام 1945؟‌ط. كيف كانت معالم الطور السياسي الاخير لمحمد حسين هيكل؟.‌ي. كيف كان موقف محمد حسين هيكل من القضية الوطنية المصرية عام (1946 - 1947)؟‌ك. ما الاسباب التي ادت الى اصدار مراسيم السابع عشر من حزيران عام 1950 والتي ادت الى اقصاء محمد حسين هيكل عن رئاسة مجلس الشيوخ وما هو موقفه منها؟‌ل. ما قضية الوثائق المزورة عام 1951 وما هو موقف محمد حسين هيكل منها؟وطبقا للمنهج العلمي فقد قسمت الرسالة الى مقدمة واربعة فصول وخاتمة.تطرق الفصل الاول (البواكير الاولى لنشاة محمد حسين هيكل حتى عام 1921) الى ولادة محمد حسين هيكل ونشاته الاولى منذ ان كان صبيا حتى حصوله على درجة الدكتوراه في القانون من باريس وتقلبه بين المحاماة والصحافة واهم انجازاته الادبية والصحفية وابرز الاحزاب السياسية والشخصيات الاصلاحية التي تاثر بها، فضلا عن موقفه من بعض القضايا السياسية التي عاشتها مصر حتى عام 1921.واما الفصل الثاني والذي جاء بعنوان (الدور الاعلامي والحزبي لمحمد حسين هيكل وتاثيره في مجريات الاحداث السياسية في مصر 1922 - 1936)، فقد تطرق الى دور محمد حسين هيكل في وضع الدستور عام 1922، والى رئاسته تحرير صحيفة (السياسة) ومدى تاثيره في الواقع السياسي والثقافي في مصر خلال تلك الحقبة، فضلا عن دوره في اسقاط وزارة اسماعيل صدقي واعادة دستور عام 1923، ونشاطه البرلماني بعد تعيينه عضوا في مجلس الشيوخ عام 1936, وجهوده الادبية والفكرية.تحدث الفصل الثالث الذي حمل عنوان (النشاط السياسي والوزاري لمحمد حسين هيكل 1937 - 1945) عن دور محمد حسين هيكل في الوزارات التي تسنم ادارتها خلال هذه المدة من عمله السياسي واهم الانجازات التي سجلها في وزارة الدولة ووزارة المعارف والشؤون الاجتماعية ودوره في انتخابات عام 1937 المثيرة للجدل عبر بوابة وزارة الدولة فضلا عن موقفه من بعض الاحداث التي شهدتها البلاد ابان عمله الوزاري ورئاسته لحزب الاحرار الدستوريين ودوره في اسقاط وزارة مصطفى النحاس عام 1944.ويعالج الفصل الرابع وهو بعنوان (الطور السياسي الاخير لمحمد حسين هيكل 1945 - 1956) رئاسته لمجلس الشيوخ , وموقفه من القضية الوطنية المصرية فهو يتتبع موقفه منها بكل مراحلها الاخيرة، الى جانب موقفه من القضية الفلسطينية، فضلا عن اقصائه عن رئاسة مجلس الشيوخ باصدار مراسيم السابع عشر من حزيران عام 1950 وموقفه منها وقضية الوثائق المزورة عام 1951 ودوره فيها وموقفه من ثورة الثالث والعشرين من يوليو/ تموز عام 1952 وما صاحبها من تطورات ثم وفاته عام 1956.واخيرا تاتي الخاتمة لتسطر بايجاز ما توصلت اليه الدراسة من نتائج.اعتمدت الدراسة على مجموعة متنوعة من المصادر ياتي في مقدمتها الوثائق العراقية غير المنشورة والمحفوظة في دار الكتب والوثائق العراقية والتي لخصت كل الاحداث السياسية التي عاشتها مصر في تقارير واخبار بالغة الاهمية، الى جانب الوثائق العربية المنشورة الصادرة عن دار العالم العربي وما تضمنته من معلومات جيدة شكلت افادة عظيمة للرسالة بمختلف مراحلها وتطوراتها التاريخية, فضلا عن الوثائق المصرية المنشورة والمتمثلة بمحاضر مجلس الشيوخ المصري والتي اغنت الفصل الرابع بتطورات جلسات المجلس المتعلقة بقضية الاسلحة الفاسدة , وكذلك الوثائق الصادرة عن الدولة المصرية والتي اهتمت بتوثيق الدور المصري في هيئة الامم المتحدة ومعارك مصر التفاوضية مع بريطانيا حول الاستقلال التام.وعززت الوثائق الاميركية المنشورة والمعنونة Foreign Relations of United States Diplomatic Papers المعلومات الواردة في جوانب الرسالة بما سجلته من تقارير عن احداث السياسة المصرية وموقف الساسة المصريين من القضية الوطنية المصرية والقضية الفلسطينية.اسهمت الكتب الوثائقية بدور كبير في توضيح بعض الجوانب الاساسية من المواضيع الواردة في ثنايا الدراسة وياتي في مقدمتها كتب محسن محمد (اصول الحكم) و(الشيطان) و(عندما يموت الملك) و(التاريخ السياسي لمصر) وكتاب (سنة من عمر مصر) لاحتوائها على معلومات مقتبسة من الوثائق البريطانية والامريكية, وكتاب خالد نعيم (الجذور التاريخية لارساليات التنصير الاجنبية في مصر ) والذي تناول الحركات التبشيرية في مصر مسلطا الضوء على دور محمد حسين هيكل الصحفي في مقاومتها , فضلا عن كتاب محمد عمارة المعنون (الاسلام واصول الحكم لعلي عبد الرزاق دراسة ووثائق) والذي استعرض موقف محمد حسين هيكل من قضية مصادرة الحريات الفكرية ودفاعه المستميت عنها.وشكلت مؤلفات محمد حسين هيكل اهمية بالغة في تبيان ملامح حياته الاولية ورصد منجزاته الادبية والفكرية والظروف والملابسات التي ساهمت في خروج مؤلفاته وابداعه الى النور ومنهراوايته (زينب مناظر واخلاق ريفية ) والتي تحدث فيها بشكل مجازي عن حياته المبكرة وطبيعة معيشته في الارياف المصرية , وكتاب (في اوقات فراغ) والذي تضمن تدويناته الصحفية والفكرية وكتاب (ثورة الادب) الذي رصد فيه مجمل ارائه الادبية والفكرية. وكان لكتب المذكرات حضور متميز جدا ومنها مذكرات في السياسة المصرية لمحمد حسين هيكل التي افادت الدراسة في جميع جوانبها لانها استعرضت معلومات مهمة عن حياته الخاصة لاسيما المبكرة منها وقد تم استخدامها بحذر شديد تجنبا لانكار بعض الحقائق او محاولة تزويقها من جانب كاتب المذكرات نفسه، كما تم الاستعانة بمذكرات بعض الشخصيات التي عاصرت محمد حسين هيكل مثل مذكرات محمد علي علوبة (ذكريات اجتماعية وسياسية) ومذكرات ابراهيم الهلباوي ومذكرات حافظ محمود (المعارك في الصحافة والسياسة والفكر 1919 - 1952) وكذلك مذكرات محمد زكي عبد القادر (اقدام على الطريق) وتكمن اهمية هذه المذكرات في ان واضعيها كانوا من اصحاب محمد حسين هيكل وقد رافقوه في جوانب حياته المختلفة وقد ساعد استعمالها على ابراز الواقع بدرجة كبيرة, الى جانب مذكرات موظفي البلاط الملكي ومنها مذكرات حسن حسني (سنوات مع الملك فاروق شهادة للحقيقة والتاريخ) ومذكرات كريم ثابت (نهاية الملكية عشر سنوات مع الملك فاروق 1942 - 1952) والتي رصدت محطات الشد والجذب التي خاض غمارها محمد حسين هيكل مع القصر ولاسيما فيما يتعلق بمراسيم السابع عشر من حزيران عام 1950 وما تلاها من احداث ومواقف.ولا تقل اهمية المصادر العربية عن غيرها في اغناء المادة العلمية للدراسة منها مؤلفات احمد زكريا الشلق (حزب الامة ودوره في السياسة المصرية) وكتاب (حزب الاحرار الدستوريين 1922 - 1952) وقد ساهم هذان الكتابان برفد الدراسة بالمعلومات القيمة لانهما يتحدثان عن احزاب سياسية ايدها محمد حسين هيكل وانتمى اليها وساهم في انشائها، فضلا عن كتاب (محمد حسين هيكل في ذكراه) وكتاب (محمد حسين هيكل والفكر القومي المصري) للمؤلف عبد العزيز شرف اللذين عززا الدراسة بمعلومات جيدة عن فكر محمد حسين هيكل الصحفي والاجتماعي، وكتاب احمد لطفي السيد (الدكتور محمد حسين هيكل) والذي رصد صفات محمد حسين هيكل واهم مواقفه الشخصية والعملية والتي جاء ذكرها على لسان اصحابه وكذلك كتاب محمد سيد محمد (هيكل والسياسة الاسبوعية) والذي يعد من الكتب القلائل التي تناولت مسيرة محمد حسين هيكل الصحفية في صحيفة (السياسة) ورصد تطورها وتاثيرها على الحياة الصحفية المصرية, الى جانب كتاب حافظ محمود (اسرار الماضي) وتكمن اهمية الكتاب في كونه الكتاب الوحيد الذي تناول موضوع رئاسة محمد حسين هيكل لحزب الاحرار الدستوريين عام 1943وعنه اخذت المصادر الاخرى التي تناولت ذات الموضوع, وايضا كتاب (فاروق وسقوط الملكية) لمؤلفته لطيفة محمد سالم والتي تحدثت فيه وبشكل متميز عن علاقة محمد حسين هيكل بالملك فاروق وما اعتراها من خلافات.وقد دفعنا الانجاز الادبي لمحمد حسين هيكل للاستعانة بمؤلفات الادب العربي منها كتاب حسين فوزي النجار (هيكل وحياة محمد) وكتاب طه عمران وادي (محمد حسين هيكل وتراثه الادبي ) وكتاب شوقي الضيف (الادب العربي في مصر) وكتاب يحيى حقي (فجر القصة المصرية) وكتاب عبد المحسن طه بدر (تطور الرواية العربية الحديثة في مصر 1870 - 1938) وقد وقع على هذه المؤلفات النصيب الاكبر من الاحاطة الشاملة بحيثيات الاصدارات الادبية لمحمد حسين هيكل نظرا لما حوته من نقد وتحليل كامل لاسلوبه وخطابه الادبي والروائي. وللكتب الاجنبية اهمية كبيرة جدا لاسيما كتاب المؤلف البريطاني (Charlis smith) والذي جاء بعنوان (Islam and the search for social order in Moderen Egypt) وكتاب المؤلف الالماني (Baber Johansen ) (Muhammead Husain Haikal Europa und Der Orient Im Weltbild Eines Agyptischen Liberalen) فقد ورد فيهما معلومات جديدة عن حياة محمد حسين هيكل لم يسبق لاحد ان طرحها من قبل.ولابد من الاشارة الى الرسائل والاطاريح الجامعية التي تناولت جوانب مهمة من تاريخ مصر فقد ساهمت المعلومات التفصيلية فيها الى فهم اعمق لخلفيات بعض الحوادث السياسية وشكلت نقطة ارتكاز مهمة لبعض مواضيع الدراسة وينطبق هذا القول على رسالة الماجستير الموسومة (السياسة الاسبوعية والحركة الادبية المعاصرة في مصر) لـ (اياد ملحم) ورسالة الماجستير المعنونة (اسماعيل صدقي ودوره في السياسة المصرية1875 - 1950) لـ (مازن مهدي عبد الرحمن الشمري) وكذلك رسالة الماجستير (الحياة النيابية في مصر1936 - 1945) لـ (جمال فيصل حمد المحمدي) وغيرها فكان لهذه الرسائل اسهام واضح في اثراء الدراسة بمعلومات رصينة.