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الاتحاد الاوروبي والعلاقات الدولية : دراسة في المقومات والدور == European union and international relations study about capabilities and role

اسم المؤلف: شهد حسن علي البهرزي
اسم المشرف: انس اكرم العزاوي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الدرجة: ماجستير
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:

العلاقات الروسية - الفرنسية منذ عام 2000م == Dealt with the subject of study entitled ( Russian - French relations since 2000

اسم المؤلف: حنان فالح حسن غالب
اسم المشرف: عباس جاسم حسين
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الدرجة: ماجستير
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:

مستقبل الدولة القومية : دراسة تحليلية في اطار تطورات البيئة الدولية منذ بداية القرن الحادي والعشرين == Future of the nation state Analysis study in the farm of international environment developments since the beginning of the twenty one century

اسم المؤلف: مهدي عل مهدي
اسم المشرف: نادية عبد القادر المختار
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: مفهوم الدولة القومية واركانها | السلطة السياسية الحاكمة | نظريات نشوء وتطور الدولة القومية | التحولات العالمية منذ نهاية الحرب الباردة | الليبرالية الجديدة |تحول الوظيفة الاقتصادية لحدود الدولة القومية | التنميط الثقافي العالمي | العلاقة بين التكنولوجيا والتنميط الثقافي | ااشكالية الفاعلون الجدد وتحولات وظائف الدولة القومية | اشكالية الجدل بين القومية والهيمنة الامريكية |الهيمنة الامريكية والدولة القومية | الرؤية الكونية لتحولات الدولة القومية | The nation - state is characterized by the outcome of the historical development which gave it a realistic shape and helped it to establish the basic features as legal judgment shape and institutional is based on a specific geographic area recognized its citizens and other countries ,and citizens who live on this geographical area don’t consider nationals of government ,but in dead they are members formed in a political association , which is the state , and there are jobs on the state must to do , cant other social organizations to do .It has the right to practice distinctive specialization such as the imposition of laws and their application even under duress, as long as it take into account the special laws in this matter , Despite the development that the nation state could teach which still eyists today refers to the historical and political development of the country to feel that the reality and the future of country go in the which finely, direction expresses by historical path in which the state confined itself and its institutions of power and resources which led to many problems term of depletion of the power or depletion of the resources , and the state was the victim of society such as this attrition.on the other hand , the transformation of international environment and the accompanying technological and economic transformations and the emergence of new actors in world politics led to penetrate the sovereignty of the state make them doubt site in performing its functions and even its survival as an institution of governance.These transformations have become a matter of death among political scientists and the fate of the nation - state does the state loses its authority or not in the benefit of other players , the perspective of globalization of the economy will cause a weakening of the nation state ,or events and this will inevitably lead to the control of the economy on the process of reforming a government in , in a globalized economy the state would be unable to control , because it will be forced to adapt to economic and social policy with what the markets , the new system will not be printed , according to the character of the nation - state but the nature of organizations and interest groups cooperate and grappling it serves as a new feudal .in contrast , critics of globalization is believed that the state will exercise its authority as usual and to be the only institution in position to take over the administration and organization successfully , state can make sure of the effectiveness of its sovereignty and independence through the use of force to impose laws and their application and attention to the comfort of its citizens , to talk about the future of the nation - state is not modern thing it has century a political thoughts in the nineteenth century , when it allocated the debate on the subject of the end of the state and put in the framework of the hypothesis that the elimination of the state is as a political program appeared this argument in the form of saying the end of the nation - state and that who said this end is (Hegel) in the paragraph of his writings entitled " The older system for German idealism " says " what I want to draw attention is that in the human thought is no space for the thought of the state ,because it is a mechanical things ,it is too low to be the idea of automating it isn’t a theme of freedom considers an idea so we have to overcome the state ".Heels' analysis of the state meets with the theory of Marx and Engels they both consider the nation - state historical outcome they expected fall with the collapse of capitalism and the society without the rule , so the state is apparent that it is fair ,doesn’t follow the interests of capitalism class , it must be transformed by revolution the proletariat likes the public forum and instead of controlling the people , the rule of stuff administration .To present the issue of the end of the nation - state cannot be defended by Marxists and anarchists only ,but also theoreticians politicians fundamentalists and consider an order refers to the diagnosis of the time, political crises seen by many of people are the result of the crisis that the nation state passing by and carl Schmitt speaks at the time indicates that the governorship state to the end , which is considered as adopted by many later ,wihem Henke says" that the state in event of a miserable" there are also some political scientists called since the seventies of the twentieth century , state sovereignty at home and abroad ,because it has become restricted little by little old groups with interests and cannot resist the globalization of the economy and society and their impact than the national state has made in crisis by the loss of control and as a result to these exchanges at the level of the globalization of economy and society calls postmodern theorists to reproduce policy outside the existing state institutions , Especially that we are seeing a delaine in standards of this political incorporation and confirmed to the merging of the rapid developments in the world since then and the rise of excessive forces markets prompting many observes to report that this political form entered eventually disappearing inevitable and replace it with other organizational forms.The national state has become flowerless in this new horizon for immigration control movement ,and exchanges of goods and services , financial flows and the work of transnational companies , and more the national government has become in a competitive struggle with new non - international doors it has also become exposed to different flows (economic , social , cultural )of each hand that lead to lose the control and observation .This phenomenon generates a form of openness a political border , and in this framework the international organizations , and corporate transformation and non - governmental organizations form a new base forpublic space cross homelands knows no limits and threatens the political fortress of national states.The talk about the end of the nation state is associated with turn on the concept of the state and powers and can be understood within transformation that there has been on the state to be able to deal with the new things faces by . in spite of the challenges and transformation that the nation - state faces it stays the only institution is recognized as a collector formwork to citizens on the basis of constitutional rule but the unstable state situation imposed by the change in working methods and abandon the political monopoly of the executive party and the process on the other hand ,it cannot marginalize community to reach a form of communal harmony and successful communicate and in order to succeed in this nation - state needs a permanent change in the level of institutional structures and to develop frameworks interaction and the actors so cope with the international and domestic regional variable and those taking place in the sector those with individual tendencies and pluralism .so nation - state cannot be removed from where it is a collector frame based on multiple facts but surely it cannot continue on the form that it has known and on the same policies that it has followed, it needs to introduce new organization ways by depending on the dimensions of functionality and zonal differentiated based on reactive policy units in the state of multiple levels of governance . the shift in the work of the nation state means that the functions of the state doesn’t really go back exclusively to them but share them with new actors in the international politicians and as a result of this transformation in no longer the exclusive authority of the state , but differentiation with other sectors of the power that is known as the state of the retina or multiple levels .

مكانة ايران الاقليمية في ظل المتغيرات الجديدة بعد 11 ايلول 2001 : دراسة الابعاد السياسية والاقتصادية == Iran's regional position in the light of the new changes after 11September 2001( the study of the political and economic dimensions)