وحصلت الدراسة على معلومات قيمة من الصحف والمجلات فيما يتعلق باخبار محمد حسين هيكل اليومية ومواقفه وقراراته السياسية وانجازاته الوزارية وتصريحاته الاعلامية وكان ابرزها صحف (الاهرام) و(البلاغ) المصريتين و(نداء الشعب) و(العالم العربي) العراقيتين فضلا عن مجلات (المصور) و(اخر ساعة) و(روز اليوسف) وتكمن اهميتها في انها مراة للعصر بما سجلته من احداث يومية عن تلك الحقبة, ولايخفى اهمية مجلة (الطليعة) التي يعود لها الفضل في تزويد الدراسة بوثائق مهمة عن الاحزاب التي انضم اليها محمد حسين هيكل والمؤتمرات التي ساهم فيها. كما ان مقالات محمد حسين هيكل في صحف (السياسة اليومية والاسبوعية) وصحيفة (الجريدة) و(الاخبار) قد عززت الدراسة بشكل كبير لانها عكست اراءه في جوانب الحياة المصرية بشكل واضح وذكرت بعض الاحداث التي تعذر عليه ذكرها في مذكراته.لم تخل الدراسة من صعوبات شابت عمل الباحثة وياتي في مقدمتها تعذر الحصول على مصادر تطرقت لحياة محمد حسين هيكل الشخصية او الى نشاطه السياسي لاسيما وانه يعد من اكثر الشخصيات السياسية المصرية التي اغفل ذكرها او الاشارة الى دورها، فضلا عن ان معظم المصادر التي تناولت شخصيته اكتفت بنقل ماذكره في مذكراته دون البحث عن قنوات اخرى للحصول على معلومات جديدة، مما استدعى بذل مزيد من الجهود للحصول على معلومات مختلفة وغير مسبوقة النشر، كما ان الوثائق التي حصلنا عليها من مركز الاهرام لتنظيم وتكنولوجيا المعلومات في جمهورية مصر العربية لم تف الا بالقدر البسيط جدا من متطلبات الدراسة، ناهيك عن تاخر وصولها.كتبت هذه الرسالة وانا مستعينة بقوله تعالى (وما توْفِيقِي اِلّا بِاللّهِ) ومهما بلغ حرصي على اعدادها فاني لا استطيع ان ادعي لها الكمال ولا خلوها من الهفوات اذ ان الكمال لله وحده ولكن كل ما ارجوه ان اكون قد وفقت في انجازها وان تحظى بالرضا والقبول علها تتمكن من سد ثغرة بسيطة في مجال الدراسات الاكاديمية. | Mohammad Husain Haikal is consider one of the pioneer Egyptian personalities who was sorted among the first political generation in the history of Egypt the modern and the contemporary, his name was connected with important incidents which had an impact the Egyptian political history in the first half of the twentieth century where it was a fertile era for Egypt for the movements and the revolutions to get independent and achieve national integration. In addition to that the academic studies tackled the life history of Mohammad Husain Haikal as writer and journalist, while the political side was tackle in short way, and from this angle we chose to study the later side to shed light on his political achievements and the ministries he administered.This study id trying to answer thematically to many questions some of which are : a - What were the starting points of the gay ?b - What were the most important press achievements he made, the nature of his political thinking and partial belonging till 1921? c - Had the administration of Mohammad Husein Haikal for the politics newspaper an effect on the political scen in Egypt till 1931? d - What was the role of Mahammad Husain Haikal in the fall of Esma'il Sidki ministry and the return of 1923 constitution ? e - What was the role of Mohammad Husain Haikal in 1937 elections? f - What were the most important achievements of Mohammad Husain Haikal in the ministry of sciences (1938 - 1942)? g - What was the nature of heading of Mohammad Husain Haikal for the party of the constitutional Ahrar in 1943?h - How was the dealing of Mohamed Husain Haikal with the congrise when he was the headi - How were the features of the political life of Mohamed Husain Haikal.j - How was the stance of Mohammed Hussain Haikal k - How was the stance of Mohamed Husain for the Egyptian National case "1946 - 1947"?l - What were the reasons of issuing 17 - June laws 1950 which lead to Mohammed Husain Haikal to be overthrown from the congress and what was his stance.m - What was the case of forget documents in 1951, and what was Mohammad Husain Haikal stance from it? And according to the scientific curriculum the study was divided to an introduction, four chapters, and conclusion.The first chapter " the first startings of Mohammed Hussein Haikal till 1921 A. D. to the birth of this person his becoming boy till his getting ph. Dr. degree in laws from Paris and his working as journalist and lawyer and his most important achievement in Arts and press and the most political parties and reforming personatitics which had an effect on him, in addition to his stance from some political issues which egyptioan passed 1921 A. D. As for chapter two which came under the title the partial and media roles of Mohammed Husain Haikal (1922 - 1936) and its effect on the political events in Egypt, where it tackled the role of Mohammed Husain Haikal in making 1922 constitution and to be the editor of the (politics) newspaper and his range of effect on the political, and the cultural reality in Egypt during that era, in addition to his role in the fall of esma'il Sidki ministry and the return of 1923 constitution, and his parlamanic activity in the congress in 1936.Chapter three tackled which was entitled "the political and ministerial activities of Mohammad Husain Haikal (1937 - 1945) for his role in heading for the ministries during this period of his political work and the most important achievements which he made in the state ministry, ministry of science and social affairs, and his role in the doubtful 1937 elections through the age of the state ministry in addition to his stance from some events which were witnessed by the country during his ministerial work and the heading of the party of the constitutional Ahrar and his role in making the ministry of Mustafa Al - Nahas ministry fall.Chapter four deal with the last (political patern of Mohammad Husain Haikal) 1945 - 1952). It deals with the stance of this person from the national case of Egypt, where it traces his stance in the last various states, beside his stance from the Palestine case, in addition to his banish from the head of the congress by issuring the laws of the Jun. 17 1950 and his stance from it and the case of the forget document in 1951 and his role in it and finally his stance from july 23 1952 revolution and the accompanied developments and his death in 1956.The study inferred the following : First : Mohammed Husain Haikal is consider one of the modern Egyptian renaissance thinkers, no two have doubt on his important role in arts and culture where he was the first who tackled about getting rid of the foreign effects on the Egyptian art which came as result of the successive colonizings for the country and asked for taking care to the civilized Egyptian culture and activating its study in the officers of science and culture in the country and he was the first who put the bases of the Egyptian art by issuing his first long novel in artistic Egyptian history and the Arabic one and the novel came with new topics, style and new contents so it was like a rise to break the barriers of old fashions and he opened the gate for his generation colleagues to speak about many social issues and especially the forbidden ones in the sight of the society.Second : Mohammed Husain Haikal was brilliant student of the school of Ahmed Lutfi Al - Sayed and Al - Jaredah newspaper so he worked in it early and affected with the principles of freedom and the Egyptian nationality and raise their play and defend them. Third : the pattern of Mohammed Husein Haikal in press was distinguished and freed from the old line which characterized the press of that era and at the time when the attack was severe on press and art to the artists to be considered as disbelievers Mohammed Husain Haikal wrote bold articles where he tackled about women rights and making her work like man which made him criticized by the old generation and consider him as disbeliever and socialism and women rights were the idioms which were depart no of Mohammed husein Haikal articles, and as example of his believing in his principles of freedom and woman rights he participated with a group of his colleagues of modernized writers in issuing newspaper named Al - Sofoor and that made severe crisis in society and they were described as disbelievers.Fourth : Mohammad Husain Haikal defend Egypt independently and raise the slogan "Egypt for Egyptian" and assure it in most of his articles and did not agree to connect Egypt to Ottoman or British states and despite the one who raised this slogan was Ahmed Lutfi Al - Sayed but he gave it away in his last days but Mohammed Husain Haikal insisted on it till the end of monarchy