اسم المؤلف: نسرين فالح حسن
اسم المشرف: عبد علي كاظم المعموري | سرمد زكي الجادر
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: Iran has gotten strategic importance which its being located between the most important strategic territories in the world. Due to its privileged position which is connection point between three Asian areas ( west Asia, middle Asia, and south Asia), so there are other additional strategic features like its located on supply routes of international trade and oil wealths and it's have basic factors that qualifies it to perform prominent regional role and promoting regional position. Iran's strategic importance is coming from correlation depth of its history with Intellectual culture, which have cultural and civilized legacy as well as its rich heritage,and gives it the ability to maneuver in many areas and stability in the event center, and can play a crucial role in its policy towards the neighboring countries of the border regions (the Arab Gulf States, Iraq, Turkey, Pakistan, and Central Asian States), also it adopted a multilateral strategy to build regional relationships that is an option for expansion of bilateral, regional and global cooperation. The Iranians through the generations have a unique sense to their history and the greatness of their culture, and strength, although evanescence of Persian culture because prevalence of Western traditions the most tempting are, without affecting the sense of self - esteem and exaggerated look to Iran, and Iranians believe look closely to their history, grandeur of their civilization and necessity to own their regional leadership. Iran's regional composition has granted the ability to play a prominent role in the Middle East makes it one of the largest regional countries, which have an essential ingredients, it has big human mass and strategic geographical location, deep historical background, and continuous moral influence on neighboring countries geographically. These ingredients actuated to be as part in regional equations. On the other hand, Iraq's invasion and occupation was a reason for the escalation of Iran's regional influence under the unstable regional environment outputs, whether in the Middle East or Central Asia, under the occupation of Afghanistan and Iraq, backed up by conventional military capabilities as well as the cultural, political, economic and religious influence which is rising and growing. The vast effect that Iran has to attain high rank as major regional power, can use it to explain the development of the military, nuclear and technological fields, and impact it on the other countries. Perhaps, the most prominent signs are growth of Iran's regional stature, constant pursuit to avoid any tensions with the total adjacent countries, and the tendency of Iran for reconciliation gradually with the international environment and it does not use the sectarian dimension of its foreign policy. The importance of change in Iran's strategy due to a change in the perceptions for special causes with the transformations that taking place in the Iranian regime's strategy, the Iranian president, "Hassan Rowhani," he wrote his article published by the newspaper "Washington Post", about the evolution of Iran's status, saying "what Iran is trying to do today is to transform threat that surrounds it on all sides to opportunities, and its employ for this the competition and cooperation in multilateral conflict fields, which Iran is now a major player in it. Iran follow the example of Russia to exert a show of strength and influence, and the Syrian arena it is only just a chessboard for Iranians with a warning the consequences bypassed in arrangements of resolving the crisis." There are limits to idea of Iran's regional status through play strategic alternative role, Iran is a partner to the Arabs according to historical connections, geographical neighborhood, and demographic interference. It the only state non - Arab which overlooks on the Gulf, while other states who overlooking on the Gulf are Arab states. At the time when the Gulf was the only maritime outlet for Iran, which is main crossing for about 80% of its oil exports,The Iranian - Arab relations are gaining special importance, as result of the Iranian - American conflict over Iran's nuclear program, Iran is not a main strategic alternative for Arabs in security issues currently, especially if the Arabic strategy is for peaceful settlement of Arab - Israeli conflict, but it is important alternative if this strategy is about the resistance, and therefore Iran remains a strategic alternative in the long - term. It has made those goals flowing together for Iran's supreme national interest , and its recognition as a regional power in the area, it has clout and influence like any other regional powers. It can contribute to impede the interests of many countries including United States, also it can not be excluded when discussing any special arrangements as being counterweight through what it prepares for the foreign policy and national security which is following it in the Gulf region. The study focuses on the aspiration of Iran to expand its regional and international status, although it is depending on the human, economic, military bases and even scientific - technological, as well as geopolitical importance that enjoy it, but this aspiration faces by United States and its Arab allies in the region through rejection and obstruction and international sanctions and trapping and even a media war. So we shall begin from Iran's attempt to promote its regional and international status by employing all the capabilities that enjoy it, which makes its reality in tune with the Iranian self - feeling in its rightful status under regional and international environment that is very complicated through a combination of pragmatism and some of ideological rationality

انتقال الفكر المؤسساتي من المحلية الى العالمية ودوره في تحقيق التنمية سياسيا واقتصاديا == transition The institutionalism Thought from local to global And its role in the achievement of political and economic development

اسم المؤلف: مصطفى حسين عبد الرزاق
اسم المشرف: عبد علي كاظم المعموري | احمد شهاب الحمداني
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: واجه الفكر الاقتصادي الكلاسيكي العديد من الانتقادات من مدارس فكرية عديدة لاسباب كثيرة، وتعد المدرسة المؤسساتية واحدة من اهم تلك المدارس، واكتسبت اهميتها لسببين : الاول : نجاحها في جعل المؤسسات السائدة احدى المتغيرات التي يعنى بها البحث الاقتصادي في عالمنا المعاصر، ورفض الفرضيات الكلاسيكية المسلمة بجودة المؤسسات، والتي تفضي الى افتراض مثالية الاسواق، ورفض فرضيات رشد المستهلك، والسعي الدائم للافراد نحو المنافع المادية، وتوفر المعلومات المجانية وغيرها من الثوابت الكلاسيكية. الثاني : تنامي الاهتمام بالمؤسساتية من قبل جيل جديد من المؤسساتيين، من خلال الاقتراب من الفكر الاقتصادي السائد ذا الجذور الكلاسيكية والانتقال من النقد بسبب اهمال الجانب المؤسسي، الى الدعوة الى ادخال العوامل المؤسسية وجعلها جزء من النظريات التنموية، اذ بدراونالد كوز بفكرة تكاليف الصفقة عام 1937، وبين ان بسببها تنشا وتتوسع الشركات الكبيرة على حساب المشاريع الصغيرة، لان الاخيرة تعتمد على الية السوق، فاذا ما كانت السوق غير فعالة (مكلفة)، تضطر الاطراف الى الدخول في شراكات تعاقدية لتجنب هذه السوق التي تعاني من التذبذب، والغموض (قلة المعلومات والشفافية)، وعدم الامان (حماية الملكية من المصادرة ومن المزاحمة الحكومية) ...الخ. اصبحت معظم الكتابات والدراسات والتقارير الاقتصادية - بما فيها تلك الصادرة عن المنظمات الدولية - تتفق على صحة الاطروحات الفكرية التي تولي اهمية كبيرة الى المؤسسات التي تمثل النظام السياسي والاقتصادي السائدين في بلد ما، وظهر اجماعا متزايدا على ان جودة النظام المؤسسي يعد اهم العوامل التي تساعد او تعيق التنمية الاقتصادية، وبعبارة اخرى، فان النظام السياسي الذي يحدد ملامح (المؤسسات) القواعد المنظمة للحياة السياسية والاقتصادية والاجتماعية، ومن ثم ايجاد سوق فعال، يعد اليوم عاملا رئيسا في تحقيق التنمية والرفاه للمجتمعات، ما دفع الكثير من المنظمات الى وضع معايير يمكن من خلالها تقدير مؤشرات كمية تعبر عن جودة المؤسسات، والقيام ببحوث تستخدم تلك المؤشرات لقياس اثارها، ورسم مسارا للتنمية يعتمد على التحسن في المؤسسات لاسيما الرسمية، من خلال جذبها لرؤوس الاموال المحلية والخارجية.ومع تعدد المؤشرات التي يمكن استخدامها للدلالة على جودة المؤسسات، فان المؤشرات الاكثر استخداما هي مؤشر سهولة الاعمال الذي يصدره البنك الدولي، ومؤشر الحرية الاقتصادية الذي يصدره معهد فرايزر (في كندا)، ومؤشر الديمقراطية الذي يصدره وحدة الاستخبارات الاقتصادية، ومؤشر الحكم الصالح الذي يصدره البنك الدولي، ويتضمن كل مؤشر عددا من المؤشرات الفرعية يعبر كل منها عن جانب من جوانب المؤشر.وعند قياس اثر جودة المؤسسات بالاعتماد على كل مؤشر على حدا، وبناء انموذج قياسي لكل منها بالاعتماد على بيانات مئة دولة لعام 2011، تبين الاثر المعنوي للاداء المؤسسي، وكان مقداره متباينا حسب المؤشر المستخدم، كما تبين من جميع النماذج ان مسار العلاقة بين الاداء المؤسسي والنمو غير خطية، ما يعني ان التحسن في جودة المؤسسات لا يحقق نموا اقتصاديا الا بعد بلوغ درجة معينة تتحدد حسب نوع المؤشر المستخدم، وفي ضوء المقارنة بين اثر المؤشرات تبين لنا اولويات الاصلاح المؤسسي الواجب اتباعها، استنادا الى نتائج كل مؤشر، فجاء في المقدمة الحكم الصالح، اذ بلغ معامل التحديد (R2) لانحداره البسيط (من الدرجة الثانية) (81%)، يليه سهولة الاعمال الذي بلغ معامل التحديد (R2) لانحداره البسيط (من الدرجة الثانية) (61%)، ثم الحرية الاقتصادية الذي بلغ معامل التحديد (R2) لانحداره البسيط (من الدرجة الثانية) (59%)، وجاء اخيرا مؤشر الديمقراطية الذي بلغ معامل التحديد (R2) لمعامل الانحدار (من الدرجة الثانية) (52%). | The classical economic thought subjected for many criticisms from many schools of thought because of many reasons, Institutional school one of the most important of these schools, It importance has gained for two reasons : First : its success in making the prevailing institutions, one of the variables that must be concerned economic research in the contemporary world, and rejection of the classical hypotheses in Ideal of institutions, Which leading to the assumption of perfect markets, and rejection the other its hypotheses such as Consumer rationality, make constant efforts to individuals about the Material benefits, and provides free information and other classic constants.Second : growing the interest in Institutional by a new generation of institutionalist, through closer to the mainstream economic thought a classical roots and the transition of Criticism due to the neglect of the institutional variable, to call for the introduction of institutional factors and make it part of the developmental theories, Ronald Coase began the idea of transaction costs in 1937,He indicate that large companies will arise and expand at the expense of small businesses account, because the latter rely on the market mechanism. If the market was not effective (inexpensive), the parties have to enter into contractual partnerships to avoid this market is experiencing volatility, and uncertainty (lack of information and transparency), and lack of safety (protection of property confiscated from the government and from Crowding in - out) ... etc.Most of the economic Scripts, studies and reports, - those issued by international organizations - agree on the validity of intellectual theses that attaches great importance to the institutions that represent the political and economic regime that prevailing in the country, and the back of a growing consensus that the institutional system quality is the most important factors that help or hinder economic development, in other words, the political regime that determines the features to regulation rules (institutions) of the political, economic and social life, and then find an effective market, is today a major factor in the development and prosperity of the communities, prompting many organizations to develop criteria by which to estimate the amount indicators reflect the quality of institutions, and carry out research using those indicators to measure their effects, and draw a path of development depends on improvement in the institutions Especially the formal institutions, through attracted local and foreign the capital fundsWith so many indicators that can be used to indicate the quality of institutions, the most widely used indicators is Doing business issued by the World Bank index, the Economic Freedom Index published by the fraser institute (Canada), the Democracy Index which published by the Economist Intelligence Unit, and the Good Governance index which is issued by the world bank, each index includes a number of sub - indices, each of which reflects an aspect of the indexWhen measuring the impact of the quality of institutions depending on each indicator separately, and make econometric model for each of them based on one hundred countries for the year 2011 data, shows the Significant impact of institutional performance, whereof mixed by user index, as shown by all the models that the relationship between institutional performance and growth path non - linear, which means that the improvement in the quality of the institutions does not achieve the economic growth only after reaching a certain degree determined according the user index type, and in comparison light of the impact of the indicators, show us the priorities of institutional reform must be followed, based on the results of each indicator, so came in the introduction of good governance, when reached the coefficient of determination (R2) of it in simple regression (Quadratic equation) (81%), followed by Doing business which reached the coefficient of determination (R2) in simple regression (Quadratic equation) (61%), then economic freedom which reached the coefficient of determination ( R2) in simple regression (Quadratic equation) (59%), and finally came Democracy index, which reached the coefficient of determination (R2) in simple regression (Quadratic equation) (52%).