سياسة المملكة العربية السعودية تجاه سوريا 1961 - 1973 : دراسة تاريخية == Saudi Arabia Policy Toward Syria 1961 - 1973 (Historical study)

اسم المؤلف: محمود حبيب سالم
اسم المشرف: ناظم رشم معتوق
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2017
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: ماجستير
الجامعة: جامعة البصرة
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: البصرة
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The subject of "Saudi Arabia's policy towards Syria between 1961 - 1973" is an important topic in contemporary Arab history. The period was characterized by many regional and international events and developments that naturally influenced the relations between the two countries. The first attempt at unity among the Arab countries One of which was Syria, as well as the war of Yemen in 1962, which had a great impact on the division of the Arab world into two blocs representing the first conservative countries led by Saudi Arabia and the second progressive countries led by Egypt, Syria has chosen to stand by the last bloc, The thesis absorbed attempts to restore unity between Syria and Egypt, in addition to Iraq, represented by the tripartite unity signed in 1963, which took revenge on the Riyadh government's fears and pushed it to work to abort it.Moreover, in 1966 King Faisal was active in calling for the formation of an Islamic alliance of Islamic states, which the Syrian government considered an extension of the Baghdad alliance (1955 - 1959), which it regarded as a tool of colonialism. Syria at a time whenit was in the internal Syrian is witnessing a power struggle between the poles of the Arab Baath party, which was in power. Also saw the mentioned period June war occurred in 1967 and the resulting implications for inter - relations between the Arab countries, including Syria and Saudi Arabia, as the dispute between the two countries on the policy to be taken towards Israel and relations with its supporting countries, especially United States one of the reasons for strained relations Between the two countries. In addition to the Palestinian guerrilla action and its reflection on the nature of the relationship between the two countries, this is represented by the events of Black September in 1970. Relations continued to deteriorate between Riyadh and Damascus until the corrective movement took place. The new Syrian leadership adopted a more moderate policy than its predecessor, and Hafiz al - Assad, who was in charge of improving Syria's relations with Arab countries, especially with Saudi Arabia, drove Syria out of political isolation. - Syria improved significantly until the war of October 1973 began to start a new chapter in relations between the two countries.The thesis was divided into an introduction, a preface, three chapters and a conclusion that included the most important conclusions reached by the researcher. Boot a historical review of the policy of Saudi Arabia towards Syria until 1961, guarantees, and political relations between the two countries, ranging from deterioration and improvement depending on the circumstances surrounding the two countries.The first chapter came entitled "The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia's policy toward Syria from 1961 until 1966" and encompassed three sections, taking the first : Saudi Arabia's policy toward Syria separation 28 / September 1961 coup until 1963 included the second : the position of Saudi Saudi Arabia from the coup of March 8, 1963 in Syria. The third topic was devoted to the study : political relations between Saudi Arabia and Syria from the tripartite unity talks 1963 to 1966.The second chapter was devoted to the study of the "tension of Saudi - Syrian political relations between 1966 and 1968." The era of relations between the two countries was marked by the crisis of relations between the two countries. The first chapter of this chapter was devoted to highlighting Syria's position on the Islamic alliance in 1966, Syria. The second topic was devoted to the study : Israeli Attacks on Syria and its Impact on Saudi - Syrian Relations from 1966 to the Six - Day War in 1967. The last topic to discuss the impact of the June 1967 war on Saudi - Syrian relations was the period of Arab and international events and developments, The nature of the relationship between the two countries. Finally, the third chapter was devoted to the study of "Saudi Arabia's policy towards Syria from 1968 to 1973". He dealt with three questions. The first dealt with the Saudi policy towards Syria 1968 - 1969. This stage was characterized by continuous tension in Saudi - Syrian relations. The second section examines the position of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia on the Syrian intervention in the creation of September in Jordan (September Black). The last section was devoted to shed light on : the corrective movement in Syria on 6/11/1970 and its impact on improving Saudi - Syrian relations until In 1973.The conclusion highlighted the findings of the letter by following the policy of Saudi Arabia towards Syria in the period under study.

موقف الحلفاء الولايات المتحدة الامريكية وبريطانيا من الاجتياح الالماني لاراضي الاتحاد السوفيتي 1491 - 1491 اعتمادا على الوثائق السوفيتية == Allies Stance - United States of America and United Kingdom - Against the German Sweep of the Lands of the Soviet Union (1941 - 1945) in the light of soviet documents

اسم المؤلف: محمد يعقوب يوسف
اسم المشرف: حيدر عبد الرضا حسن التميمي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: ماجستير
الجامعة: جامعة البصرة
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: البصرة
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: After WWII (1939 - 1945) , the allies had realised the risks at the political and economic levels in case of the over domination of the Nasists spreading out in Europe. Since then, they had started putting forward military tactics to stop the German sweep. Even much more, they had taken some serious steps taking advantage of the German announcement abolishing the treaty of friendship signed with the Soviet Union and the start of a large - scale military campaign to invade its territory on the 22nd of June 1941.Although the Soviet army was reluctant to resist the German invasion of their territory, the German forces took control of several important Soviet cities such as Stalingrad, which had led to several military campaigns to overthrow Moscow. The United States of America and Britain were deeply concerned about the growing Nazi threat to their interests and their influence in the region. So they decided to provide the military and political support necessary for the Soviet leadership of Hitler's expansionist plans in the Soviet Union. Accordingly, Washington had started to strengthen its relations with Moscow by holding several meetings with representatives of the Soviet government to discuss the latest developments at the military level. The Britain, represented by the Prime Minister Winston Churchill had made an agreement with its counterpart the Soviet PM - Joseph Stalin to unite their military efforts in order to expel the Germans from the territory of the Soviet Union.The significance of the current study lies in answering the following controversial questions that remained unanswered in the study of this important era in the history of the world, namely : What is the official and non - official position of the allies of the German invasion of the territory of the Soviet Union? Did the above - mentioned allies (US administration and the UK) provide enough political and military support to the Soviet Union in order to expel the Germans from its territory?Due to the different explanations proposed by researchers in the field by giving a clear view of the American and British position on the German invasion of Soviet territory on the one hand, and the absence of any academic study - except for what was written about the history of the Second World War - in the Iraqi universities, we decided to examine the subject in question, utilizing the Soviet books and documents that are related to the study of World War II that could help to answer the research question.The nature of the study necessitates that the research plan is based on the historical sequence of events, except for some of the sections in the thesis. The study, thus, includes an introduction, four chapters and a conclusion.Chapter one presents the German invasion of the Soviet Union and the position of the Allies (June 1941 - November 1941). Chapter two highlights the position of the United States and Britain, considering the German invasion of the territory of the Soviet Union (22 June 1941 - December 1942(. Chapter three investigates the role of allies' conferences, in providing support to the Soviet Union (January 1943 - December 1943 . ( Chapter four discusses the position of the Allies of the Soviet victories over German forces and Stalin's demands at the Potsdam conference held in (1944 - 1945). Our most important conclusion is that the military and logistical assistance provided by the Allies played a major role in the Soviet resistance against the German invasion of their lands.