العراق ما بعد الاحتلال وتاثيره في الامن الخليجي == SECURITY IN THE GULF AND THE IMPACT OF POST - OCCUPATION IRAQ

اسم المؤلف: عامر حسن ثابت
اسم المشرف: محمد كريم كاظم
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: Intellectual interest in the Gulf security is well - established. Very few studies, ‎however, have been conducted on the impact of post - occupation Iraq on the Gulf security arrangements. ‎The main objectives of this research are to highlight the threats and challenges facing the Gulf ‎region after the occupation of Iraq in 2003, and to address the post - occupation Iraq issue as an ‎important factor in restoring stability and security in the Gulf region. ‎Many factors and variables have contributed to the importance of the Gulf region as a key ‎arena for regional and international politics. Domestically, there is both the wealth of the Gulf ‎Cooperation Council states and strategic location of the Gulf itself, the continued internal and ‎regional threats the GCC states are facing, and, lastly, the increasing global demand for the ‎Gulf’s oil and gas. ‎The subject of this research is a highly complex subject of study. This difficulty is very much ‎manifest in appreciating and applying the most suitable analytical approach. As such, this ‎research has adopted a multi - level and multi - causal analytical framework. The researcher ‎believes that such a framework will not only lead to a more nuanced analysis, but also to a ‎richer understanding of the topic.‎ The results of this research are consistent with its hypothesis; it proves the following : Firstly, ‎there is a concrete link between the occupation of Iraq and its impact on the broader security ‎of the Gulf. Secondly, that Iraq can play a positive, balanced and durable role in the Gulf ‎security. This is particularly relevant because of the many factors linking Iraq with the ‎GCC states. Thirdly, in terms of security, that there is need for a new strategy consistent with ‎the national interests of all actors involved in the Gulf region, as well as the security ‎requirements of the region, in order to restore stability and security, and to save the Gulf ‎region from a fourth destructive war. ‎The US - led invasion of Iraq in 2003 is considered to be a major event, which has had a lasting ‎impact on the ‎security regime in the Gulf region ‎. Earlier, what was dubbed Operation ‎Desert Storm’ ‎in 1991 marked the beginning of the disturbance of the strategic balance ‎that ‎had been unique to the Gulf region. The subsequent invasion and occupation of Iraq by the ‎United States further disturbed that balance, affecting not only Iraq but the whole region. ‎The ‎dramatic changes that took place on the ground following the occupation in 2003 testify ‎to this. These changes rapidly redrew the features of the Gulf security and ‎caused an ‎impact on every state in the Gulf, without exception, in terms of security and stability.The United States’ invasion of Iraq, coupled with its considerable presence in the Gulf region, ‎revealed ‎unprecedented facts regarding security matters, not only in Iraq, but in the Gulf ‎region as a whole. This has necessitated a comprehensive assessment of the security regime ‎that ‎prevailed in the Gulf region prior to the war in 2003 in the light of the events that took ‎‎place afterwards. The elimination of Iraq from the equation, coupled with the unfavorable ‎developments in the state of Iraq ‎since 2003, could have possibly turned Iraq into a security ‎threat to the region on account of its attraction to proponents of extremism, ‎violence, and ‎terrorism.‎The nuclear activities of Iran, in light of the continuous tension in the US - Iran relationship, ‎‎also constitute a main feature of the new security regime in the Gulf region. Moreover, the ‎United States ‎has redeployed its troops so that they are now based in Qatar, Kuwait and ‎Bahrain.‎In light of the above, it has become necessary for the Gulf States to consider a new ‎security ‎system to cope with the post - Iraq - occupation stage, as the security issue has become an obsession for these states. In the meantime, in order to resolve the security question, a security ‎formula should be reached between them. However, to reach that end, a number of ‎conditions need to be satisfied. These include an end to ‎the United States’ occupation of Iraq, and bringing about stability and reconciliation between the Iraqi people. ‎Another issue is the United States - Iran conflict and the provision of security guarantees to small ‎countries so that those countries do not need to seek external alliances to protect their national ‎security. This is not to mention making appropriate arrangements for securing oil production in ‎the region, which implies coordination with the major oil consuming countries to set the balance ‎right in the interests of both producers and consumers. However, satisfying those conditions, in ‎addition to the reservations of the United States on any new security arrangements in the region - given that ‎the United States is a major player in current events - constitutes a main challenge.‎The establishment of a regional security arrangements based on the resolution of all bilateral conflicts, ‎setting a common stage for cooperation and coordination between the states in all areas, and ‎the continuation of internal political reforms is in the interest of all states in the region ‎including the GCC. Furthermore, bringing stability and security to the Gulf region is in ‎the interests of the international community, particularly the United States.The fall of Saddam Hussein’s regime in 2003 could have been a dream - at least, for the decision - ‎makers in the state of Iran. This might have been particularly so in light of the fact that ‎Iraq had been a stumbling block in the course of Iranian policy in the Gulf region for decades. But, as of ‎yet, the Iraqi occupation has not proven good news for Iran. This is for the simple reason that decision - ‎makers in Iran have become aware of the fact that they may be the next target for the United States. For ‎this reason, they tried to exhaust United States forces in Iraq, not to mention the efforts they made to ‎dominate the internal scene in Iraq by any and all means.‎Through its policy in Iraq, Iran aimed at becoming a main player in the regional game, an issue ‎which had been beyond the understanding of the United States decision - makers. In all likelihood, they were not ‎aware, beforehand, regarding the extent of Iranian involvement in the new Iraq, so that the United States ‎and Iran found themselves facing each other in the post - Saddam Iraq. Nonetheless, the fact of the ‎matter is that the new Iraq has become a common ground for interaction between the United States and ‎Iran, in which both parties need each other equally. It seems that the Americans are becoming ‎aware of the extent of that game, which, we believe, it is in their interest to do so. That could be ‎so even if that leads to more Iranian domination in Iraq as a secondary outcome - as the rules of ‎the game may dictate. The simple fact is that these rules are irreversible as long as the state of ‎Iraq remains disunited, and part of the country keeps the same distance from both ‎Washington and Tehran : i.e., remaining outside of the interaction between the two countries.‎The new equation in which Iraq became an important variable in the resultant Gulf - Iranian ‎relationships caused the Arab neighbours of Iraq to raise the question of how they should ‎handle their relationships with the new Iraq that has become a battle ground for American ‎and Iranian domination at the same time. In the meantime, regional alliances in the Gulf ‎were being reviewed to cope with the new regime.