العراق في عهد الوالي العثماني محمد نامق باشا (1862 - 1868) == Iraq in the age of Namiq pasha (1862 - 1868)

اسم المؤلف: كاظم صبري لفتة الزركاني
اسم المشرف: باسم حمزة عباس
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2017
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: ماجستير
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: البصرة
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: اهتمت مؤسساتنا العلمية الاكاديمية بدراسة تاريخ العراق الحديث خلال العهد العثماني المباشر على العراق (1831 - 1914 )، وتصدر ذلك الاهتمام دراسته من كل الجوانب خلال حقب ارتبطت ببعض الولاة العثمانيين الذين حكموا ايالات العراق كالوالي على رضا اللاظ والوالي مدحت باشا ، فضلا عن الدراسات الاخرى التي اهتمت بالجوانب والاصلاحات العثمانية في ايالة بغداد ، خلال حقبة ( 1831 - 1869 ) وقد تناولت عدة جوانب منها سياسية واقتصادية واجتماعية ، في الحقبة المذكورة الا انهم لم يسلطوا الضوء على دور محمد نامق باشا كوالي للعراق والتي حدثت تطورات كبيرة في مختلف المجالات وقد اولاها الباحثون الاهتمام القليل في دراساتهم. جاء سبب اختيارنا للموضوع ( العراق في عهد الوالي العثماني محمد نامق باشا 1862 - 1868 ) ، لانه ليس هناك دراسة اكاديمية تناولته ، وحتى الباحثون الذين درسوا فترة القرن التاسع عشر تناولوا اجزاء من التطورات التي حدثت ، وعلى الرغم من كثرة وتعدد الكتابة في هذا المجال فان هناك فترات لم تنل الاهتمام المطلوب وذلك الاسباب كثيرة ربما ابرزها هو تردد الباحثين بتناولها خشية كفايه المعلومات المتوفرة حولها الامر الذي يجعلها لا ترتقي الى مستوى الدرجة العلمية التي يبتغي الباحث الحصول عليها . كما ان تلك الشخصية والمتمثلة بنامق باشا تعتبر على قدر من الاهمية وذلك لما لها من ظهور بارز ليس في ايالات العراق فحسب بل تعدى ذلك الدور ليشمل مجموعة من ايالات الدولة العثمانية وهذا جعله من الشخصيات البارزة خلال النصف الثاني من القرن التاسع عشر فضلا عن ادارته المتميزة في ولايته الثانية للعراق وهي موضوع الدراسة. تناولت هذه الدراسة مقدمة واربعة فصول وخاتمة. تناول الفصل الاول ( الاوضاع السياسية والاقتصادية والاجتماعية منذ انتهاء حكم المماليك حتى ولاية محمد نامق باشا 1831 - 1862) ، تضمن المبحث الاول ( الاوضاع السياسية ) وقد ركز على نهاية حكم المماليك في العراق ، وعودة الحكم العثماني على ايالة بغداد ، وربطها بالادارة المركزية ، وبداية اصطدام الدولة العثمانية بالعشائر في ايالة بغداد وتوابعها ، واتسمت تلك الحقبة بالفساد في الادارة العثمانية في ايالات العراق ، وكذلك قوة شوكة العشائر ، اما المبحث الثاني فقد جاء بعنوان ( الاوضاع الاقتصادية ) وتحدث عن سوى الاوضاع الاقتصادية في العراق ، وانتشار الاوبئة والامراض ، وثقل الضرائب على السكان ، كما تناول استحداث بعض الوظائف العثمانية في ايالة بغداد ، وقيام بعض الولاة باصلاحات في المجال الاقتصادي ، وتحسين حالة الفلاحين ، وتطرق الى بعض الحرف التي ظهرت في العراق ، وصناعة العراق ، وكذلك تناول تجارة العراق وطرق نقلها ، فضلا عن صادرات العراق ، اما المبحث الثالث فجاء بعنوان ( الجيش والاوضاع الاجتماعية في العراق ) وقد تحدث عن اهمية المؤسسة العسكرية العثمانية ودورها في حفظ الامن في ايالة بغداد ، واقسامها ، اضف الى ذلك اوضاع العراق العامة وما اصابها من اهمال ، وتدهور اوضاع السكان الصحية والتعليمية في النصف الاول من القرن التاسع عشر. اما الفصل الثاني فقد سلط الضوء على ( الاوضاع السياسية والعسكرية في العراق خلال ولاية محمد نامق باشا 1862 - 1868 ) ، وقد تضمن ثلاثة مباحث تناول المبحث الاول منها ( حياة محمد نامق باشا وتدرجة في المناصب ) ، تناول هذا المبحث حياته ودراسته ، وتدرجه في المناصب العسكرية وتوليه منصب الوالي لعدد من الايالات العربية . اما المبحث الثاني ( الاوضاع السياسية في العراق خلال ولاية محمد نامق باشا 1862 - 1868) ، وتناول اعمال نامق باشا السياسية التي اختلفت عن ولايته الاولى ، واضراب العشائر التي امتنعت عن دفع الضرائب ، وارسال الحملات العسكرية المتكررة الى وسط وجنوب العراق على العشائر، وتحويلها الى مراكز ادارية تتبع الحكومة المركزية، وتحويل المشيخة الى وظيفة حكومية . اما المبحث الثالث ( الاوضاع العسكرية في العراق 1862 - 1868 ) ، فتحدث عن اهمية المؤسسة العسكرية العثمانية في العراق ، وتاسيس الجيش السادس في العراق ودوره في بسط السيطرة العثمانية على ايالات العراق ، وتقسيمات وصنوف الجيش السادس ، ومحاولات تطبيق التجنيد الاجباري . بينما جاء الفصل الثالث بعنوان ( الاوضاع الاقتصادية في العراق خلال ولاية محمد نامق باشا 1862 - 1868 ) ، وقسم الى ثلاثة مباحث ، تناول الاول منها ( تطور الطرق والمواصلات خلال ولاية محمد نامق باشا ) ، اذ كانت الطرق والمواصلات في النصف الاول من القرن التاسع عشر كسابق عهدها في مسالة الاهمال ، الا ان النصف الثاني من القرن التاسع عشر شهد اهتمام الدولة العثمانية والدول الاوربية بوسائل النقل المختلفة نتيجة تطور الصناعة والتجارة وازدياد الطلب على المواد الاولية الاستهلاكية التي كانت ايالات العراق تنتجها وازدياد الطلب عليها في اوربا ، لذا سعت الدول الاوربية للبحث عن طرق جديده لربط الشرق بالغرب بواسطة طرق النقل والتجارة ، بينما كرس المبحث الثاني ( الزراعة ) ، وتطرق هذا المبحث الى الاوضاع الزراعية وما يرتبط بمنتوجات ايالات العراق والطرق المستخدمة في زراعة المحاصيل والخضروات والانواع التي تنتجها . اما المبحث الثالث ( الصناعة والتجارة ) ، تميزت الصناعة في النصف الثاني من القرن التاسع عشر بتطور ملحوظ عما كانت عليه في النصف الاول من القرن المذكور وظهرت صناعات محلية تميزت بجودتها ونافست الصناعات الاوربية وتميزت كل منطقة بنوع من الصناعات ، واخذت التجارة بالتطور والانفتاح على السوق الخارجية وذلك بسبب تطور الطرق والمواصلات وازدياد الطلب على السلع العراقية والمواد الاولية التي تدخل في الصناعة . اما الفصل الرابع فقد جاء بعنوان ( الاوضاع الاجتماعية والعمرانية والنفوذ الاجنبي في العراق خلال ولاية محمد نامق باشا 1862 - 1868 ) ، وقسم الى ثلاثة مباحث ، تضمن المبحث الاول ( الاوضاع الاجتماعية ) ، وقد ركز على طبيعة المجتمع العراقي وتركيبه الاجتماعي ووضع المراة والاوضاع الثقافية والتعليم والحالة الصحية خلال ولاية محمد نامق باشا .اما المبحث الثاني ( الاوضاع العمرانية ) ، وتطرق هذا المبحث الى الحالة العمرانية في العراق ونشاة بعض المدن كمدينة العمارة والعزيزية والاعمال العمرانية في الاضرحة المقدسة والترميم الذي جرى فيها ، وبناء المعسكرات . اما المبحث الثالث ( النفوذ الاجنبي في العراق ) ، وتناول اهتمام الدول الاوربية في العراق من اجل تحقيق مصالحها واستثمار رؤوس الاموال الاجنبية في العراق عن طريق انشاء الشركات التجارية . اعتمدت الدراسة على مجموعة متنوعة من المصادر تراوحت مابين الوثائق المنشورة والرسائل والاطاريح الجامعية والكتب العربية والمعربة والاجنبية وتاتي في مقدمتها الوثائق المنشورة سالدانة والكتب الوثائقية وكان اهمها ديلك قايا ، كربلاء في الارشيف العثماني 1840 - 1876، وغيرها من المصادر الوثائقية المهمة. كما اعتمدت الدراسة على مجموعة كبيرة من الدراسات الاكاديمية ( الرسائل والاطاريح الجامعية ) ، وكان ابرزها محمد عصفور سلمان العراق في عهد الوالي مدحت باشا ( 1869 - 1872 ) ، ورسالة محمد نوري مهدي ، الاصلاحات العثمانية وتاثيرها على الادارة (1831 - 1869) ، ورسالة نيزك عبدالكريم سعيد ، الادارة العثمانية في ايالة بغداد ( 1831 - 1869) ، وغيرها من الدراسات الاكاديمية التي امدت الموضوع بمعلومات قيمة . كما اعتمد الباحث على مجموعة كبيرة من الكتب العربية والمعربة كمصدر مهم لتوثيق الحقائق الواردة في الدراسة ، وهي متنوعة ومختلفة الاراء والاتجاهات بحسب دوافع وتوجهات كل كاتب ، ونشير الى اهم الكتب التي استند اليها الباحث وهي ، الاب سهيل قاشا ، الموصل في القرن التاسع عشر 1839 - 1909 ، وكذلك مؤلف الاستاذ عبد العزيز سليمان نوار ، تاريخ العراق الحديث ، ومؤلف جعفر الخياط ، صور من تاريخ العراق ، ستيفن هيمسلي لونكريك ، اربع قرون من تاريخ العراق الحديث ، وكذلك ج.ج. لوريمر ، دليل الخليج القسم التاريخي منها والجغرافي ، وكذلك مؤلفات يعقوب سركيس . اما المجلات فقد رفدت الدراسة بمعلومات عن العراق خلال ولاية نامق باشا الثانية ، علي كامل حمزة ، الحلة في عهد الوزراء العثمانيين 1831 - 1869 دراسة في الاحوال السياسية مجلة كلية التربية للعلوم الانسانية جامعة بابل ، وكذلك حازم مجيد احمد ، الصراع والتمرد العشائري واثره على الاقتصاد العراقي 1850 - 1914 ، مجلة سامراء ، وغيرها من البحوث المهمة. لقد واجه الباحث في اثناء الدراسة معوقات كثيرة تكاد لا تخلو منها اي دراسة اكاديمية وياتي في مقدمتها ، ندرة المعلومات عن الفترة المدروسة بين 1862 - 1868 ، وغيرها من الصعوبات الاخرى كمثل عدم القدرة الى الوصول لمدينة الموصل الحدباء تلك المدينة التي تعتبر غنية بمصادر التاريخ العثماني ، وعلى الرغم من ذلك حاول الباحث تذليل الصعوبات واعطاء الدراسة استحقاقها مع مراعاة التسلسل الزمني ووحدة الموضوع ، فان هذا لا يعني ان البحث يخلو من الاخطاء غير المقصودة ، فجل من لا يخطئ ، وارجو ان اكون قد وفقت في اعداد هذه الدراسة على نحو يرضي مشرفي واعضاء لجنة المناقشة ، شاكرا جهودها واكمال نواقصها والله ولي التوفيق. | Our academic institutions and studies have shown clear - cut interest in studying the modern history of Iraq during the direct Ottoman rule of Iraq (1831 - 1914). The reason for our choice (Iraq under the Ottoman Governor Muhammad Namiq Basha 1862 - 1868), is the shortage of research covering this field. The nineteenth century dealt with parts of the developments that occurred at that time, and despite the multiplicity of writing in this area, there are periods that did not receive the attention required, for many reasons, perhaps the most prominent is the reluctance of researchers to address it for fear of insufficient information available around, such topics.This personality, represented by Namiq Basha, is considered of a paramount importance because of his prominent appearance not only in Iraq, but also in the Ottoman State, which made him of a special prominent figure during the second half of the nineteenth century as well as his outstanding management in his second term for Iraq. It is the subject of the study. This study is of an introduction, four chapters and a conclusion.The first chapter is devoted to the end of the rule of the rulers (Mamalik) in Iraq, the return of the Ottoman rule to Iraq, and its connection with the central administration. It also discloses the poor economic situation in Iraq, burden of taxes on the population, reforms by some governors in the economic sphere, and the situation of peasants. It has spoken out about the importance of the Ottoman military establishment and its role in maintaining security in the Baghdad area. As to the second chapter, it has highlighted the (political and military conditions in Iraq during the reign of Namiq Basha 1862 - 1868). It has revealed the life of Namiq Basha and his appointments to the posts and his political works which differed from his first rule, and punishment of tribes that refrained from paying taxes. Moreover, it sheds light on the importance of the Ottoman military establishment in Iraq, the establishment of the Sixth Army in Iraq and its role in the extension of the Ottoman control on the Iraqi regions.While the third chapter entitled "The economic Situation in Iraq During the Reign of Namiq Basha 1862 - 1868" is well discussed , because the second half of the nineteenth century saw the interest of the Ottoman Empire and the European countries in various means of transport as a result of the development of industry and trade and increased demand for consumable raw materials that were produced in the Iraq regions.Besides, it makes a mention to the agricultural situation and all that is related to the products of Iraq's regions, and how the industry was characterized with in the second half of the nineteenth century, and emergence local industries characterized by quality competing European industries.The fourth chapter, entitled "Social and Urban Conditions and Foreign Influence in Iraq during the Period of Namiq Basha 1862 - 1868", has studied the nature of Iraqi society, the social structure, the status of women, cultural conditions, education and health status during the period of Muhammad Namiq Basha. And it has made a reference to the emergence of some cities such as the city of Amara and Aziza, the construction of the holy shrines and the construction of camps. Finally it addresses the issue of how European countries have drawn their attention to Iraq to achieve their interests

الطيران المدني العراقي 1933 - 1979 : دراسة تاريخية == Iraqi Civil Aviation (1933 - 1979)A Historical Study )

اسم المؤلف: فلاح حسن عاتي البهادلي
اسم المشرف: ياسين طه ياسين الهارون
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: ماجستير
الجامعة: جامعة البصرة
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: البصرة
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The present study focusses on civil aviation in Iraq to show its importance in the history of Iraq especially in keeping up with the global developments and international relations. It consists of an introduction, four chapters and a conclusion. The first chapter introduces civil aviation. It reviews the establishment and development of civil aviation in the world, focusing on the development of civil aviation in Britain and the beginnings of its entry into Iraq until 1932.The second chapter covers the role of Britain in the establishment of civil airports in Iraq between 1933 and 1939. It tackles how Britain has used its military airports for civil purposes. It also discusses the establishment of civil airports in Baghdad and Basrah through the cooperation between Iraq and Britain.The third chapter deals with Iraqi civil aviation between the outbreak of the Second World War in 1939 and the fall of the Monarchy in 1958. Moreover, it touches on the impact of the Second World War on the activity of that aviation. Particularly, it emphasizes the development of the aviation after that war when a new stage has been established for the Iraqi Airways through the development of civil aviation at the international level. The fourth chapter reviews the development of civil aviation between 1958 - 1979. It tries to explain the effect of political developments in Iraq following the fall of the Monarchy in 1958 and its impact on civil aviation. It then comments on the development of civil aviation at the national and international levels during the first Republican Era (1958 - 1968) and the second Republican Era (1968 - 1979). The Study ends up with a number of conclusions

القزلباش ودورهم العسكري والسياسي في ايران 1500 - 1629 == The Kizilbash And Their Military And Political Role In Iran 1500 - 1629 AD