‎The foregoing would require a study for discussion and analysis, as well as a reading of the reality of ‎the various events involving the Gulf region, and the most important problems that ‎constitute an impediment to the security and stability of the region and to the efforts of the ‎international actors in the region. In addition, the outcome of the post - Iraq - occupation stage from ‎April 2003 has led to the deterioration of the internal condition in Iraq, such as a lack of security in ‎the event of increasing terrorist activities, and increasing violence, which could be due to ‎internal, regional or even international causes. This is not to mention the mass killings and ‎displacements which affected the people’s morale and state of mind, blocking the development ‎process in a broader sense. Given the close links between states in the region, the impact of the ‎outcome has gone beyond the borders to include neighbouring countries.‎The fact of the matter is that the Gulf region is experiencing a real security crisis which has more than one ‎cause, from the changes that have taken place in Iraq, to the intervention of some regional powers, ‎particularly Iran, in attempting to dominate the whole Gulf region, and ensuing disputes between those powers ‎and the US. This is not to mention the positive or negative impact of these facts on other local states in ‎terms of political and economic interests. This current crisis could have unfathomable effects on ‎the realities and future of the region and the GCC states will definitely be affected most. Given ‎its geopolitical regime, Iraq will influence and become influenced by the neighboring states - ‎particularly the GCC states - given the common factors and interests between the people ‎of those countries, most importantly their common language, culture, history and the economic ‎interests that link all Arab states in the Gulf. Yet, in the aftermath of its occupation, Iraq has ‎changed its regional role in favour of Iran. So, the disturbance of the balance of power in the ‎Gulf region has opened the door for Iran to increase its grab on power in the region.‎The United States, on the other hand, may be able to play a greater role in setting the balance of power right in ‎the Gulf region. This will only happen should the United States succeed in closing the gap that has resulted ‎from its occupation of Iraq in getting rid of the negative effects that the occupation has had on the country and its neighbours in the Gulf. Moreover, the United States will need to play its role as a ‎superpower and its capacity to make an impact on the Gulf region in terms of security and ‎stability as part of its commitment to the international community.‎Generally speaking, this thesis features an analysis of the reason behind the United States’ ‎occupation of Iraq, and the deployment of the United States’ troops in GCC states. The researcher also ‎investigates the reason behind the security crisis in the region, which could be explained by the ‎United States’ notion that military power always proves the right option for achieving goals. This notion, ‎however, does not pay attention to the fact that, although military force can allow for victory on ‎the battleground, or remove an unwanted regime, it cannot guarantee political and ‎security stability.‎As far as Iraq is concerned, political stability and security remain a long - term goal since the ‎occupation. That could be due to the complex regime both locally and regionally, as well as ‎internationally. Due to this complexity, and the wide gap between the people and ‎rulers in most of the states in the region questioning the legitimacy of those rulers, any stability ‎in the region is of a fragile nature. This is not to mention the lack of mutual trust between various ‎states in the region. From this, it could be concluded that the security issue remains a major ‎dilemma at this current stage and will probably remain so for a long time to come.‎Much has been written about the Gulf region from different perspectives. But relatively little has been written about the orientations and policies of post - occupation Iraq towards the region, especially after its occupation in 2003.This statement is confirmed by the results of the researcher’s on - going survey of the Arabic and English literature on this topic. Many factors may account for the scarcity of this topic in the literature, including the impact of the prevailing internal situation in Iraq and its foreign policies towards the Arab Gulf states. Needless to say, Iraq is an important factor in the Gulf region and as such, continuity or change in its foreign policy may either enhance stability or encourage conflict in the Gulf.In this A thesis, I allocate to : In draft,deals with the significance of the Gulf region and the history of the region – ‎politically; economically; militarily – since the end of the Second World War. This includes ‎the 2003 invasion. The significant relevance of oil production is also discussed, as is the ‎notion of the six GCC countries.Chapter One; examines important challenges facing security in the Gulf region, specifically ‎with respect to demographic issues, and the importance of the increasingly foreign workforce, ‎in the context of globalization. Finally, the issue of terrorism is presented. The first section is ‎devoted to analysing the Gulf’s demographic imbalance which constitutes a serious challenge ‎for policymakers. On the one hand, immigration into the region is indispensable for the ‎process of vital economic development, but on the other hand immigration constitutes a ‎serious challenge given its unfavorable effects on the demographic structure and the labor ‎market. This has an additional impact on social and cultural values, particularly at this current ‎stage of globalization.‎Section two analyses the challenges facing the Gulf region from terrorism, and seeks to ‎answer the following questions : Why is there diversity in the definition of terrorism? What ‎determines who is a terrorist? What are terrorist goals and what are the means by which they ‎decide targets? What is the nature of the hostilities committed by and the means of support ‎received by terrorist groups? Why should the phenomenon of terrorism be studied and what ‎are the benefits envisaged from these studies? What is the relationship between the media and ‎modern communications and the phenomenon of terrorism in the Gulf region after the ‎occupation of Iraq? ‎Chapter Two; highlights Iranian policy in the face of the concept of Gulf security arrangements in ‎two main sections. The first describes and analyses the historic background of the present ‎issues, and Iranian perspectives on the notion of Gulf security. The second discusses Gulf ‎security in light of Iran’s nuclear program. Iran is considered to be a main player in the ‎Gulf region, in terms of its population as well as its military and economic might compared ‎with the other Arab Gulf states. The importance of their own security policies (including the ‎nuclear program) and the response to those policies on the part of the other Gulf States is ‎also considered, which encompasses a discussion of various key relationships (between the ‎Arab States, Gulf States, Iran and the US)‎.Chapter Three; examines the impact of post - 2003 Iraq on the security arrangements within ‎the gulf region. Firstly, the factors that have, and continue, to influence post - 2003 Iraq are ‎explored. Subsequently, both the influence of Iraq and the areas of influence exerted by Iraq ‎on the security arrangements of the Gulf are considered. Finally, the perspectives of the main ‎powers in the region with regard to Iraq’s influence on the Gulf security arrangements are ‎presented. The impact, in particular, of the Iranian nuclear program is also discussed, before ‎the conclusion of the chapter.‎Chapter Four; examines whether Iraq will have a substantial impact on Gulf security in the ‎medium - term future, and what aspects have made and may make Iraq influential in this ‎respect. The prospects of Iraq in this regard will consider the connection between the two, ‎and Iraq’s future prospects; the Gulf security issue is also considered in the wider respect of ‎Arab links, the isolation of Iraq from its Gulf surroundings, and the reality of Iraq as a ‎battleground for regional confrontation.‎