اسم المؤلف: شهد عبد الرزاق محمد
اسم المشرف: مشعل مفرح ظاهر العونان
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: ماجستير
الجامعة: جامعة البصرة
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: البصرة
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The Iranian studies have been major focus of many Iraqi researchers, and it was for many reasons including geographical proximity, ease of travel to Iran, visit Iranian libraries, and can be utilized and accessing books, and many other factors, the subject of QIZILBASH and their political and military role in Iran during 1500 - 1629 AD is considered from the subjects that assumed its importance from the importance of the state exitance itself of being THE FIRST that had arisen in Iran during the modern times, and QIZILBASH are the pillars of that state, they had been a huge role of its formation by their standing with SHAH ISMAIL THE FIRST and their assistant of SAFAVID statehood and consolidation, therefore the study of QIZILBASH have made on the political and military levels, many of political and events and developments during that time, reveals about the nature of those tribes, their numbers and how they did join to the SAFAVID state, and then engaged them to SAFAVID state politically and military during holding administrative and military positions in the SAFAVID state, where the thesis discusses many important events during that time with the QIZILBASH were for many times had an important role in it, where those events represent by rebel movement and separation who they are part of Qizilbash, and another part had eliminated it, besides, they undertake to take power effectively and they cancelled the role of SAFAVID SHAHAT and limiting them on the nominal power only, as it happened during both the SHAH ISMAIL the second and MOHAMMAD KHODABANDA eras even they forced him to abdicate to SHAH ABBAS THE GREAT, therefore we chose to study them in detail to know about their influence on the SAFAVID society and SAFAVID state. Starting from there huge role in SHAH ISMAIL SAFAVID era towards SHAH ABBAS THE GREAT era and2downsizing their role and establish an alternative army of them known as “SHAHSYOON”.Based on the foregoing, the letter is divided into three chapters preceding a study of important reasons of research, in preparation for it, followed by conclusion, appendixes, resource list and references, which they made a preparation entitled a “Geography of QIZILBASH home”, and I have addressed many subjects which the first one was the geography of QIZILBASH home which it has the famous cities which they stayed at it and they appeared from it inside every tribe separately. Then spoke about the modern mini - states of those tribes and the role of each of emergence of appearing of QIZILBASH tribes on the political drama.First Chapter : It comes under the heading of appearance of SAFAVID state, I was addressing the introduction of this chapter, the founders of SAFAVID state from SAFI ADDIN ARDABILI to SHAH IMAIL THE FIRST then I have addressed the role of the QIZILBASH about installation the SHAH ISMAIL THE FIRST on the throne and then elimination on the internal rebellion in his era access to conducting them the Battle of CHALDIRAN in 1514 with the Ottoman Empire.Second Chapter : It is addressing the political situations after Battle of CHALDIRAN access to installation of SHAH TAHMASP THE FIRST on the thrown and then we address the role of SHAH TAHMASP about his struggle against Qizilbash, and then the conflict of QIZILBASH at the end of the life of SHAH TAHMASP THE FIRST access to SHAH ABBAS THE FIRST.3Third Chapter : It is addressing SHAH ABBAS THE GREAT and how he was establishing an alternative army of the QIZILBASH and resizing their influence, and then addresses the important positions that existed in the SAFAVID state during 1500 - 1629 A.D.In conclusion, I have addressed a presentation of the most remarkable results that I figured it out and issues I have discussed. The French researcher well - known Rojer SAVORY and his researches, live a book “My investigation in the Iran SAFAVID era history” (collections of essays) which had been translated and commented on it by : ABBAS QUILI GHAFARI and MOHAMMED BAQIR ARAM and their book of “Iran under the SAFAVID” or “Iran under SAFAVID” and SAVORY is a specialist of SAFAVID studies, so he enriched the thesis which most its pages covered with important information.Most importantly “The administrative institutions of SAFAVID governments”, also a book of “History of Persia” by Sir PERCY SYKES the author reviewed the history of Iran generally, also the book of “The fall of the SAFAVID dynasty and the AFGHAN occupation of Persia” by LAURENCE LOCKHART, and the professor LOCKHART if from the specialist Iran history studies and his book almost from the important studies which have presented about analysis of SAFAVIDs state collapse and he wrote many essays about the Persian army in the SAFAVID times, and Persian cities.Accordingly, sources have confirmed the historical importance of QIZILBASH in the SAFAVID state at both on the political and military levels by providing us with valuable and important information about political and military influence in the SAFAVID state from its very beginning until beginning of SHAH ABBAS THE GREAT era , collapse their influence and reducing their numbers.

دور عبد الحسين الجلبي السياسي في العراق 1921 - 1939 == The political Role of Abdul Hussein Alchalabi in Iraq (1877 - 1939)

اسم المؤلف: سيف معتز عمر المناصير
اسم المشرف: انور جاسب شنته الطريف
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2017
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: ماجستير
الجامعة: جامعة البصرة
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: البصرة
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: This thesis studies the life and character of the late diseased Abdul Hussein AlChalbi, a prominent merchant from a wealth family, known for its merchandise in Kadhumiaya. He was one of the fifteen delegates, wo met with the General Secretary of the Civil Governor to help Iraqi people achieve what they have long hoped for; namely forming a national government. Alchalabi held several ministerial positions in the Iraqi government during the reign of Kink Faisal and King Ghazi. He was also prominent figure when the Iraqi government was once established during the royal era. He was also a well - known academic figure who had played a significant role in promoting knowledge and education. Since then, the Iraqi government was under the British mandate and it was in a badly need for such figures to fill the ministerial formations with people to which they show obedience and loyalty, for the development of the political process and for the common good.The current study comprises an introductory part and it is fallen under three main chapters : the first chapter consists of three sections, and the second and third chapters consist of two sections each and a concluding part. His autobiography, character, qualities and his stand in the elimination of the massive Wahhabist influences in Iraq in the 1920s by Faisal AlDoweish, and the supports he showed for the Iraqi government are discussed in chapter one. This chapter also highlights the establishment of the Iraqi national party. Alchalabi was one of the influential founding bodies to get an approval from the Iraqi government for the establishment of the Iraqi National party, he is a member of the Alahad part as well.The second chapter sheds light on the ministries that were taken over during his inauguration in the Iraqi ministries, including the Ministry ofAbstractBEducation, which was filled eight times : the first in 1922; the second in March 1925; the third in June 1925, the fourth in September 1929, the fifth in November 1929, the sixth and the seventh in October 1931; and the eighth one in March 1935. The Ministry of Telecommunication that was taken over in between 1925 and 1926, the Ministry of Agriculture, which was taken over twice in the first 1927, and the second per procuration in 1930. These years, during the period of his administration, were characterized by extraordinary achievements that aimed to contribute clearly to the political, economic and social construction of the public interest and the Iraqi government in particular.The third chapter discusses Alchalabi's political role in terms of the House of Representatives and his vital participation in the approval and vote in many of the legislations that were being deliberated by members of the House of Representatives, for the first electoral cycle on 16 July 1925 - 28 January 1928, as member of the chamber of Deputies for the second round of elections on 19 May 1928 - 1 July 1930, and as a member of the Chamber of Deputies for the third election session on 1 November 1930 - 4. This chapter also exposes the role of Abdul Hussain Chalabi in the senate and his presidency of the financial and economic committees in approving and rejecting the regulations that are circulated by the members of the senate, where he was a member of the senate from November 1933 until his death on the 11th of March 1939

السياسة الاميركية تجاه القضية الكورية 1945 - 1950 : دراسة تاريخية == American Policy toward the Korean Issue 1945 - 1950 : A Historical Study

اسم المؤلف: سوسن عبد المجيد شهاب المحمد
اسم المشرف: ابراهيم فنجان صدام الامارة
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: ماجستير
الجامعة: جامعة البصرة
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: البصرة
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The Korean issue is regarded one of the vital and most important issues in modern and contemporary history which embodied the confrontation and international conflict in what is called "The Cold War" between the Communist and Western camps. Previous studies that dealt with the modern and contemporary history of Korea focused on war between the two Koreas and never tackled the Korean events and trends between 1945 - 1950 which is considered one of the hardest and most critical periods in Korean history that led to the division of Korea and the outbreak of war between its people, a division that continued till the present day. The thesis consists of an introduction, four chapters, a conclusion, and appendices. Chapter one deals with the American foreign policy toward Korea 1866 - 1945. The chapter is divided into two sections : section one deals with the American interest in the Korean peninsula 1866 - 1910, while section two focuses on planning for the policy of joint occupation in Korea 1941 - 1945. Chapter two is devoted to study the US administration in South Korea 1945 - 1947 and consists of two sections : section one centers on the US or American military occupation policy in South Korea, whereas section two deals with the American role in Moscow Conference and the Soviet - American Committee. Chapter three deals with the American efforts to settle the Korean case in the United Nations 1947 - 1948. It is also divided into two sections : section one deals with the American role in inserting the Korean issue in the United Nations General Assembly's agenda, while section two deals with the American project and its role in establishing the republic of South Korea and Democratic People's Republic of Korea. Finally, the policy of the United States toward the interior developments in Korea 1948 - 1950 was the main concern of chapter four which is, in turn, divided into two sections : section one concentrates on the role and influence of the United States on the internal circumstances of South Korea, whereas section two is devoted to study the American military and economical supports to the republic of South Korea. In conclusion, the situation in Korea 1945 - 1950 represents a miniature of the situation in the world which was divided into two groups : western and eastern. The Korean War forms the first image of the cold war as it was not just a war between the two republics of Korea, but between the west led by the United States and the east represented by the Soviet Union. It was a war between two different systems and political ideologies.