الدبلوماسية الشعبية الجديدة لادارة اوباما والدولة العربية == The New public diplomacy Obama administration and the Arab state

اسم المؤلف: ضمير عبد الرزاق محود
اسم المشرف: نادية عبد القادر المختار
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The new public diplomacy, in its general framework, is understood as the process of communication done by states with peoples of other states without the knowledge of the latter's governments, in an attempt to move them in a way that serves the interests of the former states and achieves their goals in different fields. According to this understanding, the new popular diplomacy is, in normal conditions, one of the tools of foreign policy which can be adopted in achieving goals. In abnormal conditions, new popular diplomacy can work away from foreign policy, so that each one of them can achieve its goal, provided that the sum of their goals goes with the general American strategy. Thus, it is unnecessary that the foreign policy consists with the new popular diplomacy in achieving goals, yet each one of them can work in different conditions and environments.The new American public diplomacy started to activate its governmental and non - governmental programs and its technological tools in an attempt to encompass the peoples of the Arab states through intercommunication via civil society organizations, opposition forces, political parties, media men, and other different and wide sectors. It gave thousands of them the opportunity to visit the United States of America to participate in the programs of grants, symposia, and conferences. The common thing among these activities was talking about democracy, elections, human rights, minorities, and political participation. At the same time, satellite channels started focusing on presenting the shortcomings of regimes and showing their defects, in addition of attempting to present the problems of minorities and displaying their representatives and leaderships and working on the non - presence of government voice. Moreover, it employed the sites of socialbetworks for communication and creating societal opinions that stand opposite to the governing regimes' trends. All these and other activities were a preparation stage for the coming transforms.The outbreak of the peaceful popular uprisings in some of the Arab states during the first term of president Obama was a turning point in highlighting the role of the new Americanpublic diplomacy in the political developments resulting from the attempt to control these uprisings and direct them to serve the American interests. It worked from the outset through its tools on expanding the range of demonstrations and raising the level of demands and concentrating on the behavior of the security forces towards the protesting people, a matter that limited the regimes' capability of tackling the situation in a coercive manner, moreover, foiling the effect of banning the world wide web by those regimes and succeeding to transmit the developments of events live all over the world. The tryout of the American popular diplomacy in Egypt was the most significant and the most effective one on the other tryouts, playing a role which could not be achieved by the American foreign policy due to its professional commitments or the nature of its bilateral relations with the regime of president Hosni Mubarak, in addition to the different nature of the tools and means used .

اثر الديون الخارجية على حقوق الانسان الاقتصادية والاجتماعية بعد الحرب الباردة : دراسة مقارنة (ماليزيا واليمن) == The impact of External debt on economic and social human rights after the Cold War comparative study (Malaysia and Yemen)

اسم المؤلف: رائد سامي عباس العبيدي
اسم المشرف: احمد الحمداني | عبد الصمد الشمري
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: وتستعرض هذه الدراسة السياق التاريخي لمشاكل الديون الخارجية التي تواجهها بلدان عالم الجنوب وما يترتب على تخلف البلدان المتضررة عن تسديد ديونها من اثر سلبي على قدرتها على النهوض بحقوق الانسان ، وتحديدا انموذجي ماليزيا واليمن ، وخاصة بعد ان وضع المجتمع الدولي العديد من المبادرات وبذل الكثير من الجهود سعيا منه الى ايجاد حل لمحنة الديون التي تعانيها بلدان عالم الجنوب او الى التخفيف من وطاتها مؤقتا على الاقل ويتحمل كل من الدائنين والمدينين المسؤولية فيما يتعلق بسوء ادارة المعاملات الخارجية وكما هو الشان بالنسبة لاعمال حقوق الانسان وتعزيزها، فان المسؤولية الرئيسية في الادارة الجيدة للديون واستخدام الموارد الخارجية على نحو يتسم بالمسؤولية تقع على عاتق الحكومات الوطنية. ومن العوامل التي اسهمت في تراكم ديون هذه البلدان عوامل خارجية مثل صدمات اسعار النفط وانخفاض اسعار السلع الاساسية ،وارتفاع اسعار الفائدة في السبعينات والثمانينات، وحفاظا على ميزان المدفوعات،رفعت البلدان الاقتراض من الخارج لتعويض تدهور شروط التبادل التجاري حيث عرفت اسعار السلع الاساسية انخفاضا حادا في مطلع الثمانينات، وقد لجات بعض البلدان الفقيرة بشكل متزايد الى قروض جديدة لرد خدمة ديونها، وحددت الشروط من جانب المؤسسات المالية الدولية ، مؤدية الى الحد من النفقات العامة وفرض برامج التكييف الهيكلي للتقليل من الاعتماد على القروض الخارجية مما ادى الى انعكاسات سلبية على حقوق الانسان الاقتصادية والاجتماعية والثقافية .لقد تم تقسيم الدراسة على اربع فصول . اذ تناول الفصل الاول : اطار نظري عام عن الديون الخارجية لدول عالم الجنوب الذي تضمن مبحثين هما : 1 - المبحث الاول : مفهوم الدين الخارجي - النشاة والاسباب.2 - المبحث الثاني : مبررات وانواع ومؤشرات الدين الخارجي. اما الفصل الثاني : فركز على حقوق الانسان والمؤسسات المالية الدولية المانحة من خلال مبحثين هما : 1 - المبحث الاول : حقوق الانسان النشاة والتطور.2 - المبحث الثاني : المؤسسات المالية الدولية المانحة(البنك وصندوق النقد الدوليين).اما الفصل الثالث : فركز على ، الديون الخارجية وسياسة التكييف الهيكلي وانعكاساتها على الحقوق الاقتصادية والاجتماعية والثقافية، وذلك من خلال مبحثين هما : 1 - المبحث الاول : الحقوق الاقتصادية والاجتماعية والثقافية2 - المبحث الثاني : الديون الخارجية وسياسة التكييف الهيكلي وانعكاساتها على الحقوق الاقتصادية والاجتماعية والثقافية.اما الفصل الرابع : فقد تناول دول العينة المختارة مقارنة بين( ماليزيا اليمن) وقسم الفصل الى ثلاث مباحث وهي : 1 - المبحث الاول : النظام السياسي ولاقتصادي واثر الديون الخارجية في ماليزيا .2 - المبحث الثاني : النظام السياسي والاقتصادي واثر الديون الخارجية في اليمن .3 - المبحث الثالث : الاثر المتحقق للديون الخارجية في ماليزيا واليمن | This study reviews the historical context of the external debt problems faced by the countries of the Global South and the consequent failure of the affected countries to repay their debt from negative impact on their ability to promote human rights, specifically the prototypical Malaysia and Yemen, especially after the international community to put several initiatives and make a lot of efforts in an effort to find a solution to the plight of debt experienced by the world of the South or to reduce temporarily the brunt at least and each of the creditors and debtors responsibility for bad foreign transaction management and as is the case for the realization of human rights and promotion, the main responsibility in the good debt management and use of resources Foreign responsibly lies with national governments. Among the factors that contributed to the debt of these countries external factors accumulation such as oil price shocks and declining commodity prices, and rising interest rates in the seventies and eighties, and to preserve the balance of payments, borrowing countries increased from abroad to compensate for the deterioration of terms of trade as commodity prices known as a sharp decline in the early eighties, and some poor countries have resorted increasingly to new loans respond to service their debt, and set conditions on the part of international financial institutions, leading to the reduction of public expenditure and the imposition of structural adjustment programs to reduce the dependence on external loans, which led to negative repercussions on the rights and economic rights and social and cultural study. We have been divided into four chapters.If the first chapter dealt with : a theoretical framework for external debt in the Southern world, which included two sections, namely : 1. Section I : The concept of external debt - Origin and causes.2. The second topic : the rationale and the types and indicators of external debt. The second chapter : focused on human rights and the international financial institutions and donors through two sections, namely : 1. Section I : Growing human rights and development.2. The second topic : international financial institutions and donor (Bank and the International Monetary Fund).The third chapter : focused on, external debt and structural adjustment policy and its impact on economic, social and cultural rights, and through two sections, namely : 1. Section I : economic, social and cultural rights2. The second topic : foreign debt and structural adjustment policy and its impact on economic, social and cultural rights.The fourth chapter dealt with selected sample comparison between countries (Malaysia, Yemen) and the Department of separation into three sections, namely : 1. First topic : the political system and the economic impact of external debt in Malaysia.2. The second topic : the political and economic system and the impact of external debt in Yemen.3. The third topic : the realized impact of external debt in Malaysia and Yemen. At the end ،the study reached numerous of conclusions

السياسة الروسية تجاه المشرق العربي بعد عام 2000 == Russian Policy Towards Arab Levant After Year 2000 A.D

اسم المؤلف: بلال طلال حمد ال جوادي
اسم المشرف: خضر عباس عطوان
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The international system has seen the end of the Cold War, the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the emergence of Russia as a state and heiress to him late in 1991, a turning point and the transition from the bipolar system to a unilateral system Polar, which became the United States dominated in which the course of events in the international arena without competition from any Other countries, including Russia, that have passed through the nineties of the last century political and economic crisis made it focuses most of its concerns on internal affairs, and prevented them from restoring the greatness of the Soviet Union and appearing as an influential on the international scene ends with the US hegemony over the course of international events, and change the order forminternational unilateral system of polar to multi - polar system. But with the beginning of this century and the arrival of (Vladimir Putin) to the presidency of the Russian Federation, the president sought driven by his personality and leadership inception military to restore the glories of the Soviet Union and the emergence of Prussia powerful and influential state is not on the scene regional, but also on the international arena, and work to weaken US hegemony around the world and the formation of the international system again be to Russia as a great role to end the unipolar system and announce multi - polar system appearance, in order to achieve this goal has issued the Russian president in late 2000 and document the basic principles of Russian foreign policy, which determines orientations of this policy, and also determine theways and means available to move Russia into a major force in the international arena, and among the listing matches this document reorientation of Russian foreign policy towards all regions of the world, without exception - and not restrict the countries of the Russian neighboring republics of the Soviet Union quoted above, particularly those that were linked with the Soviet Union and a close and solid relations, was the area Levant regions which Russia has worked to re - activate its relations with it, that poses this region of the importance of strategy in international politics, and because of their geographical location privileged, resources and potential economic, as it is an extension of the region of Central Asia and the former Soviet republics and therefore this region affect national security and Russian interests, either directly or indirectly, and that the US considered this region a zone of influence them, and so the Russian trend towards strengthening relations with the countries of this region will reflect thestrength of Russia's return to the international arena and the stability of its position in making Russia a pole of the lords of the international system, which plays a large and influential role in the course of events in it.Importance of the study : - It lies the importance of the study to identify the phases of Russian foreign policy toward the Levant region, which is of the most important strategic areas in determining the forces on the international arena and the motives of this policy, as well as to identify the nature of the events and issues experienced by this region in this important period that is recast the nature of the international system and the Levant, and how to interact with the Russian, and stand on the nature of the qualifications, tools and factors affecting this interaction.roblematic of the study : After the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the emergence of Russia as a successor state to him, Russian politics has seen a decline in the trends at the global level throughout the nineties as a result of internal crises, the state is moving made it globally, but the inauguration of President Vladimir Putin for the presidency and his attempt to restore the greatness of Russia and its strength globally It led him to re - Russian policy directed toward many parts of the world, including the Arab East, so the pursuit of Russia to restore its power and prestige in the international arena will be at one of its gates across the Levant, and from, the problematic study revolves around 'what is the nature of Russian attitudes toward the Levant region ? And branching out of this dilemma a number of sub - questions, namely : - Is that the Russian policy is one to every country in Levant countries? Or that her priorities from one country to another? - What is the Russian policy tools and methods toward the Levant? - What Alasthoudarat taken by Russia internally in order to achieve its objectives on the external front that? - Is the regional and international variables play a significant role in Russian policy towards the region? - Is that the Russian return to the area linked to the interests of Russia and otherregions of the world, or is it confined only to this area? Hypothesis Study : The study is trying to prove President premise that Russian policy toward Levant is a policy linked to save the Russian interests and deliver them to the rank of the great powers in the international system, a means and an end at theme time, they are a way to prove its return to the international arena global pole, and too in order to consolidate influence and pursue interests in Levant, which is the heart of the Middle East, and differed in the way that policies from one country to another in Levant countries, and used a variety of tools and means, according to the importance of these countries, according to influential variables in this policy. Through the study reached the following conclusions : -  Russia launched in its policy toward toward the countries of the world, including the Levant from the premises pragmatic based on the achievement of economic and security interests, and to preserve the higher interests of the countries of the world Alchtlvh. After successfully out of the economic crisis and achieving economic stability and move it within the major developed economies globally , began employing its economic potential in the field of foreign policy by seeking to increase foreign investment Russian companies, especially in the field of energy, as well as revive military industries and exported to overseas, such investments to form and export operations one way of the spread and strengthening of Russian foreign policy with the countries of the world. promised Levant for decision - makers Russians one of the gates in which they can return to the international arena, they are a key part of the Middle East, high impact in the global balance of power, and because of its strategic location indirectly affect the Russian National Security and because of their great economic and investment opportunities. proceeded Russia to follow a policy of dealing with the Levant region,not on the basis of unity and a political one geographical, but rather on the basis of its constituent states, according to the economic and military potential of each of these countries, according to international variables in its policy towards the size. played international variables influential role in Russian policy toward Levant, disagreed influence of these variables in a while, and from state another, or in general shows that this effect contributed to reducingignificantly the Russian policy towards Palestine first class, and then toward Lebanon and Jordan, Iraq, and finally Syria.  that the Russian politics has dealt with Levant countries on the basis that there is a central states / Head of the two Iraq, Syria, and other centrist They Jordan, and a third can be called upon States Parties which Lebanon and Palestine.