الاحزاب البرلمانية في العراق 1925 - 1935 : حزب الوحدة الوطنية نموذجا == Parliamentary Parties in Iraq 1921 - 1935 : National Unity Party as an Example

اسم المؤلف: رقية سلمان عبد الكريم عبد الواحد العيسى
اسم المشرف: فاروق صالح العمر
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: ماجستير
الجامعة: جامعة البصرة
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: البصرة
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: During the last Ottoman era, Iraq witnessed the formation of various parties and associations that had been active in the political arena. The events of the First World War, the declaration of the British Mandate on Iraq in April, and the resulting political and military developments, most notably (thawratl cshreen) the revolution of the twentieth ,the subsequent events , great results in the partisan life and the public opinion in the country had led to the establishment of the provisional government (The first Naqeebi goverment) and the proclamation of the monarchy in Iraq after the inauguration of Prince Faisal bin al - Hussein as King of Iraq on August 23, 1921 provided the opportunity for opposition and government political parties to engage in politics and its affairs. Amongst these parties was the National Unity Party, Which was approved on 6 December 1934 and which is the subject of the study.The National Unity Party was formed during the accession of Ali Jawdat Al - Ayoubi as prime minister in 1934. In fact, the purpose of its establishment is to support himself in ruling the country and to stand against the opposition, which was led by the National Brotherhood Party. The period during which the party was formed was a critical period in which movements and tribal uprisings that took place during the period 1934 - 1935 during which the tribal force became a deterrent force used in politics, and in overthrowing governments and a manifestation of the loss of stability in Iraq.bThe study consists of an introduction, three chapters and a conclusion as well as a number of appendices.Chapter one which is entitled Iraq Political Development is of two sections : the first deals with the British occupation of Iraq and the movements which took place in the Iraqi cities to combat this occupation ; the second touched upon the beginning of the partisan life in Iraq and the parties and associations that emerged after the legislation of the law of establishing of associations.Chapter two which is entitled Parliamentary Parties 1925 - 1935, was divided into two sections. The first deals with the parliamentary parties 1925 - 1930 and Britain's goal of implementing the parliamentary system in Iraq. The second section deals with the political parties 1930 - 1935 , the first of which is the Iraqi Covenant Party ( hizbl - ahadl - craqi) which was formed on October 13, 1930 was established by Noori Al - Saeed after being a prime minister, the second is the National Brotherhood Party led by Yaseen Al - Hashmi the opposing party to Noori Al - Saeed government. The two parties were approved by the ministry of interior in the same month. The chapter then ended in how the Brotherhood Party became the ruling party.Chapter three with the title The National Unity Party and the Formation of Al - Ayoubi Government is the subject upon which the study is built. It consists of two sections, the first deals with the first government of Al - Ayoubi which was formed on August 27 , 1934 , its most achievements, the reasons beyond its establishment, the general attitude towards it, its plans, the inner system of the party, and the founders of the party who lacked Political consensus. The second section touched upon the tribal movements which were the results of several factors most notably, the personal conflict between thecpolitical leaders and the political opposition; this of course had led to the emergence of two blocsstruggling to win power; it had also led to the division of the tribes, each supports a political bloc against the other.As required by the historical research approach, the conclusion is devoted to presenting the most important findings of the research followed by a followed by a list of sources and references that were used in writing this research. The forefront of them are the works of my supervisor Professor Farouk Saleh Al - Omar of which is his book entitled the Partisan Life between the two Wars; the Political Parties in Iraq 1921 - 1932. This is in addition to the works of Abdulrazaq Al - Hassani of which are History of the Iraqi Political Parties and Iraq during the Periods of British Occupation and Mandatory which is of two volumes. This is in addition to theses, dissertations, newspapers, magazines, encyclopedias, translated books which all helped enrich the work with valuable information.

سعود الفيصل ودوره في السياسة الخارجية السعودية حتى عام 1989 == Saud Al - Faisal And his role in Policy Foreign Saudia Even Year 1989

اسم المؤلف: وائل ناصر حسين الاسماعيلي
اسم المشرف: عبد الرسول شهيد عجمي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: ماجستير
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: ذي قار
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: Some political figures have had significant impact on their successes both at home and abroad, but foreign policy is of paramount importance because of the high profile of international relations that benefits their countries and earns a global reputation. And an international stand which then qualifies it to manage the various crises and to search for its solution and lead its parties to ensure that they have the role of the mentor, planner and player in the basis of imposing his will on everyone. Therefore, achieving this is not easy and requires the external affairs of each country to have a foreign minister with extraordinary qualifications, able to map the foreign policy of his country. This may apply to the subject of the study, Saud al - Faisal.We divided the study into an introduction, five chapters and a conclusion. The researcher touched on the first chapter of the biography of Prince Saud al - Faisal since his birth, his studies, his studies and his series in the positions until he became a foreign minister in 1975. Prince Saud al - Faisal began his work in the ministry on October 13, In 1975, to start his journey in the Saudi Foreign Ministry to continue for forty years.The second chapter was titled : The Rise of Saudi Arabia's Role in the Arab World and the Efforts of Saud al - Faisal to End the Lebanese Civil War and Follow - up the Palestinian Cause 1975 - 1989. The first topic dealt with the emergence of the Saudi role in the Arab arena and the weakness of the Egyptian role. The third was the follow - up of Saud al - Faisal to the Palestinian cause from 1975 - 1989, through the Saudi interest in Jerusalem and the Palestinian issue 1975 - 1978, and the position of the Saudi Foreign Ministry on the Camp David Accords (1978 - 1979). , As well as the efforts of S. Dr. Faisal in support of the Palestinian cause 1980 - 1989 .The third chapter deals with how the Saudi foreign affairs deal with some issues related to Saudi security , beginning with the Yemeni issue, which posed a serious threat to the Saudi - Yemeni border, 1975 - 1989, and the Saudi support for North Yemenagainst the South. The second topic highlighted the issue of security of the Arabian Gulf in foreign policy practices Saudi Arabia, through the importance of the security of the Arabian Gulf in the Saudi thinking, as well as the Arab projects for the security of the Arab Gulf 1975 - 1980, including the Riyadh Declaration 1975, the First Muscat Conference 1976, the Second Muscat Conference 1977 , The Saudi position on the Iraqi - Iranian war 1980 - 1988, represented by Saud al - Faisal's vision of the developments of the Iran - Iraq war 1980 - 1981, as well as the efforts of Saud al - Faisal in establishing the Gulf Cooperation Council 1981, after sensing the Iranian threat to the security of the Persian Gulf, The great role of Prince Saud al - Faisal in ending the Iran - Iraq War 1982 - 1988, which was identified through his visits to Baghdad and Tehran, as well as the multiple meetings with the Secretary - General of the United Nations and success in his efforts through the issuance of United Nations resolutions to stop the war start with issuance of 598, And others .The fourth chapter bore the title : The role of Saud al - Faisal in the directions of Saudi foreign policy towards the regional countries (Iran and Turkey). The first topic on the Saudi foreign affairs and Iran came from the convergence of divergence 1975 - 1989 , The second topic focused on Saudi - Turkish relations in light of regional changes 1975 - 1989 , beginning with the 1973 oil crisis and its impact on the Turkish orientation towards the Persian Gulf until 1979, as well as the Turkish position on the Iranian revolution and its repercussions on the Saudi - Turkish relations, and then on Turkey's position on the 1979 Camp David Agreement and its relationship with Israel. Finally, the Turkish position on the Iran - Iraq war and its impact on the continuation of cooperation between Saudi Arabia and Turkey 1980 - 1989 .Chapter 5 : The leadership of Saud al - Faisal explained to the Saudi foreign policy toward the major countries (the United States and the Soviet Union), through issues of common interest in the field of foreign work, points of convergence and differences in dealing with both countries, and then the conclusion sources .The study reached the conclusion that Prince Saud al - Faisal was a difficult figure for Saudi diplomacy, and continued in his meetings and meetings with officials to solve the problems of the region and the world, and realized what to deal with the Arab and international problems, he was able to keep his country from entering into any war, For his important role in highlighting Saudi Arabia externally and as the most important party in the overall details of the region and the world .

كباشي السعد 1866 - 1929م : دراسة تاريخية

اسم المؤلف: رائد محمد لزم
اسم المشرف: انور جاسب شنته الطريف
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: ماجستير
الجامعة: جامعة البصرة
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: البصرة
الصفحات الاولى:

جيش لبنان الجنوبي (1976 - 2000) : دراسة تاريخية == South Lebanon Army (1976 - 2000) Historical study