الحكم العالمي في دراسة العلاقات الدولية بعد الحرب الباردة == Global Governance In The Study Of International Relations Post Cold War Era

اسم المؤلف: اياد هلال حسين الكنانـي
اسم المشرف: قاسم محمد عبد علي الدليمي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: For a long time, governance was a syndrome of state sovereignty; the authority of governing all aspects of life in the frame of its regional existence. Its continuous pursue is that all remains under full control, in addition to its refusal to any foreign interference. Therefore the concept of a sovereign nation - state stood as an obstacle facing the process of dividing the authority of the state or even thinking of adopting any role opposite to that of its own. At the same time reality proves that no local or international tools have been developed in order to limit or hinder the power or authority of the nation - state. In that light there hasn't been a significant differentiation between the terms government and governance in the context of social sciences; governance never reached beyond the action of governmental institutions in a certain state. Both terms have been interchangeably used in their meaning and indication when dealing within the frame of nation state authority. This comprehension reflected on the subject of governance in international relations; studies appeared to attenuate centralized governance on international relations in order to reach peace, justice, no war, and organizing international affairs in the same manner of exercising them from inside the state; a vision that ultimately led to suggesting ideal theorists the concept of global governance in its different features.As globalization grows, it becomes more difficult for a state to exercise unlimited domination or produce an absolute social module that could be followed and scrutinized in an authoritarian way on its own and or territory. This kind of control has become totally unpractical. No matter how many institutions a state could build or laws it can legislate, it still remains short of imposing full control on its own lands. This crisis that hit the sovereign country accompanied the reality of governance sharing by other states. These out comers take part in setting standards and building basics and sometimes they might compete and triumph over the mother state itself. What was said represents the local level, and when speaking on the global level, globalization induced other forms of governance and authorities in the field of world policy, including the horizontal and vertical interactions ; sub state, supra state , and trans state, also including organizational initiatives presented by market institutions and the campaigns held by the international social movements. There is a focus on breaking the limits of a single state and heading towards a globalized governance system because of the narrow angle that conventional itself in when compared to a globalized system that enjoys trans - border reactions and exchange that seem to need more than a state's regulations to be controlled. At the same time many issues and problems came to surface that require international intervention. Awareness has also been raised concerning global threats that demand international action. Therefore the dominance of the nation state is gradually transforming towards to (post - national sovereignty) since it is losing its capacity to withhold its public affairs on both the local and international level. In addition to different sides emerging and taking a vital role in what was strictly in the hands of the nation - state alone. Representatives of nation - states today are obliged to be partners when exercising authority, with international organizations, multinational corps, and trans - national political and social organizations or movements in addition that those sides have a rising role in crystallizing interior affairs. This picture led to the demise of the main sign of conventional sovereignty in the past : borders and territory capture. In the light of what was mentioned above, researchers in the field of international relations, especially after the cold war, started the pursue to define modules other than that of a nation - state, as an alternative system. They developed their ideas and theories concerning global governance, and considering it the new analytical concept that describes world politics and power being spread and divided upon global level. Moreover, some researchers considered this a theoretical alternative for international relations perspectives.From this point, it becomes clear, why research in global governance is such an important issue. Since it is the theoretical alternative that could explain the breaking of states' power and how it spreads along different levels. Instead of the conviction that the nation - state reached its end socially and politically, and the retreat of its power, and the opinions that support the transformation of the state's powers and their direction towards a unified hierarchical structure (world government), theorists found a middle position between the chaotic demise of the nation - state and the central grip of the global government, by being more realistic and to the ground. They headed towards the global system that depends on different participating sides in managing state affairs. In addition to the importance of studying global governance by presenting explanations that apply to the global changes. Conventional analysis proved to be short from interpreting those changes in a realistic manner.

العلاقات المصرية الاثيوبية بعد - الحرب الباردة == Egyptian - Ethiopiana Relations After The Cold War

اسم المؤلف: خالد مشرف عيدان
اسم المشرف: علاء جبار احمد
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الدرجة: ماجستير
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: Egypt and Ethiopia two countries regional and despite the lack of juxtaposition but they have enjoyed the characteristics of a common geostrategic, The fact is that there are a number of various factors affecting the Egyptian - Ethiopian relations after exceeding in the geo - strategic character as the interactions between them follow the path of his close association other interactions being in the regional and international area. , maybe the most prominent of these reactions appear when the exploitation of the Nile River, which originates in Ethiopia and flows into Egypt water issue and in spite of this interaction and overlap which features multiple levels and ties between Egypt and Ethiopia, but the relations between them despite the interference experienced a swing going on where they pass through cases of ups, downs, tensile and lax, It development to a better level of tension and then step back and end the estrangement earning recipe tactical relations of the accounts of temporary and immediate purposes, not for reasons of long - term strategy.We can say that the most prominent issue and the most important stand out by trying to Ethiopia exploit the headwaters of the Nile River, which the most important is located in its territory, toward non - recognition of acquired rights for the rest of the States participating in the Nile River, including Egypt, as it represents the Nile River to Egypt a matter of life and the story of the presence Hence the Egyptian direction concentrated trying to find common ground for economic cooperation with Ethiopia to prevent the recent use of the issue of the Nile water for political leverage against Egypt, but Ethiopia was trying always to check what is more, especially that the historical relations between the folk Ethiopian and Egyptian were solid relationships over which religious relations between Muslims and Copts who share the same religion and the Church of one.Ethiopia It has tried to achieve the goals and objectives multi - through investment Nile water issue was the establishment of political successive Ethiopian regimes to achieve a political speech for the purpose of exchange of view inside Ethiopia for retreats political, economic and disadvantages including Ethiopia, as well as trying to recent use of water for political leverage to the States participating in the Nile River and especially Egypt, due to the sites and recent weight in the region, and increasing the severity of the situation it is for many Western countries to provide support to Ethiopia on the basis that the poorest countries, but it's made for the international community animportant help in Somalia, along with that Ethiopian relations Zionism has always been a distinct starting from the transfer of the Falasha Jews from Ethiopia to Israel and through providing aid Intelligence and Informatics of the Zionist entity, eight of the Zionist entity feet and offers to Ethiopia experiences in the field of agriculture, and sanitation systems drinking water, along with the widening areas of cooperation in the waters of the Nile , as the Zionist entity was still hoping to transfer water tortured him by Al - Salam Canal, as well as to achieve even further political ends will not be available in front of him, but of course in cooperation with Ethiopia.On this basis, aims to study trace type prevailing relations between Egypt and Ethiopia, and what are the most important variables both regional and international that affect the type and form of these relations between the two countries, as well as to highlight the most important challenges facing the Egyptian - Ethiopian relations, according to the political, economic and social internal effects as well as shed variables light on the regional and international factors and their impact

العلاقات الكويتية - الايرانية بعد عام 1990 == Kuwaiti - Iranian Relations After 1990