اسم المؤلف: حسين زغير عيدان العمري
اسم المشرف: صالح جعيول جويعد السراي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: ماجستير
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: ذي قار
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The Lebanese civil war is one of the most important events that broke into the state of modern Lebanon. It was dangerous because it really embodied what the Lebanese society was suffering from sectarian and religious division in all its strata. also the war was serious because Lebanon became a place of regional, Arab and international disputes. The interests of States were different among themselves while everyone wants to achieve in the Lebanese territory. In the light of the foregoing, Israel worked to inflame this war to achieve its ambitions for the south of Lebanon by forming the southern Lebanon Army to serve as a tool in south Lebanon for the period between 1976 - 2000 by creating a human barrier separating the resistance in south Lebanon and Israeli settlements, This is why we chose this subject for our study, which consists of the introduction and preface, which was devoted to the study of " Zionist ambitions towards southern Lebanon until 1975" that highlighting the roots of Zionist ambitions and efforts to annex southern Lebanon to occupied Palestine. The researcher has an accurate picture of the drawings.The first chapter was entitled "Establishment of the southern Lebanon Army 1976 - 1979". It was divided into two sections. The first section included the beginnings of the establishment of the southern Lebanon Army (1976 - 1978) and The second section dealt with the formation of the South Lebanon Army 1978 - 1979. This chapter represents from the important chapters at the establishment phase of the South Lebanon Army and this stage witnessed many events, the most important of which was the Israeli invasion of southern Lebanon in 1987 and the expansion of this army. The second chapter, entitled "The escalation of the South Lebanon Army activity 1979 - 1984" The first section dealt with the Declaration of the Free State of Lebanon and the internal and external position , The second section was devoted to the role of the (SLA) and the developments in Lebanon, including its participation in the Israeli invasion of 1982, its role in the Sabra and Shatila massacre, and its location in the May 17, 1983 agreement.The third chapter was entitled "The decline of the activity of the southern Lebanon Army 1984 - 1989". The first section included the emergence of the Lebanese resistance and its stages of development. The second section was to explain the military role of the Lebanese resistance and its impact on the decline of the activity of the southern Lebanon Army. The fourth chapter deals two sections the first section include with the military role of Hezbollah in the collapse of the southern Lebanon Army, while the second section deals with the local and regional situation and its impact on the collapse of the southern Lebanon Army and the Israeli withdrawal from South Lebanon in 2000, and Disintegration of the South Lebanon Army. Finally, we can say that the southern Lebanon Army (Israel) acted as an instrument in southern Lebanon throughout the course of the study, but failed to achieve the plan's objective because of the emergence of the Lebanese resistance Which destroyed Israeli security. This led to the adoption of a role for the United Nations in protecting its borders Northern.

الخطاب السياسي للزعيم عبد الكريم قاسم للمدة (1958 - 1963) : دراسة تاريخية == Political Discourse of Colonel Abd ALKareem Qasim (1958 - 1963) A Political Study

اسم المؤلف: حنين سالم حمادي التميم
اسم المشرف: عمار خالد رمضان الربيعي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: ماجستير
الجامعة: جامعة البصرة
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: البصرة
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The revolution of 14th of July, 1958 in Iraq was considered a great transition on all internal, regional and international levels. This study highlights the political discourse of Colonel Abd AlKareem Qasim, leader of the revolution, during his rule (1958 - 1963). That period was one of the most important stages in modern lraqi history. It had affected not only the internal and regional situation but it also had its international dimension in the world relations, particularly during the cold war era. The period was considered as very important as a result of the fact that lraq was a rich country of energy and had a strategic geographical location. In his discourse, Colonel Abd AlKareem Qasim illustrated the policy of the revolution towards the internal, regional and international matters. That discourse displayed the policy that outlined features of the foreign policy of Iraq and it indicated the political thinking of how to deal with the internal and foreign questions. It also introduced the ideas and philosophies that made up the ruling theory in Iraq according to which the relation between the group and the individual was organized through certain codes and values that not only governed distribution of influence and power inside the country but also went beyond that to dealing with the foreign affairs.The study applied the analytic perspective of the content on the political discourse of colonel Kareem and shed light on the factors that determind elements of the political regime in Iraq to treat the political, social andeconomic problems during the period of 1958 - 1963. At that time, the ruling regime in Iraq had come through many crises and much pressure that constituted challenges that affected both positively and negatively the political discourse whether it was internally, regionally or internationally directed. The dimensions of the discourse of Colonel Abd AlKareem Qasim reflected the narure of the political and ideological trends towards the several important historical events in light of the many challenges that the region, including Iraq, was facing. This, in turn, reflects the featured and trends of the leadership of the revolution particularly through the personality of colonel Abd AlKareem Qasim in light of the internal struggle regional problems and international domination

الشيخ العربي التبسي ونشاطه الاصلاحي والسياسي في الجزائر 1891 - 1957

اسم المؤلف: جعفر جبار محسن
اسم المشرف: عمار محمد كاظم فرج
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: ماجستير
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: البصرة
الصفحات الاولى:

تيمور بختيار ودوره السياسي في ايران 1914 - 1970 == Role in Iran Teimour Bukhtiar and his political ( 1970 - 1914 )

اسم المؤلف: حبيب عمران جادر الاعاجيبي
اسم المشرف: عباس حسين مجيسر الجابري
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2017
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: ماجستير
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: ذي قار
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The region has seen a lot of political developments, came to the attention of academic institutions in the study of contemporary history of Iran in the recent period, particularly the study of contemporary political figures for the study of these figures showed the need for further studies to provide a clear - dimensional image on those characters and the circumstances that have passed And that person is a historic event maker, and understand the nature of his character is necessary to understand the course of events, composition and causes, because the creation of history is a continuum with each interconnected other cannot understand studying its roots and find out the hidden factors behind the composition, especially if the event was associated with the character of what, Timor Bakhtaran, one of the personalities that have left scars evident in the contemporary history of Iran, the study consists of an introduction, four chapters and a conclusion , the first chapter with, political Iran 1 4 1 included the study of developments in the year AH, a - ,a V Dement study Constitutional revolution, which is one of the most prominent events Seah in Iran and the subsequent political events until 4111 and then continued in this chapter, the birth and Genesis Timor Bakhtiar and 1 personal qualities 4 and the evolution of his political activity until . the second chapter is under the title of the military and political role of Timor Bakhtiarah . The role of Timor Bakhtiarah militare in the creation of North and South Iran is to eliminate the secessionist ,movements in Iran and its political role in ending my governments credibility and its political role in ending the Tudeh party and on the its rulings on the organization of tow Fedayeen Islam and ending the government Zahedi . the third chapter dealt with Timor Bakhtiar and the SAVAC 1962 through his role in the establishment of the SAVAK and the American and Israeli role in establishing the SAVAK and Ray Timur Bakhtiar in the political life in Iran and dismissal of Takhim Bakhtiar the SAVAK after his travel to the United States . The fourth chapter is entitled "the Journey of Timor Bakhtiarah" to Iran from 1962 to Europe in 1917

سياسة الكويت الخارجية في اطار مجلس التعاون لدول الخليج العربية تجاه القضايا الخليجية ودول المشرق العربي 1981 - 1989 == Kuwait's foreign policy within the framework of the Cooperation Council and the Arab OrientalCountries 1981 - 1989 (Historical study

اسم المؤلف: باسم علوان حسين
اسم المشرف: طيبة خلف عبد الله
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: ماجستير
الجامعة: جامعة البصرة
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: البصرة
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The period between 1981 - 1989 is one of the important periods in the history of the Arab region in general and Gulf in particular, as Kuwait continued its policy and became more developed than the previous years and the Prince of Kuwait Jaber Al - Ahmad played a major role in that policy. Kuwait's policy was clearly evident in the personality of Kuwaiti Foreign Minister Sabah al - Ahmad, who has worked in the ministry since its establishment until late .During that period, the regional and Gulf scenes witnessed important events, most notably the outbreak of the Iran - Iraq war, the Israeli invasion of Lebanon, the continuation of the Lebanese civil war, the occurrence of many Palestinian uprisings and the settlement of the Yemeni conflict with Oman, that conflict lasted a long time . At the level of the Gulf arena, it witnessed an important event for all Gulf countries, namely the establishment of the Gulf Cooperation Council as a reaction to regional and international changes. Kuwait had a major role in establishing the JCC from the idea of Sheikh Jaber Al - Ahmad, which continued until the Council was established. One of the most important developments in the Gulf arena is the attempts to destabilize internal security in Kuwait, Bahrain and Saudi Arabia, as well as the border dispute between Qatar and Bahrain. As Kuwait was a major factor in the establishment of the Council, it had a distinguished presence and active and prominent activity in the discussion and address the many problems posed by the Council summits and sessions, and given Kuwait's great activity was chosen for this subject.The study aimed at shedding light on Kuwait's policy in the GCC and its activities, and clarifying the Kuwaiti position on internal and external events. The study included the introduction and preparation of three chapters and a conclusion, starting with the introduction of the foreign policy of Kuwait, the governmental positions, which started from independence and the accompanying events, the establishment of the state and joining the international and Arab organizations, and the settlement of Kuwait's land and sea borders and its role of Gulf and Arab events in that period. The first chapter was titled (The role of Kuwait in the establishment of the Gulf Cooperation Council and its position on the local events 1981 - 1989). The chapter is divided into three sections : the first is the Gulf security projects and Kuwait's position. The second topic is the role of Kuwait in establishing the Gulf Cooperation Council. The third topic highlighted Kuwait's position on local events and the second chapter titled "Kuwait's Position on Regional Conflicts within the GCC" (1981 - 1988). The chapter is divided into two sections. The first is Kuwait's position on the regional conflicts of the 1980 - 1988 Iran - Iraq war within the framework of the Gulf Cooperation Council. The second topic is the position of Kuwait on the conflict between Yemen and Oman .The third chapter, entitled "Kuwait's Position on the Events of the Arab Orient in the Gulf Cooperation Council 1981 - 1989", included two topics : Kuwait's position on the events in Kuwait and the two events.He highlighted Kuwait's position on the Lebanese civil war.
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