اسم المؤلف: هارون موسى حسين
اسم المشرف: شوقي علي ابراهيم
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الدرجة: ماجستير
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: Historically, the relations between the countries is not without the problems and crises in spite of the existence of cooperation and understanding between them, so we cannot predict this stable relationship on one of these two methods in absolute case, as well as cannot reach the breaking point of their relationship because they lead to a crisis and turn up to case of conflict.In the Kuwaiti - Iranian relations obviously, it does not carry an exception. They are acting in foreign relations, in accordance of their national interests through the political leadership of this interest.As long as they belong to the Arabic Gulf region with its east and west coast ,its strategy importance stems from being first (location),second (wealth), the ancient geography of the fact , and the second contemporary economic fact have been compounded by two facts together to impress them of this importance.In addition, Iran and the Arabic Gulf countries except Iraq, they act the two columns, which is based on them western presence in this vital region.Geopolitical location of the two countries, despite the significant difference between them as population ,and area are considered the most important of the Arab Gulf countries to enjoy it from this important site because they are located in the strategic triangle that include them with Iraq in the region to meet with an island (Musandam).They also considered the main corridor logistical for any ground force heading to and from the region of the heart, and they constitute the first land port and facilities for the logistics of any naval force if it wants to dominate the (Eurasia) or the heart area, so they conflict center not on the Gulf land alone, but to hold on and control of the heart of the world, then control the destinies of the world, also featured its importance within the Gulf region because of its proximity to middle Asia, a vital region both from a strategic point of economic or security, this is the first subject of the first chapter, where bilateral relations continue through political, economic, cultural and security motives in the second subject of the first chapter in the mentioned period of the Shah's rule since (1941) until the year (1979), which was a (West policeman) in the Arabian Gulf region. The bilateral relations in the Gulf region publically are in favor of the Shah's Iran by seeking obviously to control the west coast, which includes six countries , in addition to Iraq and Yemen, especially the Gulf region has become a milky cow like India previously for United States and Western Europe, as well as it was considered as a first line to confront the Soviet Union and its vital scope in the region for the benefit of the Western camp.The fall of the Shah in 11/2/1979 led to the collapse of one of the dominant western presence in the region and the collapse of the east west gate columns led to an imbalance in the Gulf region after the Islamic revolution in Iran, which has sought to exit the west from this region that the United States is considered by (the Great devil) who must fight it and away from the region and its strategic security.The United States has sought to strengthen its ties strong bonds through its military presence and its alliances with the west coast countries, and limit the spread of the principles of the Islamic revolution and its ideology, which culminated in a year (1980) Gulf war first (Iran - Iraq war), followed by the establishment of cooperation of Arab Gulf Countries Council in (1981 ), which Iran is considered as the arrow directed against it by military force named (Island shield).Second chapter deal with the duration of the (1990 - 2000) and search within them the most important variables in the Gulf region and nearby it as an Iraqi invasion of Kuwait in (1990) ,and the Second Gulf War in 1991 and the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 and the disintegration of it countries , followed by influence motives of these variables that have occurred in the mentioned period.Third Chapter deal about the changes that have occurred in the period (2000 - 2015) which events (11 / September / 2001) then the US invasion of Afghanistan in the same year ,followed the US invasion and occupation of Iraq (2003), and put Iraq under seventh item , then the problem of Arabic revolutions or the so - called (the Arab spring) , All these revolutions and changes in the mentioned period caused by direct impact or indirectly on the Kuwaiti - Iranian relations in the first section, while emerged directly impacts on these bilateral subject, through the Arab regional way and non - Arab, as well as the international influence on these relations, while fourth chapter looking dispute between the two countries especially the political, ideological and cultural sides ,but the determinants continue to impact on the bilateral relations. The fourth chapter of the second subject was ended by its future vision through continuity in the classic track or retrogression of relationships by rule or acting of the regional and international impacts ,but not to finish it.Then search pre - last paragraph (Conclusion) the existence of conclusions through analysis and personal vision of the researcher.Furthermore, the resources was fixed at the end of the thesis

دور المملكة العربية السعودية في امن الخليج العربي منذ عام 2003 == The Role Of Saudi Arabia In The Arabian Gulf Security Since 2003

اسم المؤلف: مروان حميد محمد العيثاوي
اسم المشرف: عبد الامير محسن جبار الاسدي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الدرجة: ماجستير
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The subject of the study marked "the role of Saudi Arabia in the Persian Gulf security since 2003," one of the important subjects, which raises controversy in academic and political circles, because of the Gulf region of great strategic importance on the regional and international level, the significance make it an arena for competing regional and international, which led to live this region of instability in the security, because of vulnerability to the policies of regional countries and international, The variables in the region since 2003, imposed new elements of threat and instability in, Which led the states in the region to pursue policies that fit with the size of the threats facing the security of the Gulf region, led by Saudi Arabia, Those existing policies on the basis of the act and the initiative about the issues that affect the security and the security of the Gulf region in general, the US occupation of Iraq in 2003, the issues of terrorism and the proliferation of terrorist groups, and the issue of Iran's nuclear program, and the change in the Arab region in late 2010 and early 2011, and the repercussions that still to this day, all of those issues have had a direct impact on the security of the Gulf region, so the back of the Saudi role in a manner strikingly, in terms of becoming a, in order to commensurate with the size of the influential threats in Saudi Arabia's security, especially the security of the Gulf region in general.Therefore, the study came to approach this role, through two pillars, namely : What are the internal and external factors that have had a significant impact on the Saudi role in the Middle East region in general, and the Gulf region in particular, what are the variables that had a direct influence in the Arabian Gulf security and how these variables affected the Saudi role in maintaining that security. So; it has been study is divided into four chapters, each chapter inbuilt many detectives and paragraphs, as it included the first chapter : Internal factors affecting the Saudi role, and was divided this chapter into two sections; the first includes physical factors (fixed), the geographical location, The population factor, and economic and military; the second section included moral factors (changing), Saudi Arabia's political principles like the religious factor. Chapter II also went to identify the external factors influencing the Saudi role, which has been divided into two sections also namely, First : the regional factors affecting the Saudi role (Gulf Cooperation Council countries, Iran, Turkey, and Israel), while the second topic : international factors affecting the Saudi role, which we dealt with it all of (the United States, the Russian Federation and the European Union). The third chapter was addressed to the variables that affected the security of the Gulf since 2003 and the Saudi role in those changes, as it has been divided into three sections, which included the first topic : the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, which dealt with the repercussions of the invasion of the Arabian Gulf security, position Saudi invasion, as we discussed in the second section : Iran's nuclear program, as it has been identified on the developments of the nuclear program after 2003, and how they impact on Gulf security and what is it the position of Saudi Arabia; The third section went away to study the emergence of terrorist organizations and the war on terrorism, as it has been identified the concept of terrorism, and the impact of terrorism in the security of the Gulf and the Saudi role in the war on terrorism. Therefore, it is in the fourth quarter has been studying and analyzing the impact of the change in the Arab region in the Gulf security and the future of the Saudi role, as it has been this chapter is divided into four sections, the first : the causes of the phenomenon of the popular movement in the Arab region, and the second was addressed to the Arab States of the change, the third : the popular movement in the Gulf, the impact of security, while the fourth section scram study the future of the Saudi role in the security of the Arabian Gulf.

التاثيرات الاقليمية والدولية في عدم الاستقرار السياسي في لبنان بعد الحرب الباردة == Regional And International Influences In The Political Instability In Lebanon After The Cold War

اسم المؤلف: علـي حسـن هويـدي العبادي
اسم المشرف: ميادة علي حيدر الخالدي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الدرجة: ماجستير
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: Opinions differ about the history of the past to Lebanon, including the magnitude of the wars and conflicts of civil and chaos of that which tries to some parties and groups sectarianism and some intellectual currents Hide disputes and objectives and strategies in order to take root in the arms of a new type of governance in order to take a later international legitimacy and when passing the civil war of Lebanon in 1975, their causes, we find that most of these reasons were not sectarian only political, but also social, cultural, political, regional and international, overall these reasons have contributed to Lebanon's political stability on the grounds that the Lebanese civil war, caught within the logic of escalating social crisis in the country and here appeared territorial dispute factors role detonator the bomber of the war.As part of the transformation of Lebanon into an arena attraction and a clash about his identity, whether it is a country that belongs to its Arab environment (, Muslims and Christian) or is it part of a Western influence leads the purposes of foreign interference in the region and keep it vulnerable to the adverse effects of instability. Where it was the paradox of governance and government in Lebanon that led astray captivated benefits imminent often do not have the power and no strength and Okherha funding of the killers of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri court Lebanon estimated to remain in contact with a range of issues up often to the level of crisis. But what soon came to the Taif Agreement that characterized Balbrgmatah and presented the best chance to move Lebanon from chaos and war and economic collapse to the peace phase and the rebuilding of state institutions and the installation of a central authority, constitute a new opportunity for coexistence among the Lebanese is based on the same admissibility of balance does not abolish political sectarianism, but restores the drafting of inter - communal relations on the basis of greater participation of Muslims in power at the expense of what he enjoyed the privileges of Christians, particularly the Maronites of them.So that the Lebanese issue, historically linked to the Middle East issues and chronic problems, and remained a loophole through history performs them freeloaders to blow their struggles and ambitions on the land of Lebanon

مكانة المانيا الاتحادية في النظام الدولي

اسم المؤلف: صابرين قاسم عبد
اسم المشرف: مصطفى جاسم حسين البهادلي
الموضوع العام: العلوم السياسية
السنة: 2016
الدرجة: ماجستير
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: بغداد
الصفحات الاولى: