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الادراك الامريكي للعلاقات الاقتصادية مع دول مجلس التعاون الخليجي في ظل المتغيرات الاقليمية والدولية == THE AMERICAN PERCEPTION TO THE ECONOMIC RELATIONS WITH COUNCIL CO - OPERATION GULF COUNTRIES UNDER AND INTERNATIONAL THE REGIONAL VARIABLES

Author name: عبد الصمد سعدون عبد الله الشمري
Supervisor name: فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني | عماد عبد اللطيف السامرائي
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: International Relations and Foreign Policy
Degree: Doctorate
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science - Department Of International Policy
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The American Perception of the economic relations with the Arab Gulf Coopration Countries is at the essence of the American strategic thought, expressed as strategies and objectives towards the Arab Gulf area as a whole. Such relations, in turn, represent the American superior in such territory of the World. Further, various tools and justifications involved in these relations have been distinguished by security cover with in a wide American security strategy in the Arab Gulf from the mid - 1970 an beginning of the 1980. This issue was clearly stated in the political sequent speeches of the U.S Presidents at such period The present study aims to analyze, according to the systematic approach the structure of the aspects of the behavioral and dynamic variable of both the Gulf and American societies, as well. Some of such variables conduct as motivating and some are for the American realization towards these relations. Hence, to reach the implied concept for such realization. On the other hand , present study includes also aspects of the regional and international variables tackled in the Arab Gulf area which, these variables, are considered to be external impacts, pratising directly or in directly to fix the above realization inconformity with the American objectives or aims achieving the Imperial project in the middle east, taking the Arabian Gulf as a launching point. This is due to the fact that the Arabian Gulf is the wealthiest area in the world in the new millennium. For the above reasons, the U.S have under taken New inter national system formation from the beginning of the 1990s in line with the fall the Russian union in the end of the 1991.The New Inter national system is the neo - Liberal substitution to support the American trends in such anew project, enhanced by firstly the superior military technical of the U.S in the world, and secondly by guan teed all the political and economic efforts of both the U.S western and Gulf a llies for accomplishing the American aims and plans in this area of the world. From the events of September /2001 and beyond, the American imperial ambitions in the A rabian Gulf area have become more recognized, yet such period has correlated with has become to known as concept of terrorism which has been set according to the American view. Consequently, the U.S has guided the so called A nti - terrorism War,starting from A fghanston, along With the occupation of Iraq in 2oo3. In such war, the U.S has utilized the military power as the sole an ideal means to achieve the objectives set behand such a strategy for rest,ucturing the middle east in conformity with the American model . This new coure of the conducted by the U.S is an indication that it has become , the first super power which has become, in turn ,the leader of the world with in the New International system. But in contract ,violence and op - violence will be the main feature and the ongoing thretening of the furtural scane fasing the American project in the Arabian Gulf . Hence, the U.S has no more need for an international legislation for implementing its plans in such an area, since it relies highly on the American legislation to establish the economic realization on reality.

السياسة التركية تجاه سوريا بعد 2002 == Turkish policy toward Syria after 2002

Author name: عباس سعـدون رفعــت
Supervisor name: محمد كريم كاظم
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: International Relations and Foreign Policy
Degree: Doctorate
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science - Department Of International Policy
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: he subject thesis deals with international politics issue and it is useful because it clarifies how to deal with foreign regional and international environment and how to arrange it to serve a state interest in general as far as in understudy interest to make use of its results in national issues. The subject of this thesis (Turkish policy toward Syria) is very important due to the several variables like Turkish and Syrian policies and their mutual effects on Iraq. Studying Turkish foreign policy toward Arabic region in general and Syria specifically clarifies its change from being stable then dropping Arabs and Syria as a choice before 2002 then act intensively with the issues of Arabs including Syria since 2002 while in 2011 Turkey left its neutrality and non - interference in internal Arabic issues as Arabic revolutions broke up and started interfering to express its existing power with points of view to what happening in its neighborhood. As the Syrian condition specially after 2011 regarded as a special case, studying the Turkish dealing with it is important because it gives us evidences about what Turkey plans for coming years depending on the development scale of its policies in the past years in general and toward Syria specially. The Turkish policy toward Syria as we clarify in this thesis, passed several stages of development as it started with a revolution and multi - contents struggles but it turned to stability after 1998 then started cooperation specially after 2004 till 2011 when it was turned hard down then the struggle indications begun between the two countries with strong clashes and high level interference. The conflict of this thesis is linked to the following question : Why the Turkish policy toward Syria figured in this way since 2002 and the answer of this question as it was shown in this thesis refers to the wide effect of Justice & Development Party on the Turkish policy that push Turkey to play its role in accomplishing changes in the Arabic and regional countries including Syria as a result of the international changes and pressure. In other meaning, Turkey designs its foreign policy in depending on two factors : The first one is related to its commitments with NATO and western relationships which is the main factor pressing on all circles of interests. As western countries represent the main circle of interest and all the roles of turkey are as a results of the NATO and west demands. The second factor is related to its power and historical reasons which were aroused toward Arab region in 1970s rationally when the western countries ignored Turkish interests in Cyprus and also because Turkey as an industrial country in need for energy, markets and capitals was influenced by Arabs oil ban and also because Arab region is encouraging to open chances to turkey. Within 1990s, several controversial issues appeared in Turkey - Arabs relationships generally and with Syria specifically like : - Water issue, Turkey has plenty of water resources with ambitious economic trends but also has problems with Kurds. So turkey used water to have several aims for instance to develop Kurdish areas to push them to leave politics to production and also used water in making peace in middle east to have central statue in the regional relations but that thing caused crises with Syria and Iraq because it lowered water level in the two countries. - Kurdish issue, Turkey does not admit about the Kurdish existence in turkey while it helps Iraqi Kurds by giving them facilities to world via Turkey that revealed the Turkish dual standards in dealing with Kurds problem for its cooperation with Kurds in other countries as a pressure method while all rights of Kurds in turkey are forbidden. Syria made use of that to gain benefits in its relationship with turkey from 1995 to 1998. - Border issue, Mosul and Iskenderun are the main problems. Turkey demands to take Mosul because it was not under the alien's occupation in the First World War in the time of signing peace agreement between fighting countries while Turkey kept its control over Iskenderun as a result of its agreement with France when turkey agreed to participate in the Second World War beside the aliens. From time to time, that subject is aroused and influences on the two countries relations. As a result of the two factors activity (west and Turkish trends) we found that turkey started to take part in Arab countries generally and toward Syria specifically after the demonstrations begun as it was related to internal factors interaction (related to the public desire to end political introversion) and also related to external factors ( the American desire to rearrange the political map in Arab countries in general through chaos and inner struggle in Arab societies). So, turkey involved in internal roles and its policy was implementing in accordance with west countries desires for example, Turkey threatens use military power to protect civilians but stop going further because the western countries do not like that. On the light of what presented before, the conclusions are : 1. Turkish policy is influenced by several internal, regional and international factors and the most important one is its links with west to do what they like turkey to do in its region as changes occurred after cold war.2. The Turkish policy toward Arabs is not stable for its link to the west because the economic reasons and (energy, water and Kurds) are pushing to make bilateral relations not confronting while we find out how turkey gives high importance to its relations with Israel (in spite of what happened in Lebanon in 2006, what happened in Gaza in 2008 and also the freedom fleet in 2010). In other meaning, the Turkish will is under the west control.3. The Turkish policy toward Syria moved from clash and difference before 2002 to cooperation after2004which refers to bilateral readiness of cooperation in spite of difference issues in Turkish - Arabs relations. Turkey is aware of the stress that Arabs can use against it just like Kurds issue. So if Arabs lack legitimate in govern, turkey did not decide yet the identity of state and the future of Kurds in turkey.4. The link between Justice & Development Party and Islam might produce some Turkish attitudes toward Arabs including Syria but the type of the Turkish interference in the Syrian event after 2011 showed that the Islamic factor is not active among Turkish government and its trends as strong as the link with the west. 5. Future suggests that turkey will have more interference in Arabs region issues because of its link to the west and also due to the continuous western efforts to push turkey to play roles in Arab countries that gave turkey significant statue after 2002, so turkey won’t sacrifices what gained as it inherits the Ottoman State and the regional change (the rise of Iran and also the rise of sectarianism in regional treatments for several reasons). None of that will make Turkey withdraw from interference in Arabs issues especially in the Syrian developments.Finally recommendations are : 1. Making importance to study all aspects of Turkish policy because it has developing trends, interests, issues to deal with and participating powers.2. Giving importance to studying all regional policies because studying Turkish policy toward Syria showed how regional implement its plans at the expense of other region states and people interests including Iraq. Therefore, it is important to make all that studies to help the Iraqi decision maker to take decisions and act in accordance with scientific and theoretic visions.3. Paying attention to the interconnectedness regional relations and interests. The Syrian crisis and its results presented that interconnectedness between regional countries in historical, geographical, political, ethnic and religion while ignoring that cause chaos in all countries.4. Making importance to study all the ways that lead to enhance Iraqi interest in regional relations as serving Iraq is the final aim of every thesis. Then making that studies deep to enable Iraq in accomplishing regional balance and achieve his interests in the region. What is related to this thesis we have to as a recommendation encourage building full regional security system to prevent some powers to possess alone the regional actions to fulfill its or another international interests.

دور مؤسسة الرئاسة في صنع الاستراتيجية الامريكية الشاملة بعد الحرب الباردة == Role of the Presidsncy Office in making General U. S. Strategy after the Cold War Era

Author name: عامر هاشم عواد
Supervisor name: منعم العمار
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Strategic Studies
Degree: Doctorate
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science - Department Of Political Systems And Public Policies
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

سياسة الاتحاد الاوربي حيال المشرق العربي == Policy of the European Union Towards the Eastern Arabic Region

Author name: صباح صاحب العريض
Supervisor name: نادية عبد القادر المختار | فكرت نامق العاني
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: International Relations and Foreign Policy
Degree: Doctorate
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: اشارت الكثير من الدراسات والاراء الى الفرص المتوافرة امام الاتحاد الاوربي للبروز ولاداء ادوار دولية مهمة كاحد ابرز القوى الدولية الصاعدة والتي لها حظوظ كبيرة في تبوء مركز دولي بارز يضعه في مجال الندية لقوى ودول كبرى اخرى، خاصة في ميدان التنافس الدولي على اقاليم العالم ودوله المهمة ذات الثقل الاستراتيجي الكبير والتي تتقدمها منطقة المشرق العربي، بما تمثله من كم هائل من الموارد المختلفة ومصادر الطاقة المتعددة، وعناصر الاستثمارات الدولية، بشكل خاص بعد بروز عدة متغيرات دولية منها نهاية الحرب الباردة وتفكك الاتحاد السوفيتي ومن ثم تشكل الاتحاد الاوربي بصيغته الحالية وتوسيعه المستمر اضافة الى المنافسة الامريكية المحمومة على النفوذ والهيمنة على هذه المنطقة والتي افرزت غزو العراق واطلاق مشروع (الشرق الاوسط الكبير)، مع ترافق كل ذلك وومتغيرات دولية اثرت في صيغ التفاعل الدولي واليات التفكير المرتبطة بها، وخاصة في المدة التي تلت الحادي عشر من ايلول (2001) وما سبقه من الترويج لفكرة العولمة والعمل على تعميم الفكر الراسمالي ليشمل كافة دول العالم على وفق اليات التوحيد الاقتصادي، وهذا منعكس تداعياته على اعادة بناء وتشكيل العلاقات الدولية بين دول العالم واقاليمه المتباينة، تلك التداعيات التي ساهمت في تعميق انقسام العالم بين شمال وجنوب، وصراع محتدم بين الحضارات التي تسعى الى رفض ومقاومة اطروحات ذلك الفكر الراسمالي المتسلط.وهذا كله ياتي في سياق جدل واسع يدور ـ خصوصا بعد تفكك النظام الدولي القديم ـ حول القوى التي تشكل النظام الدولي (الجديد)، والتي ترى كثير من الاراء الى ان الاوضاع الجديدة تتجه بالاتحاد الاوربي صعوده وزيادة دوره السياسي والاقتصادي وهذا بدوره سينعكس بشكل تلقائي على السياسة التي سيعتمدها الاتحاد الاوربي تجاه باقي دول العالم واقاليمه والتي تاتي منطقة المشرق العربي في المقدمة منها، وهذا ما سيؤدي ـ بالنتيجة ـ الى توافق مساحة لا باس بها امام بلدان هذه المنطقة لاستغلال التنافس الدولي الواقع في نطاقها، والافادة من التحالفات الدولية لخدمة قضاياها، خاصة مع تصاعد مستوى حرص الاتحاد الاوربي على ابقاء معظم مناطق (الشرق الاوسط) وشمال افريقيا ضمن دائرة النفوذ الاوربي المباشر.يشير البعد التاريخي لسياسية الاتحاد الاوربي حيال منطقة المشرق العربي الى عدد من النقاط الرئيسة تاتي في مقدمتها الرغبة الواضحة من قبل دول الاتحاد ـ وهو ما انعكس على مؤسساته ذاتها في السياق نفسه ـ في تفعيل الجوانب الاقتصادية المختلفة في تلك السياسة وتطويرها بالشكل الذي يحقق لها اكبر قدر من الفائدة، وبالمقابل تعمل على عدم الاغراق في البعد السياسي الا بالقدر الذي يتطلبه البعد الاقتصادي نفسه، او بقدر لا يزيد عليه، وقد استمرت تلك السياسة قائمة على هذه الرؤية لمدة من الزمن ولم تشهد تغيرا الا بعد تغيير الترتيبات الدولية على اثر تفكك الاتحاد السوفيتي، حيث حاول الاتحاد ـ كغيره من الفاعلين الدوليين ـ على زيادة حجم التواجد على الساحة المشرقية بسبب الاعتقاد الذي ساد في تلك المدة والذي مفاده توافر فرص اكبر بعد نهاية الحرب الباردة، وهامش اوسع من الحركة والذي كان محكوم سابقا بالمعادلة ذات الطرفين او القطبين، الا ان الواقع السياسي لمنطقة المشرق العربي لم يتحول على وفق هذا السيناريو بل تم وضعه في اطار سيناريو الفاعلية الامريكية واضحة التاثير والنفوذ فاصبح كغيره من اقاليم العالم الهامة يتحرك بشكل او باخر وفق سياقات معينة حاولت الادارة من تطبيقها على دوله، وهذا ما جعل الاتحاد الاوربي يدخل في زاوية حرجة واظهر في الوقت ذاته الدرجة غير المتكافئة ما بين الطرفين فيما يتعلق بمدى التاثير في مسارات المنطقة وسياساتها.لقد بدا واضحا من خلال فصول ومباحث الاطروحة ان السياسة الخارجية للاتحاد الاوربي الموجهة حيال منطقة المشرق العربي انما تعاني من عدة اشكالات تعوقها عن ابداء الفاعلية المطلوبة منها ازاء شؤون وقضايا المنطقة، ومن ابرز تلك الاشكالات سيادة السياسات الخارجية للدول الاعضاء في الاتحاد الاوربي وفي كثير من الاحيان على السياسات الموحدة له، وهو ما يعني اضافة الى بقاء فكرة تغليب المصلحة الذاتية لكل دولة عضو في الاتحاد، فانها تعني تعدد وجهات النظر بل واختلافها وتقاطعها في احيان اخرى تجاه المتغيرات الحاصلة في المنطقة المشرقية وهو ما يؤثر بالنتيجة في نجاح السياسة المشتركة، ومن هنا نستطيع ان نعلل عدم الحضور الفاعل والمؤثر للاتحاد الاوربي في الساحة الاقليمية وعدم التناسب في ما بين الحجم الاقتصادي الهائل والاخذ بالنمو له وما بين الدور السياسي ذي الاطر المحدودة والذي لا يرتقي الى ذلك الحجم الاقتصادي، خاصة وان الاتحاد يسعى من خلال اهتمامه بدول المنطقة الى حماية مصالحه الاستراتيجية وتعزيزها والمحافظة على الاستقرار والامن في الضفة الجنوبية للمتوسط التي تشكل امتدادا جغرافيا لحدود دوله المتوسطية، هذا فضلا عن ان البلدان في المشرق العربي تشكل سوقا واسعة واساسية لصادراته المختلفة، الامر الذي ادى بدوره الى جعل هذه المنطقة شديدة التعرض للضغط الاقتصادي الذي قد يستخدمه الاتحاد تجاهها وبالتالي فان اي مشروع يوضع من قبل الولايات المتحدة الامريكية لدول المنطقة، من دون ان يكون لاوربا دور فيه، هو بمنزلة خطر على مصالحها وامنها، وبخاصة في ظل التنافس الذي تشهده العلاقات الاقتصادية والسياسية بين دول الاتحاد الاوربي والولايات المتحدة الامريكية.ومن هنا، وفي ضوء جملة المعطيات السابقة، فانه يتوجب على الاتحاد الاوربي الذي يسعى الى تعزيز دوره السياسي في المنطقة، ادراك ان اي خطوة في اتجاه الامن المشترك في منطقة المشرق العربي وما يجاورها من الدول لا يمكن ان يتحقق الا بالتزامن مع حصول تقدم في العملية السلمية، وعليه، فان على الاتحاد ان يضطلع بمسؤولية اكبر في تسوية الصراع العربي ـ الصهيوني وحل القضية الفلسطينية، وان على سياسات الاتحاد عدم الاكتفاء بالدور الثاني الذي يكمل الدور الامريكي وان لا تقتصر المسؤولية الاوربية تجاه الصراع العربي ـ الصهيوني على المستوى المالي والاقتصادي فقط، بل ينبغي ان تمتد هذه المسؤولية لتشمل المستوى السياسي، كما يترتب على الاتحاد ان لا يكتفي بالطلب من الولايات المتحدة الامريكية ان تحدد له فصلا سياسيا معينا يضطلع بدوره من خلاله، بل يجب عليه ان يحدد هذا الدور بنفسه تماما، كما فعل سابقا ازاء بعض القضايا والمواضيع الهامة، كاعلان تاييد لقيام المؤسسات الفلسطينية مثلا، وعليه يمكن القول ان عدم تسوية الصراع العربي ـ الصهيوني، سوف يبقى يلقي بضلاله السلبية على السياسة الخارجية للاتحاد حيال دول المشرق العربي وعموم العلاقات العربية مع الاتحاد الاوربي.وان من المتوقع ان يشهد المستقبل القريب زيادة واضحة في قوة الاتحاد الاوربي على الصعيد الدولي، بحيث يؤدي ذلك الى خلق واقع جديد في النظام الدولي يرتكز على سياسة التوازنات وليس على نظام القطبية الثنائية او المنفردة، كما كان عليه الامر قبل تفكك الاتحاد السوفيتي وما تلاه، فالعصر القادم هو عصر التكتلات والتجمعات الاقليمية، اذ ان لكل تجمع او تكتل قوة تاثير تختلف عن قوة الاخر في معالجته للقضايا الاقليمية والدولية، وبالتالي فان الاتحاد الاوربي الذي قد يشكل ابرز القوى الدولية الجديدة المؤثرة على الصعيدين الاقليمي والدولي، يتحفز لمواجهة التحديات التي تعترض تقدمه، بخاصة العقبات التي تضعها الولايات المتحدة الامريكية للحد من اي دور سياسي له على الصعيد الاقليمي وخاصة في منطقة المشرق العربي، بكثير من المسؤولية والوعي، لكن ذلك لا يستطيع ان يمنع تلك التحولات الهامة التي ستغير معادلة القوى على المستويين الدولي والاقليمي غير ان تلك التحولات لمراكز القوى العالمية ستكون في اطار تدريجي، وبخاصة ان هناك عددا من العوامل التي قد تكون مساعدة او معطلة لاي تقدم او تراجع لاحدى القوى الدولية الموجودة او التي تسعى للظهور كقوة دولية مؤثرة، وهذا كله سيترك اثارا واضحة وهامة على مستقبل سياسة الاتحاد حيال منطقة المشرق العربي ودولها التي من الواجب ان تكون قادرة على استيعاب طبيعة تلك التغيرات والتعامل معها بدقة وسرعة مما يجعلها لا تفوت الفرصة التي قد تتاح لها واستثمار ذلك التغيير لصالح قضايا المنطقة المصيرية. | European Union is considered today as one of the most influential units on the International political arena. It is expected that its power and size will eventually increase among the other powerful unions in the world. Thereby, its effect is great on the Eastern Arab region and countries. Its policy towards this area is one of the most important policies.The European unity has its effect on the paths of work there since it has first initiated in (1957). It has effect on many urgent issues and problems in the Middle East; and this effect has increased clearly after the October War1973 because Europe had undergone the negative side of the stoppage of oil supplies from the Arab countries. Then the relations and interests between the eastern Arab countries and Europe began to increase excessively and to become more complicated until the European Union was founded in its final structure.When the European Union began to get enlarged horizontally and vertically, its relations with Arab eastern countries also began to enlarge. So this has been reflected on its external policy towards our region. Also there have been a kind of some intensive and huge pressures from the United States of America on Europe to make it change its attitudes in the area and to build new strategies which will not affect the American interests here. America, of course, will not change its policy; it has a lot of vital interests and it will never think of changing its attitude in any circumstances. This thesis will give answers to these inquiries us follows:1. What is the historical range of the European policy (in general) towards the Arabic eastern region?2. What are the most important issues that have unified state in the European policy towards the Arabic eastern region? 3. What are the European policy motives now towards the Arabic eastern region? 4. What are the structures and frames of taking political decisions (the external attitudes in particular) towards the Arabic eastern region? 5. What is the political behavior of the European Union towards the most important issues in the Arabic eastern region? To have clear answers to these critical inquiries in this thesis, and the additional scientific difficulties inquiries that might rise, and to accomplish most accurate answers to the nature of the European policy towards the eastern Arabic region, we have followed scientific investigations and scientific logical steps that allow the researcher fulfill his goal. We have followed the (historical origin) in studying the (joint) European policy since 1973 till the date of initiating the European Union in 1993. We focused on some important issues of that era, and we will depend on the (descriptive method) in the second chapter of this thesis in order to describe the strategic importance of the eastern Arabic region with regard to the potentials of natural raw materials of power in addition to the critical strategic position. We will also depend on (organizational method) in collecting facts and information about the subject of the thesis (the entries), then apply (operational method) to enrich tools and methods of the scientific research. Later - and as a result- reach scientific outcomes and facts (outlets) which supposed to be part of new entries for the information circle; and this is (reversal feeding). In order to deal with the circular inquiries about the thesis subject and its numerical points arisen, we have taken a scientific method of categorizing the thesis into main chapters and researches has been depended on. This thesis is composed of: • Introduction• The first chapter: (Europe policy towards some issues of the eastern Arabic region).• The second chapter (Motives of the European Union towards the eastern Arabic region).• The third chapter: (frames and ways of formulation the European Union policy towards the eastern Arabic region).• The fourth chapter: (the political behavior of the European Union towards the issues of the eastern Arabic region); • Finally, the abstract in which we stated the most important conclusions we have reached. This thesis has shown the nature of the policy regarding the eastern Arabic region which the European Union depends on during a very complicated and important period simultaneously; and during changeable and unstable circumstances which impose many difficult potentials and substitutions. This kind of circumstances resulted in many obvious failures, and have created a status of disability in dealing with them in the right way. We have tried to throw light on the largest scope of the political work of the European Union in the eastern Arabic region clear way, and we have focused on the most important complicated issues not only in this critical area but also in the whole world.

تطور ظاهرة تدويل النشاط الاقتصادي وانعكاساته السياسية والاقتصادية على البلدان النامية : مصر انموذجا == The Evolution of Internationalization Economy Active Phenomenon and Reflex on Developing countries (Egypt Case Study)

Author name: سلام جبار شهاب
Supervisor name: عبد علي كاظم المعموري
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: International Relations and Foreign Policy
Degree: Doctorate
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: …. The Internationalization is wide term, so the study began in definition the Phenomenon the mean of Internationalization, Economy Internationalization, Political Internationalization, and differences between the Internationalization and the Globalization. (ch.1). the beginning this Phenomenon in old civilization, and the vision of economic systems (Islamic, Capitalism, Socialist systems) (ch.1).The Internationalization theories wall taken for important, (International trade theories, Foreign Investment theories). (ch.1)…. There are many motives for this Phenomenon which differentiates between political and economical motives, (ch.2). What forms of this Phenomenon, (ch.2), and determine the machine that organized the Internationalization. (ch.2)…. In last chapter, this phenomenon lead to many of effects, in political and economical sides, that taken about Egypt state. (ch.3)For that, what is the future of this Phenomenon? The researcher put three visions for the future, first, the Americanization, second, the transnational corporation, third, the international integration. (ch.3) …. Finally, A number of important conclusions emerge from our analysis of the (Internationalization Phenomenon).

المحددات السياسية والاقتصادية لسلوك الدولة في العالم الثالث : الدولة النفطية انموذجا == POLITICAL & ECONOMICAL LIMITATIONS ON BEHAVIOR OF THE STATE IN THE THIRD WORLD : OIL COUNTRIES AS SAMPLES

Author name: سعد صالح عيسى علي الجبوري
Supervisor name: وصال نجيب عارف العزاوي | علي كاظم المعموري
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: International Relations and Foreign Policy
Degree: Doctorate
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: تتكون الاطروحة من مقدمة وفصل تمهيدي وثلاثة فصول اخرى لتغطي عنوان الاطروحة الذي هو : المحددات السياسية والاقتصادية لسلوك الدولة في الجنوب : الدول النفطية انموذجا ( السعودية ، فنزولا ، نيجيريا ) . وهي متوزعة على الشكل التالي : الفصل الاول : وجاء في ثلاث مباحث ، الاول ويتضمن الاطار النظري والتاريخي لنشوء الدولة في العالم ، حيث يتضمن تعريف الدولة مفهوما وخلفية تاريخية مع النظريات المفسرة لنشوء الدولة ، ونشاة الدولة في ظل الاستعمار ومفهوم الدولة في المدارس الفكرية المختلفة ، ومنها الفكر الغربي ، ولدى مفكري العالم الثالث والفكر العربي الاسلامي ومفكري عصر النهضة ، والفكر العربي المعاصر 0 في حين يتناول المبحث الثاني نشوء وتكون الدولة في عالم الجنوب من حيث خصائص الدولة حديثة السيادة والتكوين الاقتصادي والاجتماعي لدولة الجنوب وكيفية تكون الدولة في ظل علاقات السيطرة ( التبعية ) 0 اما المبحث الثالث فقد ذهب لبيان خصوصية الدولة في عالم الجنوب من حيث وظائف الدولة وخصائصها0 وياخذ الفصل الثاني في تحليل المحددات الفوقية ( الخارجية ) والتحتية ( الداخلية ) لسلوك الدولة في الجنوب ، حيث يتطرق للمحددات السياسية والاقتصادية والمجتمعية خارجيا وداخليا ، وانعكاس هذه المحددات على نمط سلوك الدولة في الجنوب 0 اما الفصل الثالث فياخذ منحا فكريا متضمنا اتجاها تحليليا للعوامل المحددة لطبيعة الدولة النفطية الريعية / نموذج الدولة في الجنوب ، وواقع وطبيعة الاقتصاديات الريعية من حيث البنى الاقتصادية والاجتماعية والسياسية لدولة الجنوب الريعية ، وعلاقة النفط والريع النفطي بالتنمية والتحديث واتجاهاتها في الجنوب ، واهمية النفط والريع النفطي وطبيعة السياسات المرتبطة به في هذه الدول على الصعيد الاجتماعي والاقتصادي والسياسي والاثار السلبية للريع النفطي 0 في حين خصص الفصل الرابع لعرض انماط السلوك السياسي والاقتصادي والمجتمعي لانموذجات مختارة من دول الريع النفطي ، فمن الدول النفطية الاسيوية تم اختيار ( المملكة العربية السعودية ) ، ومن افريقيا ( نايجيريا ) ومن امريكا اللاتينية ( فنزويلا ) ، اذ يتناول المبحث الاول السلوك السياسي بمؤثراته الخارجية والداخلية ، وفي المبحث الثاني السلوك المجتمعي ( الاجتماعي ) ، اما المبحث الثالث فيتناول السياسات الاقتصادية في دول الجنوب ( المالية والنقدية والانفاقية والاستثمارية وتوزيع الدخل ) ، وفي المبحث الرابع تتناول الرسالة تحليل لانماط السلوك السياسي والاقتصادي والمجتمعي لكل من العربية السعودية ، نايجيريا وفنزويلا ) ، من حيث امكانياتها المادية والبشرية والمالية والسياسات الاقتصادية والاجتماعية ودور الريع في هذه السياسات لهذه الدول 0 فيما جاءت خواتيم هذه الاطروحة بجملة من الاستنتاجات والتوصيات ، متبوعة بالمصادر العربية والانكليزية والملخص باللغة الانكليزية . | The thesis is entiteld “ Political and Economical limitations on behavior of the state in the third word : oil countries as samples ” The thesis is composed of an intrduction ,the more three introductory chapters and other three chapters . The researcher has hypothesized that the more as much you explain the impact of political , econimical , and social determiners with globalization towrds increase of its activity and its reactive impact on the behaviour of a state in the Third World , these states or countries will be margined more and its activity will decrease to the benefit of the international capitalistic system and globalization mechanism represented through the international organizations and multi - national companies through the study of Venezuela , Saudi Arabia and Nigeria and those countries under control compulsorily or optionally to globalization and internationalization and continuous exposition to regional enviromental challenges . The study aims at : 1. Defining the country in general in terms of its theoretical and historical foundation and its privacy in the Third World . 2. Country stereotypes and its concepts in the south countries and how to form a national country . 3. Self - independece of a country in the south and the traditional charactersitics of the contemporary country . 4. Revealing the role of globalization and other external factors and changes in the international environment and global balances and its impacts on the degree of the country development in the countries of the south in specfic . 5. Comprehension of variance in the attitudes of the Third World countries in general and countries of petroleum rent especially concerning changes in the economic world and growth of multi - national companies’ role over the role of national governments . 6. The impact of political , economic , and social limitations in the country conduct in the south countries in general and countries of petroleum rent in specific . The thesis consists of an introduction and an intrductory chapter and other three chapters . The chapters were were dealt with as follows : Chapter 1 consists of three sections ; first section includes the theoretical and historical frame of the foundation of the country in the world . It also includes definition of the country conceptually and a historcal background with the interpretive theories of the foundation of the country under occupation and the concept of country in the various cognitive schools , of them the Western thinking , and by the world thinkers and the arabic islamic thinking and renaissance period thinkers and the arabic contemporary thinking Section 2 deals with the foundation and creation of the country in the south having the characterstics of the modern country , and the economical and social creation of the southern country and how the country is created under control relations Section three deals with the privacy of the country in the south world in terms of the country and its traits in the south world Chapter 2 analyses the upper determiners (external) and lower (internal) of the country conduct in the south . It exposes the social , political , and economic dterminers internally and externally , and reflection of these determiners on the conduct sterotype of the country in the south . Chapter 3 analyzes the thinking frame and the determining factors to the nature of the petroleum rent state /sample of the country in the south . Also it shows the situation and the nature of petroleum rent economies in terms of the economic , social , and political infrastructures of the southern countries and the relation of petrol and the petroleum rent with development and modernization and their decisions towards the south . Also the importance of petrol and petroleum rent nature of the policies related to these countries socially , economically , and politically and the side effects of petroleum rent . Chapter 4 deals with the political , economic , and social conduct of samples chosen from the countries of petroleum rent (Saudi Arabia , Nigeria and Venezuela) . Section 1 deals with the political behavior with its impact externally and internally . Section 2 deals with the social conduct . While section three deals with the economic policies in the southern countries (financial , monetry , expenditure , investmental , and distribution of rent ) . Section 4 deals with an analysis of the political , economic , and social conduct of each of Saudi Arabia , Nigeria , Venezuela) in terms of their financial , human , monetry , political , economic , and social abilities and the role of petroleum rent in the policies of these countries . The final chapter of thethesis exposes the conclusions drawn , and recommendations supported by a number of statistical tables related to the topic .

علاقة المجتمع المدني بالنظام السياسي التاثير والتاثر : دراسة حالة مصر والاردن == The Relationship of Civil Society With the Political System Influence and Effect - Jordan and Egypt as Case in Study

Author name: ســداد مــولــود ســبــع
Supervisor name: وصال نجيب عارف العزاوي
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Systems and Public Policies
Degree: Doctorate
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science - Department Of Political Systems And Public Policies
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: This study tackles a very important subject not for being the subject of debate and argument by the politicians and researchers , but it comes in period that witnesses an increasing calls and pressures for applying the democratic approach in ruling and these pressures come in time that many of the Third World countries submit to the despotic and dictatorial systems that raising democratic slogans without applying this approach .Here , to study the mechanism of modernization and developing these systems , We should study the role of civil society in these systems which represented by alleviating the burden thrown on the state through social , economic and cultural functions of these systems in addition to the political one .The study of the relationship of society with the political system , requires the search in the theoretical fram for main reason and that is development happened on the human science especially , political science . These developments led to the emergence of new concepts , some are disappeared and the other are developed and expanded which requires the study of these developments to understand the public frams of each concept and then apply it on the Arab situation and the study patterns . And this what we tried to do through studying the developments that happened on the political system . more over the rapid development of civil society in the western states and does it reach to our Arab societies .But , the existence of civil society in some our societies evoked an intellectual political debate for being one of the concepts that there is no agree on it's historical background in the Islamic political thought , and some definetly refuse it's existence not only in the Islamic Political thought , but also in the institutions of Arab contemporary state and they do assert that what is existing is traditional institutions took the form of civil society institutions in the west , but the indication is a mere traditional society that devotes the tribal fanatic and this clear in Jordan .This extremist opinion is considered denial of many efforts and activities of civil society institutions , because some could break the barrier of central despotisim of political system in order to explain his opinion and demands freely , as Egypt that has the pioneer role in this respect .The civil society characterized by effectiveness and motion which supported by great powers on purpose or non , these great powers promoted Egypt to appear in a nominal democracy not the real one , because they realize that the real democracy means the choice of Egypt society and this is appropriate with the regional Function of Egypt by the great powers .There is a fact hatcould not be deny that Egypt is considered institutions state , in spite of the domination of decision maker on the political life and puplic life in Egypt , and this domination is one of the problems of Arab states , Thus some systems justified it by using many means one of these is the belonging to the messenger of God ( pray and peace be upon him ) and this indeed what happened in the Jordanian political system which has a little freedom according freedom measurements . This political system a doped multiplicity as the Egyption … , but dealt with it cautiously and this matter left it . clear hard influence especially and civil society and the society generally on here the ability of civil society influence on the political system is very hard that we find some of it's indications in Egypt through its participation beside the government and private sector in commen development programs among the three seetors .After the explanation of this short brief about the subject significant , we must explain the structure of this subject which consisted of four chapter , introduction and conclusion .The first chapter tackles the conceptual fram of each civil and political society with all developments took place in this respect , more over studying the relationship between the two variables after the assumption that the strength and effectivness of the first political system is taken from the effectiveness of civil society ( second ) and revers is true .The second chapter studies the lawful , political , economic and social features through studying the accompanianed problematic of political parties action and the administration of head of state and king for the political process which reflected directly process whether in elections or through political process .While , the third chapter tackles of great interest the accompanianed problematic of concept using by enhance or limit concept borders and also the problematic of civil society existence in Egypt and Jordan but according to the Arab peculiarity and then the main characteristic of Egypt and Jordan .Where as , the fourth chapter tackles the influence of the political system on the civil society through affected the later by the first , but this will not abolish the influence of civil society on the political system , because of the need of political system for civil society or part of it's components to perform development programs and this is clear in Egypt . Finally , the conclusion represents a summary of the main ideas in this study and the conclusions that resulted from this study

الدور الاقتصادي والسياسي للعملة الاحتياطية : الدولار انموذجا == The economic and political role of the reserve currency - American’s dollar

Author name: زينب سعد شمس الدين الشيشاني
Supervisor name: هجير عدنان زكي امين
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: International Relations and Foreign Policy
Degree: Doctorate
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: ان الاساس المؤثر في النظام النقدي الدولي هي العملة الاحتياطية او العملة القائدة كماهو متعارف عليه، وهي التي تعمل عمل المحرك لهذا النظام وان اي دولة قائمة على نظام اقتصادي مستقر قادرة بذلك على تحقيق النمو والاستقرار وبذلك هي تضمن علاقات تجارية مزدهرة مع دول اخرى، ذلك النظام الاقتصادي الذي بدوره يضمن توفير السيولة من خلال نظام المدفوعات الدولية والاشراف على تنظيم المعاملات الدولية، ومن المتعارف عليه ايضا حسب اراء بعض الادبيات الاقتصادية والنقدية ان العملة الاحتياطية هي عبارة عن عملة وطنية تقوم بوظائف النقود الدولية، ويدعمها اقتصاد قوي متنوع، وتؤهلها العديد من الميزات لتؤدي دور الوساطة في تسوية المدفوعات وسداد الديون، ولتكون ايضا وسيلة فعالة في تحقيق التسويات مما يؤهلها تلقائيا لتقوم بمهام النقد الدولي. ومن اجل ان تبقى هذه العملة محل ثقة واستخدام المجتمع الدولي، فمن المفروض ان تحقق توازن لمصالحها الوطنية والدولية في ان معا دون ان تاثر احداهما على الاخرى، ومع ان النظام النقدي قد انفصل بعض الشيء عن علاقته الوطنية، فاصبح التاثير الاكبر عليه ناتج عما يحدث في مجموع العلاقات الدولية، وان تفاوتت نسب تاثير الدول في تلك العلاقات. وتخضع العملة الاحتياطية الى العديد من التاثيرات، رافقتها منذ قدم تاريخها حتى يومنا هذا، فهي خاضعة لمؤثرات ناتجة من العوامل الاقتصادية والسياسية والقانونية والاجتماعية ترافقها في كل حقبة تاريخية، وبذلك نذكر ان النظام الدولي يعود الى جذور اوربية وتحديدا القرون الوسطى التي شهدت احتدادا للتنافس بين الكنيسة، المسيطر الروحي ذلك الوقت، وبين اصحاب الشان الرفيع لتاتي النتيجة لصالحهم، وبذلك يكون منتصف القرن التاسع عشر هو بداية انشاء الدول القومية في اوروبا. وبتتابع التطور التاريخي للنظام النقدي الدولي، وتحديدا بعد نظام بريتون وودز انتهى شكله الاخير باعتماد العملات الاحتياطية الرئيسة ياتي الدولار الامريكي بالدرجة الاولى على راس هذا العملات. ويحتم علينا القول بان نظام بريتون وودز مهد الطريق امام الدولار ليحتل مكانته كعملة احتياطية اولى ذلك عن طريق منحه امتياز خلق السيولة الدولية من خلال عجز ميزان المدفوعات الدولية، وهذا مايعنى بالامتياز الفائق او المفرط، وهو مصطلح اطلقه الفرنسيين عندما انتقدوا نظام النقد الدولي باعتماد الدولار كعملة دولية, لانه بذلك يعفي الولايات المتحدة الامريكية من العديد من الالتزامات تجاه الدول، ناهيك عن المكاسب الجمة التي تحصل عليها الولايات المتحدة الامريكية باعتبار عملتها عملة احتياطية دولية اولى. ان تمتع الولايات المتحدة الامريكية باقتصاد قوي وقوة نفوذ الدولار الامريكي سياسيا وعسكريا، وذلك كون عملتها عملة احتياطية اولى في العالم، قد منح الولايات المتحدة الامريكية امتيازات فائقة، ومن هذا المنطلق انتهجت الولايات المتحدة الامريكية منهجا خاصا في صنع سياستها الخارجية واقعة بذلك تحت تاثير جهات ضاغطة مثل اللوبيات والشركات متعددة الجنسية او الشركات العملاقة ومن اهمها شركات السلاح وشركات النفط. ان هذه الامتيازات التي تتمتع بها الولايات المتحدة الامريكية، والناتجة من كون عملتها عملة احتياطية اولى في العالم، ساهمت كثيرا في دعم القوة العسكرية الامريكية في سبيل تحقيق اهداف الامن القومي الامريكي، وتمثل ذلك في عسكرة الاقتصاد الامريكي على مدى اكثر من نصف قرن وتمويل الحروب بطرق متعددة، وان كانت الولايات المتحدة الامريكية تعاني من مشاكل اقتصادية لعل ابرزها العجز التجاري القائم في ميزان مدفوعاتها، وذلك نتيجة العديد من الاسباب منها الحروب المكلفة التي خاضت غمارها الولايات المتحدة الامريكية، ولعل ابرزها الحرب الامريكية على فيتنام والحرب الامريكية على العراق، وقد انعكست هذه المتغيرات على طبيعة وسياسة الادارة الامريكية الحالية التي تتبوا مركز القيادة والزعامة في العالم مما اعطى ملامح واضحة للدور السياسي للدولار الامريكي. | The growth and economic stability to any state does not take place only when the availability of the monetary system is capable of providing the necessary liquidity to the economy, monitoring and controlling the various indicators which reflect the economic performance. As well as the international level does not represent a booming trade and economic relations between States unless there is a monetary system including rules and mechanisms to stabilize the international monetary and provide liquidity to the international payments and supervising the organization of international transaction. Probably one of the main components of international liquidity is what is known conventionally currency reserves and the task of leading the international monetary system. Throughout the nineteenth - century and until the beginning of the First World War transactions States were according to the gold standard system, and its banknotes issued by central banks, it's used in state of gold, a cover 100%, The pound sterling, as well as gold, were treated at the international level, and ranks first among reserved currencies. That the power enjoyed by the pound sterling before the First World War was a reflection of the political and economic power and military encamping in that period and was practiced in the field of international trade. The dollar did not play any role at the international level in this period. Since the First World War began, and expanded the requirements of war efforts and military expenditures, it's went out, states began to issue massive amounts of paper money to equal the size of military expenditures, collapse the international monetary system of gold standard, and continued system of international monetary system suffers from many crises since the end of the First World War until the Second World War. The dollar at the beginning of the year 1945, it work began (the Convention on the Breton Woods) and it is covered with gold by 100%, and become the first currency reserved in the world, was awarded the international monetary system concession to U. S. A, and it is a possibility to create the international liquidity through the U.S.A balance of payments deficit. This is what we mean by the word exorbitant privilege. We discussed the associated political and economic side of what is known to privilege, a term reportedly at the France when it blames the adoption of the international monetary system, the dollar as an international currency and providing state - exporting to it, the U.S.A, a privilege exempting them from the real commitment to other countries. The fact that the U.S.A. dollar, supported by a strong economy with high productivity, control over global trade, access to foreign markets, the ability to increase exports, military power and political influence is clear, making it the first reserved currency in the world. The American dollar is supported by strong economics that has high productivity and controls on the world trade and has an access to the foreign markets and it is able to increase the exports , clear military power and political influence making it the first reserved currency in the world that currency which has political dimensions.The international reserved currency through the dollar experience assures the political effects and dimensions of that leading currency through the American foreign policy and demands of the American the national security before and after the events of Sep.2001 and it explains that the most effected sides of making the American foreign policy is the lobbies or the pressure groups and also the multinational companies or the giant companies .The most important ones are the weapons companies and oil companies. The economic momentum supporting the military power in achieving the goals of the American national security represents encamping the American economics more than half century and supporting the wars in multi ways ,the most important ones are taxes , Treasury bills that the American government presents ; the citizens and the foreign people that finances wars that it is engaged in that it suffers from the economic problems ,the most important ones is the deficit in the trading balance.The most prominent American wars that they have high economic and financial costs ,the American - Vietnam wars and the American war on Iraq and it reflects the variables on the nature of the current American administration and the policy of the United states that predicts the leading centre that it gives clear features for the political role of the international reserved currency - the American dollar as sample - that it deals with through the chapters of the research.The Framework of ResearchThis research is divided after the introduction into four chapters ,it deals with the variables concerning with that chapter ,the subject of the first chapter is a conceptual access dealing with the reserved currency in the international currency system through two researches, the first sections deals with the concept of the concept of reserved currency and its contents ,section two deals with the functional role of the reserved currency in the international currency system.Chapter two deals with the international reserved currency during the historical development and its current reality through three sections. Section One deals with the development of the international reserved currency ,section two deals with the dollar as an international reserved currency in the international reserved system and section three deals with the role of the other currencies in the current international system. Chapter three that discuses the economic role of the reserved currency(dollar as a sample)through three sections, section one deals with the financial sides for the economic dominance on the international level, section two deals with advantages and the arranged costs on the American national currency (dollar)as a tool in settling the debts and section three deals with the political economics of the international currency. Chapter four of the research studies the political role of the international reserved currency (dollar experience)through three sections, section one discusses the American foreign policy and interests of the national security and the partners that have an effect on the operation of the American decision making, section two the role of the economic momentum supporting the American military power, that power which is used for achieving the American political goals, the American military factorial community that the United States of America, section three studies the American military power and the most prominent wars of the United states of America and what has happened in the current American policy.

التنمية السياسية العربية بين الاصلاح السياسي ودعوة التغيير الخارجي == Arabian Political Development Between Political Reform & External Change invitation

Author name: زيد عدنان محسن العكيلي
Supervisor name: لبنان هاتف الشامي
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Systems and Public Policies
Degree: Doctorate
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: مع نهاية القرن العشرين واطلالة القرن الحادي والعشرين شهد العالم ولادة نظام دولي جديد ، اطلق بداياته بحرب الخليج الثانية التي قادتها الولايات المتحدة الامريكية في منطقة من اهم المناطق الاستراتيجية في العالم الا وهي منطقة الوطن العربي حيث شهدت هذه المنطقة حربا اقليمية التمسية ، دولية التاثير ، عالمية الابعاد ، لتعلن ميلاد حقبة دولية جديدة . تمتاز بهيمنة القطب الامريكي الذي اخذ يفرض مفاهيمه على العالم في اطار ظاهرة تحركها قوى المال والاعلام الا وهي " العولمة " واحيانا تستخدم القوة العسكرية لـ(مكافحة الارهاب ، الحد من اسلحة الدمارالشامل) هذه الظاهرة هي التي حملت شعارات الديمقراطية وحقوق الانسان والحريات العامة لتجعل منها معيارا للثواب والعقاب فمن يرفع هذه الشعارات وينفتح على النظام العالمي الجديد يحظى بالثواب ، ومن يعرض عن الديمقراطية وحقوق الانسان والحريات العامة يتعرض لخطر العقاب ، وبذلك وجدت الانظمة السياسية العربية نفسها امام عملية اصلاح ديمقراطي عالمية تقودها الولايات المتحدة مفروضة عليها من الخارج ، وهذه العملية العالمية انتخبت وانتقت مواقع ذات اهمية استراتيجية لتطل من خلالها على العالم . لذا فان الدول العربية امام عملية تغريب سياسي عالمي (الغربنة) من خلال فرض ايديولوجية الغرب الراسمالي ضمن موجة الديمقراطية التي جاءت كرد فعل للمتغيرات الدولية وقد سميت هذه المرحلة بـ(التحرر السياسي) ، لكن نتائج هذا التحول كانت قد اخذت شكل تناقضات شهدها العالم العربي ضمن هذه الايديولوجية المفروضة او الوافدة . اذ ليس بمقدور كل دول العالم النامي بصورة عامة والدول العربية بصورة خاصة ان تطبق هذه التجربة بمناى عن اي تخبطات او تعثرات ، لان بعض هذه الدول غير مهيا اساسا للاصلاح السياسي وبالتالي تنمية سياسية حقيقية ديمقراطية . اذ ان الشعارات والدعوات التي تطلق في ميدان حقوق الانسان والتعددية من قبل دعاة " النظام الدولي الجديد " ، لاتزال تخاطب مجتمعات - هشة - وتستغل الاوضاع المتردية لحقوق الانسان هذه ، لتدغدغ امال الشعوب والمجموعات والجماعات التي تعاني من القمع ، وتظهر وكانها هي المنقذ لها . كما ان الدعوات لملاحقة المسؤولين عن انتهاكات حقوق الانسان بصفتهم الفردية امام القضاء تمهد الطريق نفسيا لتقبل هذه الدعوات والترحيب بها والترويج لها واللجوء الى القوى الخارجية ، فاذا اظهرت الديمقراطية الليبرالية نظما غير متوائمة مع مصالح الغرب فليس هناك اي مانع من اجهاض هذه التجربة على الرغم من الشعارات التي ترفعها . لقد اصبح الفراغ الذي تعانيه المنطقة العربية بسبب غياب مشروع اصلاحي تنموي سياسي ديمقراطي يشكل فرصة سانحة للقوى الدولية التي تمتلك مصالح استراتيجية في المنطقة لتقديم مشاريع (اصلاحية) للانظمة التسلطية في المنطقة هذه الانظمة التي كانت تحظى في السابق بدعم نفس القوى التي بادرت لتقديم هذه المشاريع (الاصلاحية) . حيث ساد الاعتقاد ان الاخذ بالانظمة الراسية وهيمنة الحزب الواحد (الوحيد) سيقود الدول العربية الى الاستقرار السياسي على اساس ان التعددية قد تخلق حالة من الفوضى بسبب الصراع على السلطة بين الاحزاب ، ذلك فضلا عن ان نظام الحزب الواحد سيقود الى انجاز مهم هو بناء الوحدة الوطنية ، والنهوض باعباء تحقيق التنمية الشاملة ، التي تحتاج الى سلطة قوية لاتتوفر في الانظمة البرلمانية التعددية ، لان التعددية تعني الفرقة والتنافر ، فضلا عن كل ذلك فان نظام الحزب الواحد قد حقق واحدا من اهم اهدافه وهو ضمان الاستمرار للنخب السياسية الحاكمة دون مضايقات القوى المعارضة لها ، بهذه القناعة حكمت الانظمة السلطوية العربية ، حيث حظيت هذه الانظمة بدعم احد المعسكرين ابان الحرب العالمية الثانية لابقاء نظام سلطوي يقمع المعارضة ويحول دون انتقال الدولة الى منطقة نفوذ المعسكر الاخر . ولهذا فان المطالبة بالتنمية والاصلاح تقع في صلب المعركة من اجل الوطن الحر السيد الموحد . وهذا الهدف لايتحقق الا في ظل انظمة شرعية تكفل حقوق المواطنين وتحظى بدعمهم وتكسب ثقتهم التي تشكك في المشاريع الاصلاحية المقدمة من قبل الحكومات بسبب خبرتها معها . اذن الاصلاح السياسي الديمقراطي ضرورة يفرضها واقع المجتمع العربي في الوطن العربي ، لخلق حالة من الاستقرار والعدالة داخل هذا المجتمع الكبير الذي اصبحت تنطوي بين جنباته على متغيرات الرفض للانظمة السياسية القائمة والرغبة بالتغيير والاصلاح ، وهذه المتغيرات اذ لم يتم استيعابها في اطار عملية سلمية فانها ستولد انفجار تعجز الانظمة السياسية القائمة على استيعابه ، اذن لايمكن الخروج من الازمة التي تتعرض لها الانظمة السياسية العربية من دون وجود عملية اصلاح شاملة وحقيقية ، تاخذ في اعتباراتها التطورات الدولية ومواثيق حقوق الانسان ، هذا لان نجاح العملية الاصلاحية العربية يتطلب العودة الى الاصول من اجل هضمها وغربلتها واستخراج شيء جديد منها اصيل كاصالتها ، لا ان يعتمد الاصلاح على هوامش الفكر الغربي او يكتفي بالتراث فالاصلاح لايمكن ان يؤسس على هوامش او جزئيات . بل هو كل متفاعل بين معطيات التراث التي تشكل خصوصية المشروع ، والاعتبارات الدولية التي تنطوي على الحداثة ، حتى ينجح المشروع التنموي الاصلاحي فانه يتطلب اذن ثقافة سياسية جديدة تعمل على احلال النزعة النسبية في الوعي السياسي محل النزعة الشمولية ، وتحل التوافق والتراضي والتعاقد محل قواعد التسلط والاحتكار والالغاء . لايمكن لاي مشروع اصلاح سياسي ديمقراطي في الوطن العربي النجاح دون وجود مجتمع مدني نشيط وحيوي يسهم بفاعلية لبلورة مشروع اصلاح سياسي ديمقراطي يناسب خصوصية كل دولة ويستوعب القوى المجتمعية ، وادت حالة التردي التي تعتصر الكيانات العربية وتحايل الحكومات على مشاريع الاصلاح الفرصة لتدخل الاجنبي لاجراء التغيير بعدما فشلت الانظمة السياسية العربية بتغيير نفسها ، اذن الاصلاح امر ضروري وعاجل ، ينبع من داخل مجتمعاتنا ذاتها ويستجيب الى تطلعات الجماهير في بلورة مشروع شامل للاصلاح ، يضم الجوانب السياسية والاقتصادية والاجتماعية والثقافية...الخ ، فالديمقراطية ليست مؤسسات فقط وانما هي ثقافة سياسية وسياسات اقتصادية واجتماعية وثقافية ...الخ ، متفاعلة مع بعضها البعض ، اذن اي مشروع للاصلاح الديمقراطي في الشرق الاوسط حتى يكتب له النجاح لابد ان يميز الوطن العربي عن سواه ، بسبب الخصوصية التي تمتع بها الدول العربية بحيث يسمح المشروع الاصلاحي بالتعامل مع كل دولة على حده ، وينتظم في نسق عام مع القواسم العربية المشتركة الاخرى ، بينما يتيح لكل مجتمع عربي كي يدفع خطوات الاصلاح الخاصة به الى الامام ، ويفعل من الوجود العربي على الساحة الدولية والاقليمية ، ويبعده عن التقوقع والتمحورعلى الذات . | With the end of the 20th century and the outset of the 21st century, the world witnessed the birth of a new world order. It began with the 2nd Gulf War led by the United States of America (USA) in one of the most important strategic regions the world - the Arab Homeland. This Region witnessed a regional and afflictive war marked with international dimensions and impacts announcing the birth of a new international era. This era is branded with the domination of the American pole that started imposing its concepts on the world in the framework of a phenomenon driven by money and media, i.e.," globalization". Sometimes the military force is used for (fighting terrorism or banning the proliferation of the weapons of mass destruction). This phenomenon raised the slogans of democracy, human rights and general freedoms to be used as the criterion for reward and punishment. Those who adopt these slogans and welcome the new world order will be rewarded, and those who reject democracy, human rights and general freedoms will be punished. Therefore, the Arab political systems found themselves facing a world democratic reformation process led by the USA. This process selected strategically important locations to dominate from these locations on the world. Consequently, the Arab states are facing a westernization process through the imposition of the ideology of the capitalistic western world within the wave of democracy that came as a reaction fro the international changes. This stage is called as (political liberation). However, the results of this alteration took the form of contradictions witnessed by the Arab world within the incoming or imposed ideology. Generally, all the developing and Arab countries cannot implement this experiment without stumbling and floundering. That is because some of these countries are not prepared for political reformation and hence a real democratic and political development. The claims and slogans raised in the arena of human rights and pluralism by the heralds of the "new world order", still addressing - fragile - communities and utilizing the bad situation of human rights there to titillate the hopes of the oppressed peoples and groups. They want to look as their saviors. The calls for hunting down those who are responsible for the violations of human rights, in persons, before courts, pave the way psychologically to accept, welcome and promulgate for these calls and resort to the outside powers. So, if the liberal democracy generates systems that are not inline with western interests, then there is no obstacle to abort this experiment despite the slogans it may raise. The vacuity from which the Arab region suffers due to the absence of democratic, political, developmental and reforming project gives a an easy chance to the international powers that have strategic interests in the region to provide (reformation) projects for the dictatorship regimes in the region. In the past, these regimes were backed by same powers that took the initiative of the provision of such reformation projects. There has been a tenet saying that the adoption of hierarchical regimes and the hegemony of one party (the only one) will lead the Arab states to political stability. That was based on the idea that pluralism or (a multi - party - state system) could result in disorder originated from the dispute on authority between the parties. This is in addition to the belief that a single - party - state system will leads to a significant accomplishment, i.e., building the national unity and upholding the extensive development that needs a powerful authority which the multi - party parliamentary systems lack. This is because the multi - party system means disunity and discord. Aside from that, the single - party system has achieved one of its biggest aims - insuring the persistence of the political elites in power without being annoyed by their opposing powers. According to this belief the totalitarian Arab regimes ruled their peoples. These regimes were supported by one of the two camps during the 2nd World War for preserving a totalitarian regime that oppresses the opposition and stands against the transition of the state to the influence of the other camp. Therefore, the call for reformation and development lies at the heart of the battle for a unified, sovereign and free country. This goal cannot be achieved unless there are legal systems that guarantee the rights of the citizens and enjoys their support and credit which suspiciously regards the reformation projects offered by the governments due to their experiences with them. It became clear that the democratic political reformation is a necessity dictated by the nature of the Arab community in the Arab Homeland. And that is to create a state of stability and justice inside the big community which is folding and encompassing the new conditions of rejecting the existing political regimes and the desire for change and reformation. These new conditions or variables, if they were not contained in the framework of a peaceful process, it will generate an explosion which cannot be contained by the existing political systems. Therefore, there is no way out of the crisis which the Arab political regimes face now unless there is real and extensive reformation process that take into its consideration the international developments and the human rights charts. This is because the success of the Arab reformation process requires from us to go to the origins in order to comprehend and sift them to extract something as a new and genuine as it is. Reformation should not depend on the margins of the western thinking or be limited to heritage. It cannot be based on margins and partialities. Yet, it represents the interaction between the given facts of the heritage that formulates the features of the project on the one hand, and the international consideration branded with modernity. In order that the reformation and developmental project succeeds, it requires a new political culture that works on replacing the relativism whim in the political perception with the comprehensive whim. Similarly, harmony and accord replaces the rules of hegemony, monopoly and revocation. No democratic reformation project in the Arab Homeland can succeed unless there is an active civil society that contributes vitally in the building of a democratic political reformation project that fits the specialties of each country and contains the powers of its community. The deterioration that is pressing out the Arab entities and the deception organized by the governments against the reformation projects, gave the opportunity for the foreign intervention to carry out the changing process after the Arab political systems failed to change itself. Reformation therefore is a necessity in our communities and it responds to the expectations of the peoples for the building of an extensive reformation project. This project includes all the political, economic, social and cultural aspects. These aspects react with each other. Therefore, if there is any project for democratic reformation to be successful in the Middle East, it should differentiate the Arab Homeland from the other regions due to features which the Arab countries enjoy. Such a project should give the chance of treating each state alone. It should have a general order with the things that the Arab countries have in - common. It also give the chance for each Arab society to push forward its own reformation steps and invigorates the Arab presence both on the regional and international levels and keep it off from confinement and introversion

القوى الكبرى واعادة تشكيل النظام الدولي : دراسة في فرضيات الصعود والافول == Great Powers And Reforming International System A Study In The Assumptions Of Ascendancy And Decline

Author name: علي بشار بكر اغوان
Supervisor name: محمد ياس خضير
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: International Relations and Foreign Policy
Degree: Doctorate
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science - Department Of International Policy
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: Constitute the rotation exponential relationship dimensions positive and negative between the international system over the different stages of the major powers in various manifestations, argumentative and extensive research and one of the main gates of understanding of international relations at the contemporary stage, this relationship has opened ample room for endoscopy and research in but the international system and major powers dramatically, impact, vulnerability and nutrition, nutrition reverse dual between the international system and major powers relationship has alternated according to each stage and this relationship is the main problem of the balance of power in several stages, and when he was urgently needed because of the international system is to be the foundation standard for classification of power arrogance in the world, we became our international system stable and clearly defined in terms of the formation of systemic in different structural dimensions, that the international system is established the concept of structural and quality of states and impose the rhythm of movement for many reasons, notably that the nature of the regime often imposes itself a great obligation for these forces because adopted for fear of imbalance or break up of certain international situation or threat to the status of this or that country. While it is possible that just the opposite is happening as they become the major powers in the zenith of its power is granted international system and give it structure and posed or change the balance, that is, the major powers here are the ruler and the clutch on the decision to change within the system and not vice versa.Of course, and as far as what the major powers and the international system and the issues of restructuring strategy and the required strategic supplies, it became clear manner that does not accept the argument that the concept of power and public and private as has changed helped broadly to re - read the beliefs of the strategic countries in terms of the ups and build self - mechanisms .Importance of the study : Centric importance of the study of it represents an attempt research earnest to form a new theory to explain how they can through the major powers arise strategic detail the destruction, they also offer hypotheses second supplement to the theory of looking at the mechanics of the fading of states and their tracks and provide detailed explanations of the forms of collapse and form, in the sense that the subject of major powers and reshape the international system based on the assumptions of ascent and decline, it represents an attempt to re - read international relations in general and major powers and the international system, in particular in the pot research focuses on the scientific methodology of the measurement, audit and observation and select the tracks.The problem of the study : The study generally runs from the two problems main ways : the first, which is problematic conceptual theory relating to the characterization of and what the big powers and the international system and the nature of the dialectical relationship rotating between the two, the second is problematic current major powers characterization and put it in its proper place according to the hypothesis of ascent and decline and the compatibility of all the power with these hypotheses.The dilemma conceptual first, since the study is trying through, and over the detective and three chapters, the first - the first, second and third - explain what the clash incident between the international system and major powers, as it is trying to study here and across this part of the dilemma that the disintegration of the complex Association about the presence of overlapping relationship is a clear path between the evolution of the international system on the one hand and major powers on the other hand, due to the complexity of the actors and their diversity and change the concept of power and its vocabulary, this relationship appears frequently as a rotational (ie, when they vibrate and weaken the international system, is restored and fed through strategic reaction of major powers on the form of finding a new strategic balance or maintain the strategic balance as and when it weakens the major powers, the system modifying itself in line with the size of the weakness incident to correspond to the requirements and elements of modernization that has occurred in the international environment and gives the stream additional to those strengths that have benefited from the decline in single actors function or polar strategic act also shall be either by maintaining a balance or modify it identifies with the size and manage change).While Applied dilemma second focuses on practical models of major powers and try to determine its position in the international system based on key assumptions that have been developed and adopted a basic criteria for the rise of the big powers and the eclipse, as it dealt with the last three chapters (IV, V and VI) the issue of the status of all power in the international system - models selected - based on the extent of approaching and distancing itself from the hypotheses that have been put forward both in terms of climb or, moreover study focuses in this part of the dilemma defines the shape of the future of the international order based on the data and the reality of the big powers. It is through this dilemma offers a number of central research questions that the study will try to answer them through the next research context, the most important of these questions are : 1. What is the fundamental nature of the relationship between the international system and major powers?2. How can identify the key ingredients that require their presence in the power of any wish to become a major international scope of the system?3. What are the main forms of balance known to international relations throughout history, the nation - state?4. Who are the actors function capable of control in the international system and restructuring?5. How can identify the entrances of change within the international system and who knows this change?6. What is the most important hypotheses that can be through to become a major force on the international scope of the system?7. How can identify the most important hypotheses decline that lead them to collapse?8. Do not slip United States a world power?9. Is Russia today is on its way toward building the same to you mean by itself as one of the poles of the future world again?10. Is China really able to replace the United States? And how?11. What is Japan's new site in the international system?12. What is the future of the international system in the light of data the rise and fall of great powers?Hypothesis of the study : Consistent with the dilemma that have been submitted and research questions that have been submitted and as well as the main hypotheses that have been adopted by the study systematically through the third quarter in an attempt to form a comprehensive theory, the study starts from the assumption president of that on the basis of (that there is a direct correlation "positive + negative" between the regime the one hand and major powers on the other hand. The more major powers more coherent and stronger the more you process the formation of the international system more discipline, and vice versa, the more the international system more solid whenever the major powers to maintain more balance and less likely to change. And branching out from this hypothesis President, two assumptions in two basic subgroups : The first hypothesis : Whenever any major international force backed away from its position, as it was an opportunity to push a new force to fill the vacuum, and this is a dialectical ascent and decline.The second hypothesis : Whenever a major international force backed away from its position as it was an opportunity to reshape the international system according to the new balance of power. This is the dialectical relationship between the international system and major powers.Curricula : The study used the six - round main chapters range of approaches that are used in scientific research on the scope of political science were as follows : 1. The historical approach, which sought the study through used to display the most prominent of the relevant idea of historical experiences and the subject that the researcher wants to clarify, this has been the approach one of the main approaches that have been through it to identify the mechanisms of the fading of the major powers and the conclusion of which many hypotheses have been one of the most important pillars of the study at various stages.2. Analytical Approach : The study used the analytical approach to the study of various plants for several purposes, the most important cases of the dismantling and re - installed in accordance with the main theme of her service, and the support of the conclusions of this approach is based on the basis of scrutiny of reality and studied extensively studied through strategic insight.3. Approach the international system Analysis : It is one of the most major and modern approaches that study sought to focus on it through international structural analysis and situations experienced by the international system and the dismantling of his limbs and its impact, the study was able bumpy this approach to reach many conclusions based on what provided by this approach of the mechanics to understand the phenomenon and absorbed significantly.4. Approach to measure the strength of nations : one of the most important approaches and, most recently that for its research tools have enabled the study to identify the most prominent features of the strength and the weakness of the major powers and greatly helped to explain many of the phenomena and dismantled as it should.5. Future Approach : It is one of the most important methods you used for the purposes of study, the most important of several identifying features scenes of the future of the international system according to the scene forward - looking unconditional. Structural study : As well as the introduction to the study and details and the conclusion and findings, the study contained two doors presidents by six central chapters, the first section by three chapters titled (conceptual framework and theoretical), while Part II came with three other chapters supplement entitled (Applied and future frame).Ensure that the first chapter of the study, which came under the title (the major powers and the international system), the two main two sections (Section I : what the major powers and the international system) while the second part, titled (forms of power in the international system balance).On the other hand Chapter II of the study, which was titled contained (actors in international relations and the entrances to change) on two sections two main (Section I : actors function traditional and new actors function of non - State actors in international relations), while the second section under the title (the entrances to the change in the system international).Also a third chapter of the study, which was titled (hypotheses rise and fall of great powers) of the two main two sections (Section I : hypotheses rise of major powers) while the second part, titled (hypotheses fading major powers).Chapter IV of the study contains two sections and two presidents, who came under the title (the major powers "core" and measuring hypotheses ascent and decline), was the first topic title (the United States) while the second section title (Russian Federation).On the other hand, Chapter V of the study complements the above by two sections presidents under the title of president of the chapter came a (major powers "emerging" and measuring hypotheses ascent and decline), was the first section of the chapter entitled (China), while the second part, titled (Japan) .

النخبة السياسية في العراق 1958 - 2014 : دراسة في التوجيهات والاهداف == The political elites that ruled Iraq (1958 - 2014) studies in trends and goals

Author name: سعدي ابراهيم حسين
Supervisor name: ليث عبد الحسن جواد الزبيدي
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Systems and Public Policies
Degree: Doctorate
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science - Department Of Political Systems And Public Policies
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The present dissertation consists of four chapters preceeded by an introduction and followed by a conclusion . It sets out from questioning and if the political elites henceforth (P.Es) successivly ruled Iraq for the period (1958 - 2014) are and the same trends and gools ?The dissertation replies This inquiry by hypothesising that the (P.Es) successively ruled Iraq vary in their trends and goals , as each has its own ones . The trends and goals mainle of (P.E) ruled for (1958 - 1963) concentrated on constructing Iraqi state . The (P.E) of (1963 - 2003) was of Arabic national trends and goals . As for the (P.E) came to power in Iraq after 2003 , they are of no clear trends and goals , considering their different national , religions and sectarian trends and goals .To verity of valility of this Aypothesis , Ch1 studies the (P.E) ruled Iraq (1958 - 1963) . Ch2 studies the (P.E) ruled for the period (1963 - 1968) . Ch3 studies the (P.E) ruled Iraq (1968 - 2003) . while Che4 concerns the study for the (P.E) ruled since 2003 till 2014 .The disser tation has come to the following conclusions : First : - the ruling(P.E) of (1958 - 2003) are of persons mostly come from military establishment , with an important exceptions when these elites by headed by civil leaders , as the case with the political (Abdulrhman Al - Bazaz) who became prime minster , and the former Iraqi president (Saddam Hussein) came to power in 1979 as a president. the later , in spite driving himself to the military establish meant by seizing the biggest military rank , he still being actually a civilian .Second : - The (P.E) ruled Iraq before 2003 depended on their own capacities to take the power by making revolutions coups . While the (P.E) came to power after 2003 till the time of concluding this dissertation , depended on external factor represented by USA support to expel the previous (P.E) and substitute it by recent (P.Es) .Third : - The (P.Es) ruled Iraq all over the period specified for the purpose of the present study didn't succeed to a achieve their trends and goals , moreover , they encountered by internal obstacles and the (P.Es) themselves , as well as home and external (regional and international) obstacles .So , we could say the trends and goals that helped (P.Es) to take power , were at the same time reasons behind losing the power , especially before 2003 .After 2003 , the (P.Es) national and sectarian trends and goals were negative factors led rulling system specially and the whole country in general to many economical , political and security problem and crises . the most prominent one is the national and communal political share in rulling Iraq .Finally , the dissertation comes to a list and suggestion , including : - 1 - concerning the future (P.Es) trends and goals it is suggested that the new (P.E) have to adopt popular national trends and goals of all Iraqi people suitable for Iraqi situation , which promots and at the same time supported by the a general unified national identity . the best possible suggested strategy to achieve this to follow the steps and rebuilt state resemble that and ancient Iraqi empires since it unified all Iraqi nation under their title , as no Iraqi Arabs , Kurds and other could deny his Hondo our to be belong to those civilizations .So , we could keep Iraq away from the risk of national and sectarian trends and goals .2 - concerning the mechanism to take the power : - The study suggests that the peaceful exchang of power is that best way must be adapted by the future(P.E) as it is founded by USA in Iraq after 2003, and they must leave the second alternative , i.e the violence to take the power which was the only way the past since 1958 .3 - concerning the political performance , the study concentrates the necessity of correspondence between trends and goals on one hand , and the (P.Es) , performance on the other hand . this could be achieved by adopting reviewing trends and goals periodically by the (P.Es) and reforming these trends and goals to be realistic of applicable within a reasonable and useful period for Iraqi people , not imaginary and Uri realistic like establishing national state , while the existed Arab countries are under the risk of partioning one after one . Neither trying to establish a communal (sinni or Shiite) state while Iraq realy consists of more than one religion or sect .

اثـر ادارة نـظام الابـداع الـوطنـي فـي استراتيجية التكيف والسيطرة : دراسة نموذج العراق

Author name: محمد مصطفى جمعة السعدون
Supervisor name: سرمد زكي الجادر | مازن اسماعيل الرمضاني
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Strategic Studies
Degree: Doctorate
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

القيادة واثرها في الاداء الاستراتيجي التركي الشرق الاوسط انموذجا == Leadership and its Impact on the Turkish Strategic Performance Middle East as a Model

Author name: محمد عبد الله راضي
Supervisor name: باقر جواد كاظم السوداني
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Strategic Studies
Degree: Doctorate
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The study addressed the issue of leadership, as one of the important topics in the field of political science, and in strategic studies. Political leaders are to give countries a regional or global status.The political leadership in the country, define the objectives, means of implementation, determine the power and weaknesses of the state, and monitoring the opportunities and difficulties, in the internal and external environment.Turkey, since 2002, witnessed the presence of a leadership with Islamic content, able to convey Turkey than doubled phase to phase power. And headed Turkey, under the control of the Islamists, to pay attention to the Middle East, as a strategic area.The Middle East, as a geographic area, includes : Egypt, Israel, and the Arab Gulf States, Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, Palestine, Iraq, Turkey, and Iran. And some of them add : Pakistan, Afghanistan, Arab Maghreb countries, and Sudan.Turkey lies in the Middle East, and during the period between 1923 - 2002, went secular, aiming to join Europe, and have been associated with NATO and the United States, ignoring its relations with the Middle East.The Islamists after taking power in Turkey, gave their attention to the Middle East, which was considered a pivotal area, to perform as a strategic actor.The study aims to : find a relationship between the role of Islamists leadership and the performance of Turkey in the Middle East. Within the period 2002 - 2020.And that raised the issue of the relationship between : the leadership of the Islamists, and Turkey's role in the Middle East, an important question : Is the effectiveness of the Turkish strategy, during the period 2002 - 2015, in the Middle East, linked to the presence of Islamists in power?The answer, verified the existence of a relationship between two variables. Turkey and the shift towards secular parties will push Turkey towards : a little get away from the Middle EastThe study was divided into three chapters, an introduction and a conclusion : 1. First chapter : (Turkish leadership and strategic perception of the Middle East), and it has to answer the question : How Islamists consider Turkey's role in the Middle East?And address this issue in two paragraphs, first : the theoretical framework for leadership, the relationship between leadership and strategic performance, and leadership connection with the strategic decision making in Turkey, and second : Turkish strategic perception of the Middle East from the aspects of political, security, economic and civilization importance.2. Second chapter (Turkish leadership and strategy in the Middle East). It has to answer the question : What is Turkey's strategic orientation towards the Middle East, and what is the content of the strategic performance?And it headed the study, in dealing with this subject, through three paragraphs : first, focused on variables effect Turkey's strategic performance in the Middle East. And second, it focused on the strategic orientation of the Turkish in the Middle East. And third, the history of Turkish strategic performance since World War II.3. Third chapter (Leadership and the future of strategic performance in the Middle East), and has to answer the question : Will the Islamists continue in the leadership of Turkey till 2023? And whether changes will happen in Turkey's strategy in the Middle East?And it headed the study, in dealing with this subject, through two paragraphs, first : the expected changes, in leadership, during the period between 2015 - 2020, inside Turkey, and second what changes is expected on the Turkish strategic performance, in the Middle East according to changes in leadership

السياسة الامنية الامريكية تجاه النظام الاقليمي في الشرق الاوسط بعد احداث 11 ايلول 2001 == United States Security Policy Toward The Regional Order In The Middle East After The Events Of September 11, 2001

Author name: ظفر عبد مطر التميمي
Supervisor name: سمير جسام راضي
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: International Relations and Foreign Policy
Degree: Doctorate
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: تعد السياسة الامريكية الخارجية بجانبها السياسي الامني من اهم المفردات التي تشكل احدى ادوات محور البناء والتغيير في منطقة الشرق الاوسط الموسع، وما يليها من مناطق مجاورة ، وذلك بعد انتهاء مرحلة الحرب الباردة، وتغير مراكز القوة العالمية، خاصة مع تصاعد مفاهيم مثل النظام الاقليمي، والاقليمية الجديدة، والامن الاقليمي والتي قد تبرز لتحل محل التعددية القطبية العالمية او على الاقل ستغير من مفهوم الهيمنة الامريكية على النظام العالمي الجديد. ولان القرن الحادي والعشرين بدا امريكيا بامتياز، فان الادارة الامريكية تحاول جاهدة فرض الصبغة الامريكية على هذا القرن حتى نهايته، او على الاقل حتى بداية ضعف الدولة الامريكية. ان منطقة الشرق الاوسط الموسع تمثل حالة من الوفرة في الموارد الطبيعية والديموغرافية فمن المؤكد انها ستمثل حالة من الوفرة ايضا في الخطط الامريكية التي ستؤدي الى تغيير المنطقة وفقا لتطلعات الادارة الامريكية وحلفائها، وبذلك تتناسب منطقة الشرق الاوسط الموسع مع التناغم الحاصل بين فوضى التغيير والنظام الاقليمي الجديد، والتي تمثل افضل السبل لجعل هذه المنطقة المشتعلة دوما باتون الحروب والصراعات اكثر ميلا نحو الاستقرار والسكينة وان تكلف ذلك مددا زمنية ليست بالقليلة او الهينة. وبالتالي فالادارة الامريكية امامها فرصة كبيرة في اعادة خلق المنطقة على وفق تخطيط استراتيجي اداري ناجح يتسم بصيغة المشاركة مع دول منطقة الشرق الاوسط الموسع والسماح بخلق محاور اقليمية جديدة تعتمد على تطوير نظامها الامني وربطه بالسياسة الامنية الامريكية والتي تفسح المجال امام القوة الذكية الامريكية لتؤسس مدارس فكرية جديدة غير بعيدة عن التوجه العسكري الامريكي ولا قريبة من التنازلات الخطيرة التي قد تغير من موازين القوى العالمية . | The American foreign policy is marked with political security one of the most important items that constitute one of the tools of axis construction and change in the broader Middle East, and its next neighboring regions, after the end of the Cold War era, and change centres of global power, especially with the escalation of concepts such as regional system, regional new, and regional security that may emerge to replace the multi - polar world, or at least will change the concept of American hegemony on the new world order , because the twenty - first century the start of U.S. par excellence, the U.S. administration is trying hard to impose American character to the end of this century, or at least until the beginning of the weakness of the American state.The broader Middle East region represents a state of abundance in natural resources, demographic. It certainly will be a case of abundance also in U.S. plans that will lead to change the region in accordance with the aspirations of the U.S. administration and its allies, and thus fit the broader of the Middle East with harmony happening between chaos of change and new regional order, which represents the best way to make this region a flaming always patron wars and conflicts are more inclined towards stability and tranquility and cost periods of time is not uncommon or soft. Thus American administration before a great opportunity to re - create the region according to a strategic planning successful management characterized format engagement with the countries of the Broader Middle East and allow the creation of regional hubs new depends on the development of its security system and link security policy of America, which gave way to smart power American establish schools of thought new non - far from the U.S. military approach does not close serious concessions that may change the global balance of power .

معوقات التنمية الشاملة فـي عـراق ما بعد التغيير السـياسي : دراسة في اثر عدم الاستقرار السياسي

Author name: جواد كاظم كطان الشمري
Supervisor name: صالح عباس الطائي
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Systems and Public Policies
Degree: Doctorate
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: Development in Iraq were problematic for the President of the successive regimes in spite of the differing motives and justifications have adopted a system in which to proceed, under the former regime was one of development solutions for the political legitimacy required to continue in power, and this is a natural fact that the Development Gateway always explains that contribute in giving some of the legitimate authority in the event it was not in accordance with the generally accepted elements of legitimacy and the most important of which voters choose voluntarily to the ruling authority, for this reason that the former regime began to implement major development during the Sbiniat of the last century is the first decade of the years of his reign, however, that poor Management Authority and the absence of democratic choice and the transformation of the ruling establishment to the individual institution has led to a decline in levels of development, after this process has gradually ceased during the years of the Iraq war - Iran and the subsequent drop in the continuation of the performance of the Iraqi economy by international sanctions imposed by the end of 1990 to show This decline in levels of development through a number of indicators including : deterioration of the Iraqi dinar, a decline in the average annual per capita income and therefore a sharp decline in the gross national product of the state, a gradual increase in the rates of unemployment and the high proportion of the total and starved of manpower, all of which had a bitter reflections indicators of human development, which is a component of overall development, as has the proportion who are literate (Literacy) and a decrease in the average life expectancy and this is what the Twcrh periodic reports of the United Nations and in particular its development program. With the political change that took place in 2003 an international resolution entered a critical juncture of development and perhaps even worse than previous years, if the former regime had been used based on the economic development of the oil wealth to solve the problems of input legitimacy, it is lost under the new system was of course the question of legitimacy with the adoption option the political process as a means of managing power in the country reduced to the question of development in the context of the provision of public services did not take place in this new political climate as a priority after Zahmtha other issues dominated the scene, despite the stated intentions of both the U.S. administration, which came to rule Iraq for about year or by the successive governments have been promising the reconstruction of Iraq and bring about comprehensive development in accordance with an international program along the lines of historical precedents of the heritage inspired by Japanese and German experiences, however, that the events that followed the political change and the reality of this project was postponed because of the continued deterioration of the situation of security and the rise of political conflicts potential between the parties to the political process and turned out to be a sectarian tensions so that the issue of development is not included in the government program, or it turned out to be just one small service delivery policies of local councils, in the sense that the latest development as planned according to a certain extent of time for a change in the social and economic realities as one of the central policies of the State Supreme ignored for the benefit of priority of security that drained a large part of the state budget in previous years remained in the funds allocated for development in the budget is weak and did not meet the real needs. It was the lack of political stability in Iraq is not in the greatest impact of causing FP stop the development process but also the decline of instability Fmkrjat, which were represented in the absence of consensus on government policy and the transformation of the sectarian tension to a civil war which lasted more than a year led to the spread of administrative corruption in state institutions because of poor oversight and accountability mechanisms result concerns the problem of security, which has become the obsession of both the state and the citizen, which in turn has led to disruption of the majority of reconstruction projects, as well as the flight of national capital to markets abroad in search of a more secure, without forgetting that Iraq's transition to a sustainable environment for the violence to make of foreign investment, both in its direct or indirect is not contained at all. On this basis, the security requirement is most urgent is the need for (for the citizen - the voter) and the legitimacy of the government is subject to its ability to provide a more secure environment which reveals a change in political behavior is the re - ordering of priorities in the collective mind on the basis of the prevailing circumstances so that it is to live in completion of a more secure environment proves the legitimacy of authority, and perhaps this new hierarchy of priorities in the collective mind has provided more space for corruption to become the administrative status of the membership of the inherent structure of the Iraqi state, have contributed significantly to the failure of development plans, on the basis of the fact that the conditions are intended to set priorities , development will become a political demand of voters where there is a safe environment so as to become synonymous with the legitimacy of their authority in the implementation of this requirement.

الحكم العالمي في دراسة العلاقات الدولية بعد الحرب الباردة == Global Governance In The Study Of International Relations Post Cold War Era

Author name: اياد هلال حسين الكنانـي
Supervisor name: قاسم محمد عبد علي الدليمي
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: International Relations and Foreign Policy
Degree: Doctorate
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science - Department Of International Policy
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: For a long time, governance was a syndrome of state sovereignty; the authority of governing all aspects of life in the frame of its regional existence. Its continuous pursue is that all remains under full control, in addition to its refusal to any foreign interference. Therefore the concept of a sovereign nation - state stood as an obstacle facing the process of dividing the authority of the state or even thinking of adopting any role opposite to that of its own. At the same time reality proves that no local or international tools have been developed in order to limit or hinder the power or authority of the nation - state. In that light there hasn't been a significant differentiation between the terms government and governance in the context of social sciences; governance never reached beyond the action of governmental institutions in a certain state. Both terms have been interchangeably used in their meaning and indication when dealing within the frame of nation state authority. This comprehension reflected on the subject of governance in international relations; studies appeared to attenuate centralized governance on international relations in order to reach peace, justice, no war, and organizing international affairs in the same manner of exercising them from inside the state; a vision that ultimately led to suggesting ideal theorists the concept of global governance in its different features.As globalization grows, it becomes more difficult for a state to exercise unlimited domination or produce an absolute social module that could be followed and scrutinized in an authoritarian way on its own and or territory. This kind of control has become totally unpractical. No matter how many institutions a state could build or laws it can legislate, it still remains short of imposing full control on its own lands. This crisis that hit the sovereign country accompanied the reality of governance sharing by other states. These out comers take part in setting standards and building basics and sometimes they might compete and triumph over the mother state itself. What was said represents the local level, and when speaking on the global level, globalization induced other forms of governance and authorities in the field of world policy, including the horizontal and vertical interactions ; sub state, supra state , and trans state, also including organizational initiatives presented by market institutions and the campaigns held by the international social movements. There is a focus on breaking the limits of a single state and heading towards a globalized governance system because of the narrow angle that conventional itself in when compared to a globalized system that enjoys trans - border reactions and exchange that seem to need more than a state's regulations to be controlled. At the same time many issues and problems came to surface that require international intervention. Awareness has also been raised concerning global threats that demand international action. Therefore the dominance of the nation state is gradually transforming towards to (post - national sovereignty) since it is losing its capacity to withhold its public affairs on both the local and international level. In addition to different sides emerging and taking a vital role in what was strictly in the hands of the nation - state alone. Representatives of nation - states today are obliged to be partners when exercising authority, with international organizations, multinational corps, and trans - national political and social organizations or movements in addition that those sides have a rising role in crystallizing interior affairs. This picture led to the demise of the main sign of conventional sovereignty in the past : borders and territory capture. In the light of what was mentioned above, researchers in the field of international relations, especially after the cold war, started the pursue to define modules other than that of a nation - state, as an alternative system. They developed their ideas and theories concerning global governance, and considering it the new analytical concept that describes world politics and power being spread and divided upon global level. Moreover, some researchers considered this a theoretical alternative for international relations perspectives.From this point, it becomes clear, why research in global governance is such an important issue. Since it is the theoretical alternative that could explain the breaking of states' power and how it spreads along different levels. Instead of the conviction that the nation - state reached its end socially and politically, and the retreat of its power, and the opinions that support the transformation of the state's powers and their direction towards a unified hierarchical structure (world government), theorists found a middle position between the chaotic demise of the nation - state and the central grip of the global government, by being more realistic and to the ground. They headed towards the global system that depends on different participating sides in managing state affairs. In addition to the importance of studying global governance by presenting explanations that apply to the global changes. Conventional analysis proved to be short from interpreting those changes in a realistic manner.

الاصلاحات الدستورية في الدول العربية (1991 - 2007) == CONSTITUTIONAL REFORMATIONS IN ARAB STATES (1991 - 2007)

Author name: حازم صباح احميد
Supervisor name: مها عبد اللطيف حسن الحديثي
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Systems and Public Policies
Degree: Doctorate
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science - Department Of Political Systems And Public Policies
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: بدات الدعوة الى الاصلاحات الدستورية في الدول العربية منذ التغييرات الكبرى التي حدثت في العالم، خاصة في العقد الاخير من القرن العشرين بعد تفكك الاتحاد السوفيتي والكتلة الاشتراكية، وانهيار نظام القطبية الثنائية بانفراد الولايات المتحدة الامريكية في الساحة الدولية وطرح ما يسمى بالنظام الدولي الجديد، هذه الهيمنة السياسية والاقتصادية دفعت الى تصاعد الدعوات الى الاصلاح الدستوري ضمن اطار شعارات الديمقراطية وحقوق الانسان، وبناء مؤسسات المجتمع المدني وازدادت هذه الدعوات بشكل كبير بعد احداث 11 ايلول 2001 . وفي هذا السياق فقد مثل الاصلاح الدستوري في الدول العربية نوع من الاشكالية من خلال التناقض بين ما هو وطني وما هو عالمي، اذ ان الترابط ما بين مطلب الاصلاح وبين مطلب وضع الدستور وتعديله، هو ترابط تاريخي له ضرورات واقعية، فمن ناحية لا يمكن ضمان واستمرار واستقرار عملية الاصلاح بغير دستور يحميها، ولكن ليس الدستور فقط هو الضامن لعملية الاصلاح، اذ ان الدستور مهما كان صريحا واضحا، الا انه لا يمكن ان يضمن عملية الاصلاح الا اذا توافرت الارادة السياسية للنظام السياسي على البدء فيه او الاستمرار في دعمه وتطويره، فالاصلاح الدستوري هدفه احداث تغييرات ملموسة في بعض او جميع نصوص الدستور تقود في النهاية الى الاصلاح الشامل، اذ لا يمكن ان يتحقق اي اصلاح بدون اصلاح للدستور، ويتم ذلك من خلال وجود دستور يحدد العلاقة بين الحاكم والمحكوم وكيفية تشكيل السلطات العامة، وما مدى صلاحية هذه السلطات وما هي العلاقة بين كل سلطة واخرى، وان يكون هناك نص واضح يبين الحقوق والحريات العامة للمواطنين، واذا كان هناك دستور تجاوزه الواقع، فلا بد ان يتم اصلاح ذلك الدستور لينسجم مع الواقع القائم. وهنا يطرح الاصلاح الدستوري بهدف اصلاح القواعد الدستورية التي تشير عن سيطرة سلطة ما على بقية السلطات، او انتهاك حقوق المواطنين وحرياتهم، او تكريس نظام حكم معين. اما الاليات العملية لاصلاح الدستور فتنص عليها قواعد الدستور، وهي تختلف صعوبة او سهولة بحسب مرونة الدستور او جموده. كذلك فان الدستور هو انعكاس للظروف التي تعيشها الدولة، وعليه فلابد من تعديل نصوصه بما يتماشى مع تلك الظروف، والا حدث انفصام بين النص والواقع. اذ ان كثيرا من الدول العربية تخشى من اثارة فكرة اصلاح الدساتير رغبة في تحقيق وحماية الاستقرار، كما لو كان الاصلاح مهددا او معرقلا للاستقرار، وكيف ان الاصلاح قد يكون مطلوبا من اجل الاستقرار، وان عدم القيام بالاصلاحات الدستورية، او مقاومة متطلبات الاصلاح كثيرا ما كان من اسباب تهديد الاستقرار، وبذلك فقد اصبح الاصلاح الدستوري في الدول العربية هدفا ضاغطا وتحول شيئا فشيئا مع انكشاف ضعف الانظمة الحاكمة في الدول العربية وعجزها عن موازنة الضغوط الخارجية والداخلية، من خلال طرح اشكالية جديدة تتعلق بالعلاقة بين دور الداخل ودور الخارج في تحقيق الاصلاح الدستوري وضمان تقدمه ونجاحه.اهمية الدراسة : يعد الدستور اعلى مؤسسة قانونية في المجتمع، حيث يتضمن قواعد العمل السياسي المشترك ما بين كل قوى المجتمع للانطلاق منها وعبرها الى البرامج المختلفة لتلك القوى في داخل المجتمع عند الوصول الى السلطة، لذلك جاءت اهمية الدستور السياسة في الزام والتزام من في السلطة بتلك القواعد عند الممارسة السياسية. ان اجراء الاصلاحات الدستورية يقود الى ضرورة قبول كل قوى المجتمع بها، والزام الحكام بتطبيقها من خلال اولا الاتفاق على تحديد مجالاتها وثانيا السعي الى تطبيقها لمواكبة التحولات على الصعيدين الداخلي والخارجي.هدف الدراسة : تهدف الدراسة الى تتبع عملية الاصلاح الدستوري في الدول العربية منذ عام1991 - 2007، والمجالات الاكثر حضورا في تلك العملية. اضافة للبحث في مشاريع الاصلاح غير المنجزة ومجالاتها، ومعرفة التاثير السياسي والاقتصادي والاجتماعي لتلك الاصلاحات ومعرفة دوافعها الداخلية ومحدداتها الخارجية.فرضية الدراسة : تقوم الدراسة من اجل بلوغ اهدافها على فرضية اساسية مفادها : ان الاصلاحات الدستورية هي حاجة ملحة لمواكبة التحولات الاجتماعية والاقتصادية والسياسية في اي دولة، وقد تبنت الدول العربية مجموعة اصلاحات دستورية منذ عام1991 الى عام2007، الا ان هذه الاصلاحات ركزت بالدرجة الاولى على متطلبات المجتمع الدولي من جهة ومنح الحكام صلاحيات اوسع من اجل ضمان البقاء في السلطة اطول فترة ممكنة. ومن اجل اثبات ما جاءت به الفرضية، كان لابد من الاجابة عن التساؤلات التالية : 1 - ما هي خصائص الدساتير التي يمكن اجراء الاصلاح عليها؟2 - ما هي التحولات الاجتماعية والاقتصادية والسياسية التي تفرض عملية الاصلاح؟3 - هل للعوامل الخارجية اثر في توجهات الاصلاح الدستوري في الدول العربية؟4 - ما هو دور السلطات الحاكمة في تحديد مجالات الاصلاح الدستوري سواء على الصعيد الاجتماعي - الاقتصادي - السياسي؟5 - هل كان لمطالب المعارضة السياسية دور فاعل في عملية الاصلاح ومجالاته؟6 - هل افرزت هذه الاصلاحات عن نتائج ايجابية، ام بقيت غير مفعلة مبتعدة عن الواقع الاجتماعي - الاقتصادي - السياسي؟ منهجية الدراسة : ان المنهج هو الطريق الذي يودي الى الكشف عن حقيقة معينة، ويكون ذلك عن طريق مجموعة من القواعد والوسائل التي يتبعها الباحث للوصول الى هذه الحقيقة، ولذلك اعتمدت الدراسة من اجل التحقق من صحة الفرضية التي تقوم على منهجين هما : منهج التحليل النظمي الذي يقوم على جمع المعلومات واعتماد المنهج المقارن.اشكالية الدراسة : تبعا لما تقدم ذكره فقد باتت اشكالية الدراسة واقعا عمليا بين السبب وتفاصيله من ناحية الاصول والصياغة اذ تتجسد في تساؤلات عدة تضمنت : - ما هي الفائدة التي عادت على الدول العربية مما يطلق عليه بالاصلاح الدستوري؟ - وهل ما تم من تغيير او تعديل على نصوص الدستور يعد اصلاحا دستوريا حقيقيا؟ - وما هي القوى السياسية التي دفعت باتجاه القيام بتلك الاصلاحات الدستورية؟هيكلية الدراسة : تقوم الدراسة على هيكلية تتكون من مقدمة واربعة فصول وخاتمة وهي كالاتي : - الفصل الاول خصص للاطار النظري والمفاهيمي اذ سيتناول الاصلاح ومجالاته، من خلال ثلاثة مباحث. - الفصل الثاني فقد خصص للبحث في نشات وخصائص الدساتير في الدول العربية، من خلال ثلاثة مباحث . - الفصل الثالث فقد تناول دوافع الاصلاح الدستوري في الدول العربية من خلال مبحثين. - الفصل الرابع تناول الاصلاحات الدستورية ومشاريعها المستقبلية، من خلال مبحثين . | The interest of this study stand on the main changes that happened in the world, exclusively after the soviet union decline and socialist block, and the USA as a unipolar international system. The new world order pushed the states to take the constitutional reformation as one of the main issues, this issue developed after the 11 Sep. events and what were Arab States accused for it. The Constitutional reformation in Arab states occur between what's was democracy and what was nationally. And there was relationship between any reformation and the political will. Many of Arab states afraid to provoke the idea of constitution reformation in order to achieve and protect their stable. Because the Arab political regime saw that any constitutional reformation may threat their presence. Moreover the reformations goals in these states discovered it's weakened. Here, set some questions are : - What are the benefits that belong to Arab states from the constitutional reformation? - is what change to constitution considered as a really constitutional reformation? Study structure includes four units abstract and conclusion as below : - Unit one : aspects and theoretical frame in three chapters, the first : the aspects of reformation, second : reformation sides and its similarity aspects, third chapter : the constitutional reformation and its similarity aspects. - Unit two : the born and characterize of conditions in three chapters, first chapter : the beginning of constitutions born, second : the method of Arab constitutions, third chapter : the Arab states constitutions characteristics. - Unit three : the constitutional reformation in Arab states into two chapters, the first chapter : the legal, political, social and economic internal motivation, The second : political and economic external motivation of constitutional reformation. - Unit four : the constitutional reformation and its future protect into four chapter, first chapter : the political side, the second chapter : the social sides, human rights and public liberty, third chapter : economic sides and the last chapter : the main conditional reformation projects. Ended with abstract, conclusion and recommendations.Study conclusion : 1 - The Arab political regime has not the devise and will enough to act the constitutional reformations because they thought that and reformations threat their presence.2 - The importance of the Arab states constitutional reformation is very necessary because of threats and challenges that occur around them.3 - The constitutional reformations in many Arab states come from the political leadership alone and represented the decision maker vision in every change, after and remove constitutional provisions.4 - Major of constitutional reformation in Arab states occurs with isolation to their people and it seeks to control the power in one side without any participation in their life.5 - It's needed judicial and legislature reformations without any political obstacles that stop it like curfew.

السياسات الصناعية والمزايا التنافسية في ظل المتغيرات الدولية : دراسة حالة الصناعات التحويلية العربية == Industrial Policies And Competitive Privileges with International changes - Studying the State of Arabic Manufacturing Industries

Author name: ثائر محمود رشيد العاني
Supervisor name: وصال نجيب عارف العزاوي | عبد علي كاظم المعموري
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: International Relations and Foreign Policy
Degree: Doctorate
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: ost of the countries in the world including the growing ones have carries out general repetition to their economical policies especially (industrial Policy) in order to be ready for facing any changes taking place and to be ready for 21st century just as looking for a place in international economic that its main sources distributed between liberation of international trade and probing deeply in details of excellent techniques.For this reason the computational abilities formed basic necessity for the state as well as for single producer and became train which drawing all other changes with it.The growing countries have realized these facts lately so they tried to improve their economic by depending on supposed forms of patterns that are published by international institutions (IMF, IBRD) in order to maintain or change the form of economic.The industrial sector did not be far from these changes but it was the important element of them especially that the policies of specialization amid it directly in order to reduce the support to this sector (Whether it includes goods for special or general benefit).And here the philosophy of change lies which means reducing the shortage in general budget of the state and prepare it to pay tits payable debts.We must refer here to the influence of (WTO) which affects all economic sectors including industrial one so that the liberation of international trade will dispose industrial goods in all countries to difficult challenges.The industrial policies used in Arabic countries led to emphasizes the deficion in form of their changing industries which made them lose the opportunity to support their competition abilities in order to face change that happened in international economic.This study depends on the program of research deals with general to special according to its point of view that all national (Local) and international environment play an important role in trace changing industry in addition to that it depends on description methods to analyze economical changes.The study has been divided to four sections, the first one included the main international changes that characterized last century such as establishment of many economical collections and organizing new agreements for international trade.The second section deals with economical policies and competitive ability international trace.Part of this study presents analyzing for the effects of industrial laws within the organization of international trade and possible profits which will given by general agreement of growing countries.This third section deals with challenges of international environment that faces Arabic industries and formal problems which they are suffer from as a result of general policies and changeable role of state. It deals also with what consider as a chances for region to improve the industrial sector.And work hardly to draw some important characters for industrial strategy to Arabic countries in order to support Arabic industrial abilities.

المكانة الدولية للهند في القرن الحادي والعشرين == THE INTERNATIONAL STATUS OF INDIA IN THE 21ST CENTURY

Author name: تـلا عاصم فائق
Supervisor name: صالح عباس الطائي
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Strategic Studies
Degree: Doctorate
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: Many scholars have dealt with the conflict of the regional powers and the major international powers in South - Asia Region on various aspects. The Indian military and nuclear capabilities are considered major fields of political studies. Such research is conducted in the framework of the Indian political system, the Indian relationship with the Arabic Gulf countries and the role of the rising powers in strategic balance. Indian international status in the 21st Century is the main issue of the current study. These academic efforts are aiming at defining the strategic capacities that India has, since its role in the Asian - region shows a kind of dominance. Moreover India is not only a regional rising power but has a distinctive international role with the ambition of occupying a permanent seat in the United Nations. The importance of the theme of the current study can be summed up as an attempt to approve the following questions : What are the Indian potencies?What are the main issues affecting the international status of India in the post cold war era?And finally, what are the future outcomes becoming out of the international status of India in the 21st Century? Indian technological, economic and social developments can be considered the fruits of its democratic political system. Despites all multi - cultured nature with language and religion varieties, India established a strong democracy. This affirms an effective foreign political act to state India as a regional and international dominant power in the 21st Century.The study sheds light on certain basic dimensions showing the Indian political will of having the most affective external political act in and outside its region. It is clear that India is promoting a future international status in the post cold war era. The problematic issue includes an investigation of all the internal and external variables affecting the status of India. Internal ones include various political, economic, military, as well as social strengthening potencies. While the external ones are either regional or international. The first are focused on the Indian role in a direct conflict with Pakistan and China as part of its continuing struggle for power over prominent strategic issues. But India has very distinctive cooperative relations with both The United States of America and Federal Russia. It also has a very large bilateral economic cooperation with both Japan and Australia. The future prospects more points for powerful Indian role in the 21st Century.The study falls into four chapters. Chapter One deals with the theoretical frame. It is an introduction divided into two sections. The first section includes the conceptual bases, presenting the terminology of status such as the role, function, and position. Moreover a definition of the regional and international systems and their targets. The second section deals with the main political, military economic and social objectives and principles of the Indian strategy. Chapter Two deals with International potencies of India which are geographic, social, political and economic. All these show the impact of internal and external factors on the rising international political role of India.Chapter Three restricts the scope of the study to the post cold war era. Chapter Four prospects a future perspective of the Indian international status in the 21st Century. This shows three scenes : the first is the Indian dominance, the second is the Indian - American coalition and partnership, and the third is the Indian part in international alliance. Consequently India has spiritual as well as materialistic capacities enable it to achieve a very influential international role. The current study proves the hypothesis that India's potencies whether internal or external increase its international role and make it more effective. The researcher has arrived at some conclusions and presents a review of the main points, they are mainly : 1) Indian ambition never stops on the regional bordered limitations. It is not considered only a regional dominant power. And it has far challenging economic, military and political prominence over its neighbour, Pakistan. But it is an international power making efforts to get a permanent seat in the United Nations. 2) Indian - Pakistani relation in the post cold war era has been a continuation of the pre cold war relations. It is based on mistrust, violence and instability heading to arm struggle rather than cooperation. This makes it a more strategic manipulator in the region. While the Indian - Chinese relation is colored with cooperation supported by many Governmental official visits on both sides. Though these countries are still competing for a more influential regional role. 3) There is a wide range of mutual interests between India and the United States of America. This is resulted in a strategic collision to achieve their interests in economy, military and politics. Moreover India has established good friendship with Russia on every aspect to serve their regional interests.4) India has an effective role in the Asia - Pacific region that is limited due to the regional strategic balance. Indian diplomacy has accomplished a lot to achieve mutual understanding and stability in the region. Its part in the Pacific - APEC Economic Forum has helped a great deal to insure Indian economic as well as political status.

التطور التكنولوجي والحرب == Technological Development and War

Author name: براء عبد القادر وحيد محمود
Supervisor name: لبنان هاتف الشامي
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: International Relations and Foreign Policy
Degree: Doctorate
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: There is no doubt that the study of one of the future phenomenon , is a process of scientific research , starting from the past of the phenomenon , passing by it's present to look for it's future prospect and factor of change in it . The national security adviser to president (Carter) (Zbigniew Brzezinski) mentioned that (Future can and must be planned , without careful choice , change may cause anarchy) . In reference to the need to predict the future and a willingness to deal with it's variables .War , is one of the phenomena that accompanied time in all it's different dimensions , past and present and future . It is very old because it emerged with the emergence of human societies since the dawn of human civilization , and continues to the present day , and will remain to along time , as far as those communities remain . It is part of human nature which can not be changed , and the highest forms of conflict to resolve the contradictions . Reality proved the incorrectness of that point of view which has been spread after the end of the cold war in (1991) and resulted in apoint of view which stated that the phenomenon of the international conflict in general , including the phenomenon of war , will become a phenomenon of the past , or that the future wars will be conventional wars , the human is still in their planetary - level enough to destroy their planet hundreds of times , but that the land no longer satisfy their appetite and military instincts for destruction , and instead it is transmitted to space and stars war .In a world where technological development has become the key to progress , and competition intensified through technology , and which influence will be extended to the political , strategic and economic aspects , and working towards making technology a controlling factor which qualifyes it's adapter to have the control in any other field , the persistence of the war phenomenon makes it's study and understanding , as asperate which has it's rules and laws and governed by it's specific circumstances , and as a field generated and influenced by various political , economical and social fields , a vital issue , not only to the specialists , since that the management of the war and the development of strategies , is no longer the prerogative of the generals , but these strategies draw on the table of tables , rallied around the leaders , generals , technicians , scientists and the educated , even in the most developed countries . we do not mean that the study of war is a study of battles and military campaigns or to identify the types of weapons and others , but also be studied at a higher level which the level of strategy , operations and tactic .From here stems the problem of the study , that the future wars will view dramatic developments turnes concepts and standards known to the military affairs on it's head , as a result of the accumulation of the impact of the diversity and the evolution of multi - output revolutions , like technology , information , media and economy revolution , and other revolutions that have passed automatically to the military arenas . The contribution of the expert systems and equipments of artificial intelligence and neural networks and X - ray laser , as well as the robot and super computer in defining the target and turning it in moments , in addition to the contribution of algorithm schemes and communication equipment , as well as the development of theoretical and applied science in facilitating the full implementation of war training ahead of time , in a way that enhance success factors and causes of failure . Those contributions are important which lead us study this subject through raising main question : - How future wars will be with the development of military technology , and its recruitment in the means and tools of war ?To answer these questions , the study started from a hypothesis referring to that the recruitment of the technological development for military fields with armed forces , will alter the nature of future war , so that they accommodate with the challenges posed by the third wave at the military level . In the context of answering the question mentioned above, more than one method have been adopted , according to the requirements of the study , for example , including a historical approach in the study of campaigns and battles which have had a significant impact in the development of means and tools of war , and the diversity of strategies and tactics . and also a functional approach to search in the functions and contributions of the new fields of technological development . and also the future approach to predict some elements of future wars , with the benefit from the expertise of modern wars in the last decade of the 20th century , and the first decade of the 21 century . In the light of the hypothesis which has been put forward, and in order to demonstrate it , this thesis will be structured into four chapters provided to answer the question raised , in addition to a conclusion . In chapter one , I have had to study the technology and the war as a conceptual framework , the first section dealt with the concept of appealing against the terms of concepts and approach , while the second section dealt with the dialectic relationship between the two terms , and their effect on policy .Chapter two studied technological development and war in the 20th century in two sections . It tackled the development and war until the second world war in the first section . and during the cold war in the second.Chapter three focused on the development of technology and war after the Cold war and it's impact on military affairs , to deal in it's first section the new fields of technological development . In it's second section , it dealt with revolution in military affairs .Finally , the fourth chapter studied the technological development and the wars of the first decade of the 21 century , to deal in its first section the war waged on Iraq on 2003 as a case study . and the future of technological development and war , in its second section . In addition to the conclusion , summarizing the content of the thesis , and it's deductive and recommendations.It should be noted , that the study of the technological revolution and future wars , is not without a number of difficulties , such as : - The confidentiality of information relating to military affairs , in general , and the war strategies and management , specially . - Limitations and the obsolescence of the available information on the subject of study , particularly with regard to the phenomenon of war . the scarcity of information available in the base , and the descriptive nature of the شwars in the depths of history , each with their own conditions , and are leaving room for doubt one of the difficulties in the future research of this phenomenon .In the end , I ask God Almighty to make the pragmatic scientific work that involves service to the nation , the paper finds it's place in our Arabic library .

مستقبل مكانة العراق في التفكير الاستراتيجي الامريكي == The future of Iraq's position in American strategic thinking

Author name: عمر عبد الجبار كامل الحياني
Supervisor name: لبنى خميس مهدي الربيعي
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Strategic Studies
Degree: Doctorate
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science - Strategy Department
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: Importance of the subject : The study of the process of American strategic thinking about the case, but it is the study of the phenomenon of ever - changing, the United States of America to adopt its strategy depending on the nature of each stage pass out, so the future of our study of the status of Iraq in US strategic thinking begin studying the goals of the United States changing in Iraq, according to each down to goals and future determinants of its strategy in this country phase.There is no doubt that Iraq has an advanced position in American strategic thinking, Iraq and by its very nature geo - strategic (political, economic, and security) is a variable influential and influenced by the countries of the regional neighbors and thus on the overall US interests in the Middle East that combines strategic location and stores the energy features, this is perceived by the United States which formulate strategies one after the other.It also highlights the importance of our study of the subject, in many respects, and perhaps most important is the timing, as the current phase is one of the most intense phase of the evolution of the US approach toward Iraq forestry because of the security crisis experienced by Iraq in its fight existential terror that still occupy parts of it, and also because of the development of Middle East fragile region and in this context, this study will try to monitor and identify trends in US strategic thinking and the type of performance that US administration, current and future, to deal with the situation in Iraq in accordance with the objectives of the current strategic interests of the US or to be reformulated if what I thought the US make a lot of efforts to assert its influence in Iraq and gain a foothold permanent military presence have it.This study runs from the specific problem of the effect that there was an officer and future US vision on Iraq factors, particularly the (site of Iraq in the US war on terrorism, the need of the United States for Iraqi oil, the rise of the Iranian role, the interest of the United States in the Middle East) Despite from the fact that these factors are within an environment characterized by liquidity and the pace of change at short ranges, the interests of the United States and its role in Iraq and the size of the threat to make the decline in the status of Iraq is not an option acceptable to the United States of America in the future.According to the problem, this study aims to prove the validity of the hypothesis that there is a direct correlation between the level of place occupied by the Middle East region in the priorities of the US administration and the extent of its involvement in its files that (the war on terrorism, to contain Iran's rising influence, energy security, the security of traditional allies States United American) and the prestige that supposedly enjoyed by Iraq, and for the purpose of proving this hypothesis has to be to answer a number of questions : - What attributes of US strategic thinking and characteristics that distinguish it?What is the importance placed on Iraq in US strategic thinking ? - - What are the main changes witnessed by the strategic direction of the US towards Iraq since the end of the Cold War? - What are the main internal and external variables affecting the future of the prestige enjoyed by Iraq in US strategic thinking ?In light of the foregoing and through our treatment of the subject of the future of Iraq, the US position in the strategic thinking of the elements of this status enjoyed by Iraq is made up of several aspects, according to available upon this country and of the advantages of the elements of power : Politically, the Iraq of the US view is a political gravity force insurmountable within the ranges of the Middle East region, especially if re - training course and adjust the behavior of its political system in the framework of cooperation relations or equivalent US influence, which will make a loop allies of the United States in the region , the economic importance of Iraq constitute oil wealth founded on, and perhaps this side is better explains the intensity of American strategic engagement in the case of Iraq exclusively in the region, on the other hand, the United States control over Iraq's oil and the Persian Gulf gave way to determine global production volumes and volumes of supply and oil prices so on, in making the development of other countries and growth of the economic subject indirectly American supervision, or security interest - the military of Iraq in US strategic thinking, Vtaatoty of the nature of the security environment of the Middle East where there are in the first place, and what is available upon Iraq the stature and impact in achieving military balance of regional security in this region is stable, the one hand, Iraq's position reflected in the security environment, territorial what constitutes a bridge vital links the Gulf states with Iran, it has Iraq has always been an important factor in the inter - relationship between Iran and its environs, as pose security agreements signed between Iraq and the United States in the content of public basic foundation of US military strategy in order to make Iraq a partner of the United States and among its allies in the war on terror.To determine the future of Iraq's place in American strategic thinking depends on the beginning of a series of issues that have a role in tipping Iraq's position or not in the formulation of a comprehensive US strategy for any US administration to come, whether or democratic republic, and most of these issues are : - The status of the Middle East in the American strategy : that the location of Iraq in the heart of the Middle East means self - evident that his place in US strategic thinking is the mortgage status of this region as a whole in the priorities of the American administrations, we have observed that the Middle East, the status of the decline in the US strategy for the South East region Asia - Pacific throughout the era of President Barack Obama has contributed to the decline in Iraq's position in the priorities of this administration, and therefore it would revive the trend of US interventionism in the affairs of the Middle East, again, that Iraq due course to the top of US strategic priorities. - The need of the United States for oil : the United States consume at present a quarter of global oil production, even though it has only 3 percent of global oil reserves, according to the statistics of 2015, saw the years between the years 2013 to 2015 US demand growth oil exceeds demand in China's growth (), so the United States consider to Iraq in the long term as a vital source for the future of energy in the world, as is expected, that Iraq would be his "biggest contribution to a great extent for the growth of global oil supply." , so the extent of the US need for oil will affect how much weight will have in the US strategic thinking. - America's war on terror : In the event of any US administration has decided to increase its involvement in the fight against terrorism, Iraq will remain until the near future is at the center of this war, in the sense that he must be the main square of her, and this intervention will reflect positively necessarily on Iraq, the status of the US American United, one hand is seen by many in the American research and study centers that the jump made by terrorist organizations in 2014 was the result of a full US withdrawal and non - official from Iraq in 2011, the study concluded two scenes prospective potential, namely. - that the United States increase its support and its military presence in Iraq to help in its war on terror in order to reassert its influence and role in the whole Middle East region and to prevent international and regional powers of the competition hegemony or fill US void in Iraq, and also confirmed that the US ambassador former Zalmay Khalilzad that opportunity back US influence in Iraq, large, and that the current data indicate that helping Iraq restore the military balance, the most important steps of the possible adoption by the US administration to support and strengthen relations with Iraq.to see the status of Iraq's decline in US strategic thinking, if it wanted the next US administration apply what he called Ian Bremmer, in his book "Great Powers : three options for the US role in the world," strategy "US Independence", which aims to reduce the United States of its international obligations dramatically, and that revolves around the inside first, and reduce military expenditures, in addition to withdrawing completely from the Middle East, where he sees that it is time for the decomposition of the responsibility for solving the problems of others, the United States is the US is depleted from during its obligations to defend allies

دور عمليات صنع السلام في حفظ السلم والامن الدوليين بعد عام 1991 == The role of peace - making operations in the maintenance of international peace and security after 1991

Author name: محمد كريم جبار
Supervisor name: حسين مزهر خلف
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
University: University of Baghdad - Faculty Of Political Science
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: يعتبر حفظ السلم والامن الدوليين من ابرز الاهداف التي تسعى منظمة الامم المتحدة لتحقيقها, وهذا ما جاء في ميثاقها في عام 1945, وبعد فترة الحرب الباردة , حدث تحول كبير في مفهوم عمليات حفظ السلام , وذلك بسبب توسع مصادر ما يهدد السلم والامن الدوليين, حيث شملت حالات جديدة ومستحدثة لم يتطرق اليها مؤسسي الميثاق , مثل النزاعات الداخلية والازمات الانسانية وغيرها, مما استدعى العمل على ايجاد ادوات جديدة تتناسب مع تلك المتغيرات , ومن بين تلك الادوات الجديدة بعد انتهاء الحرب الباردة , عمليات صنع السلام, وذلك من خلال تدخل طرف ثالث من اجل تسوية النزاع. لقد تزامن ظهور مفهوم صنع السلام مع مجموعة من المتغيرات والتي فرضت نفسها على الساحة الدولية , ومن اهم تلك العوامل التي ادت الى ظهور عمليات صنع السلام : توسيع نطاق التهديدات لحالة السلم والامن الدوليين ولاسيما بعد انتهاء الحرب الباردة , وكذلك تزايد النزاعات غير الدولية , اي داخل الدول , مما استوجب من الامم المتحدة ومن اجل تسوية تلك النزاعات , ان تستحدث اليات ووسائل جديدة تتلائم مع تلك المعطيات . لقد حاولت الدراسة الاجابة على سؤال جوهري يتمثل في ((هل كان لعمليات صنع السلام بعد عام 1991, دورا فاعلا ومؤثرا في حفظ السلم والامن الدوليين ام كان دورا برتوكوليا ليس له تاثير؟)). وقد ارتكزت الدراسة على افتراض مفاده ((اذا ما استطاعت الامم المتحدة ان تتسم قراراتها بالاستقلالية والحيادية وتمارس مهامها بعيدا عن التاثيرات والضغوط الخارجية , سيكون لعمليات صنع السلام دورا مؤثرا وفعالا في حفظ السلم والامن الدوليين , وليس دورا هامشيا او بروتوكوليا)). لقد تنوعت تلك الوسائل والاليات والمستخدمة في صنع السلام , فمنها الوسائل السياسية التقليدية مثل : المفاوضات والوساطة والمساعي الحميدة والتحقيق والتوفيق , وهناك الوسائل القانونية القضائية مثل التحكيم الدولي والقضاء الدولي , اضافة الى التسويات السلمية والتي قامت بها المنظمات الدولية والاقليمية في هذا المجال. وقد قامت منظمة الامم المتحدة وانطلاقا من هدف حفظ السلم والامن الدوليين بالعديد من تلك العمليات , من اجل تسوية النزاعات وبشكل سلمي وكما هو منصوص في ميثاقها والذي خصص فصلا كاملا لتسوية النزاعات , وكذلك قامت المنظمات الاقليمية بعمليات صنع السلام . ولقد نجحت في بعض تلك العمليات , وذلك من خلال توفير عوامل النجاح فيها , بينما اخفقت في بعضها , لوجود كوابح عرقلت من فرص نجاحها. | One of the most UN' goals is to promote international peace and security. The charter goes clearly towards this goal asking the international community to comply with these common values. In the Cold War era a great turnover occurred in the concept of peace keeping process due to the wide range of thriving threats on the global arena. Therefore, international experts found themselves obliged to compose new tools and ways to confront the newly exposed types of threats at that time. For instance, domestic struggles and humanitarian crises were not addressed by the UN Charter. Nonetheless, the international organization was keen to adopt new tools to meet these challenges. The core hypothesis of this study is that" peace making operations to be effectively held, the United Nations organizations should honor independence and transperans decision making process". To test this hypothesis this study is designed to answer the question : have peace making played a successful role in preserving international peace and security. The most important is peace keeping operations that handled by third parties to ensure peace and promote security in the areas of disputes. International experts were eager to secure variety and effectiveness by the methods and mechanisms used into peace making process. The peace making methods ranged from traditional political means such as negotiation, mediation, investigation and conciliation, to the legal means such as international arbitration. The UN, in accordance with its charter, has conducted several of peace keeping operations in different regions and countries. Each operation had its own story of success and failure due to its own specific political conditions. In summary, the international community perceives the peace keeping operations as an urgent need to confront imminent dangers to the international peace. Therefore, a conclusion can be promoted is that these projects of cooperation will flourish in the international environment in a way that matches the prospected needs in the security fields.

الفاعلون الجدد في السياسة الدولية : فاعلو الشبكة انموذجا

Author name: امنة رسول عبد الزهرة
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: International Relations and Foreign Policy
Degree: Doctorate
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science - Department Of Political Science
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

المتغيرات المؤثرة في اداء المنظمات الدولية الحكومية بعد الحرب الباردة : منظمة الصحة العالمية انموذجا == Variables Affecting the Performance of Organizations After the Cold War : WHO Model

Author name: مروان حسين ياسين حمد
Supervisor name: محمد ياس خضير
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: International Relations and Foreign Policy
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: International organizations are one of the international organizations thatregulate international relations between different countries. They operateaccording to a mechanism approved by the countries they created. The limitsof competence of the organization are subject to the decisions of the memberstates of the international organization. the organization .International organization has developed with the emergence of the liberaltrend as a theoretical thought that explains the nature of the relationshipbetween states, Liberal thought emerged as a reaction to the realistic thoughtthat international relations tended to have a major tendency towards conflict ,Conflict is inherent in the human psyche. International relations are chaoticand lawless. The determination of interests is subject to the nature of theforces possessed by each State in the international system.The most important of these organizations is the World Health Organization(WHO), which has emerged to regulate the health situation by mobilizinginternational efforts to counter the spread of disease and epidemics andreduce its incidence in conflict and war - prone environments.The importance of the study comes from its attempt to research the work ofinternational organizations, Especially the United Nations and somespecialized international organizations, And try to identify the joints of themovement of these organizations, And by comparing the objectives of theestablishment with the current reality of these organizations in practice andin practice to identify the most important variables that led to the impact ofthese organizations' work, Whether positive or negative.As the importance of the subject comes from our attempt to search for asubject that was not previously discussed as a master's thesis before, Thestudy model, the World Health Organization (WHO), has not receivedresearch and analysis as the other international organizations despite theirimportance and effectiveness at the global level. In addition, it is alsoimportant that the reports issued by the World Health Organization (WHO)have a wide impact on international interactions. Many reports have led toconfusion at the level of state - to - state relations, And its reports on the spreadof disease and epidemics and appeals to States are widely affected at theinternational level.bThe study was divided into three chapters, as well as the introduction andconclusion. The first chapter dealt with liberal theory and the emergence ofinternational intergovernmental organizations and divided into three sections : The first dealt with liberal theory.The second dealt with the emergence of intergovernmental organizations.The third dealt with the functions of intergovernmental organizations.The second chapter dealt with the variables affecting the performance ofinternational intergovernmental organizations and divided into two sections : The first dealt with the subjective variables.The second dealt with external variables.The third chapter dealt with the World Health Organization and divided intotwo sections : The first is the emergence of the World Health Organization.The second dealt with the roles and functions of the World HealthOrganization.Conclusions : 1 - International organization is an indispensable need, despite the decline ineffectiveness, as a result of political conflicts and different visions in theinternational system , Different trends, visions and conflict of interestsbetween international actors lead to a decline in the work of the internationalorganization and international organizations.2 - The conflict of interests and the lack of harmony between the internationalactors have led to the result of the decline of the work of internationalorganizations, but this did not cancel its presence.3 - That the continued presence of international organizations is an importantindicator that cooperation is a continuous phenomenon, and is one of themost important phenomena of international relations, despite the increaseand indicators of its decline and the emergence of the phenomenon ofconflict as a general phenomenon of comprehensive international relations

اثر الازمة السياسية في التنمية الاقتصادية : دراسة انموذج تركيا 1946 - 2055

Author name: زينة مدحت محمد شريف الهموندي
Supervisor name: عماد عبد اللطيف سالم
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: International Relations and Foreign Policy
Degree: Master
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science - Department Of International Economic Relations
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

القضية الكوردية في العراق واليات حلها بعد 2003 == Kurdish Question in Iraq and Mechanism of its Solution - after 2003

Author name: نوزاد عبد الله شكري
Supervisor name: ناظم يونس عوسمان
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
University: Salahaddin University - College Of Law And Politics - Department Of Political Science
Language: Kurdish
University location: Erbil
First pages:
Abstract: ان هذه الدراسة الموسومة بـ( القضية الكوردية في العراق واليات حلها بعد 2003) خصصت لدراسة القضية الكوردية في كردستان العراق. في هذه الدراسة تم البحث عن العوامل والابعاد التي ادت الى نشوء وظهور هذه القضية وعدم حلها منذ انتهاء الحرب العالمية الاولى والى حد سقوط حكم صدام حسين في 9 نيسان 2003، ومن ثم تم التركيز على جميع الوسائل والاليات التي تاخذ مسارا صحيحا نحو حل القضية الكوردية حلا سلميا وديمقراطيا. وفي هذا الاطار فقد قسمت الدراسة الى ثلاثة فصول، في الفصل الاول تناولنا ثلاثة مباحث، في المبحث الاول توصلنا الى نتيجة مفادها ان العراق منذ بداية نشوءها ولحد السقوط لم تكن تعكس ارادة ومطالب كل المكونات التي تشكلت منها الدولة لعراقية الحديثة، وعلى راسها مطالب الشعب الكوردي وحركته التحررية، بل نشات هذه الدولة وفق مصالح القوى الاستعمارية المنتصرة في الحرب العالمية الاولى، اذ اجبر الكورد على القبول بالوضع الجديد والعيش في اطار هذه الدولة المصطنعة والحاق جنوب كوردستان قسرا بهذا الكيان الجديد، واتبعت الحكومات المتعاقبة في العراق سياسة القهر والاقصاء والتهميش والابادة الجماعية بحق الكورد.وفي المبحث الثاني خصص البحث عن دور العوامل الدولية في الحاق جنوب كوردستان بالدولة الجديدة. كما وتم البحث عن استمرار ذلك العامل حتى نهاية الحرب الباردة. تناول المبحث الثالث رؤية ومواقف الدول الاقليمية المجاورة للعراق تجاه كوردستان العراق والذي تم الوصول الى نتيجة مفادها : ان هذه الدول الاقليمية تشكل احدى المعوقات الرئيسة في عدم حل القضية الكردية في العراق. تجدر الاشارة الى ان هذه الدول قد عدت اي حركة او ثورة كوردية بمثابة تهديد على وحدة اراضيهم وامنهم القومي.فيما تكون الفصل الثاني من ثلاثة مباحث ايضا والتي كرست لدراسة التغيرات التي حصلت في 9 نيسان 2003 في العراق وتاثيرها المباشر على القضية الكوردية في اقليم كوردستان. ففي المبحث الاول تم دراسة العوامل والدوافع التي دفعت بالولايات المتحدة الامريكية في تغير النظام الحكم في العراق. اما المبحث الثاني فخصص للبحث عن توحيد الموقف الكوردي بعد 2003 الامر الذي عزز القضية الكوردية وتطورها على الصعيدين الداخلي والخارجي.وفي المبحث الثالث تم الاشارة الى الابعاد والمظاهر الايجابية والسلبية التي تضمنتها كتابة الدستور الدائم وبالاخص البنود الدستورية المتعلقة بالقضية الكردية.وفي الفصل الثالث ركزنا على مجموعة من العوامل والاليات التي نرى بانها فاعلة ومؤثرة على معالجة القضية الكردية في كردستان العراق وهذا الفصل ينقسم على اربعة مباحث. تطرق المبحث الاول الى حق تقرير المصير كاحدى السبل الرئيسة لحل القضية الكردية وفقا لمجموعة من المبادىء والاتفاقات الدولية التي تعطي هذا الحق للشعب الكردي حقوقه في كردستان العراق.فيمراكز المبحث الثاني على امكانية تطبيق النظام الفيدرالي في العراق وتم الوصول الى نتيجة مفادها : ان تقسيم العراق الى ثلاثة اقاليم فدرالية تعتبر احدى الحلول المناسبة طبقا للواقع الذي يعيش فيه العراق حاليا شريطة ان تكون هذه الفدرالية على اساس اتحاد اختياري وفقا لمبادىء واسس الديمقراطية التوافقية.وخصص المبحث الثالث لدراسة قضية كركوك والمناطق المتنازع عليها ووصلنا الى نتيجة بانها من دون استرجاع هذه المناطق المتنازعة عليها لن تسير اعادة بناء الدولة العراقية في مسارها الصحيح وستبقى مشاكل العراق عالقة واسباب عدم استقرارها.وفي المبحث الرابع تم التركيز بالدرجة الاولى على العوامل الخارجية وكيفية استغلال هذه المعادلات الجديدة التي ظهرت وتبرز في العراق مابعد 2003 لصالح حل القضية الكردية | This research instilled (Kurdish issue in Iraq and mechanism of solving after 2003), to analyze and search Kurdish issue is south of Kurdistan.In this research we put - it - out factors and roots that caused to create this issue, and remain it hold since First World War till Iraqi liberation process in 2003.And then in this research we try to point all factors and mechanism that might push away Kurdish issue in south of Kurdistan in direction of solving.In this border, this research divided in three main parts. In first part, we getting this result, when Iraq government was build, it wasn't as it, that their people wanted, especially Kurdish people. This government was building in ways that benefit colonialism country who want first war especially great British.Kurdish people were forced to live in this country and join their land with Iraq. All sequences Iraq; governments till April 9, 2003, they never had wanted to solve this issue in democratic and peaceful way, but they tried by force to make Kurdish people minority without land, language, nationality, in Iraq.In second part we insist an international factors, they sure have bad effect on dividing Kurdistan and jaunt south Kurdistan with Iraq, also during cold war this factor has negative role on Kurdish issue especially south Kurdistan.In third part we tacked about point view of neighbor countries of south Kurdistan, we got result; they had strong resistance to not getting Kurdish issue solving direction especially in south Iraq.In mean this countries consider, that any Kurdish party or activity in any of them, it danger for all of them, so that they work in a hidden manner or Protocol to prevent Kurdish from his property, always they had cooperate plan for it.The second part, it divide into three main topic, it concern about change accrue after April 9, 2003, in Iraq and its effect on Kurdish question. In first topic, we talked about factors that USA depended on them, to change Albaath regime, second topic we talk about Kurdish internal orchestrate and creating Uni - political decision between Kurdish parties. Indeed it took potential to Kurdish factor in political question, In third topic pointed the positive and negative side of permanent constitution especially thus point concern about Kurdish question.In the end part, we mentioned on factors and mechanisms, we believe that, they have effective positive rule to solve Kurdish issue in south Kurdistan.

ادارة التغيير : الاستراتيجية الامريكية الشاملة انموذجا == Management of Change : Case study : Comprehensive American Strategy

Author name: حازم حـــمـــد مـــوسى الجــنابــي
Supervisor name: منعم صاحي حسين العمار
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Strategic Studies
Degree: Doctorate
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: انطلاقا من الاطروحة عنوانا اود ان اقدم نبذة مختصرة عن ما خضنا به ولنبدا : باهمية الدراسة : اذ حملت لنا الاطروحة عنوانا اهمية بانت واضحة من الدور والمكانة التي حضي بها التغيير في النظام الدولي.ويستند موضوع البحث الى فرضية اساس مفادها((كلما كانت ادارة التغيير الامريكية عقلانية، كلما كانت الاستراتيجية الامريكية الشاملة ناجحة)). لكن ونحن نحاول اثبات الفرضية واجهتنا اشكالية اساسها : مفادها ان الولايات المتحدة تعاملت مع الاخرين من منطلق استراتيجية ادارة التغيير, والاخرين انطلقوا في تعاملهم مع الولايات المتحدة من استراتيجية الادارة بالتغيير. لتثار امامنا العديد من التساؤلات وهي : ما التغيير؟ وما انواعه؟ وما اشكاله؟ وما الادارة؟ وما اشكالها؟ وما هي علاقتها بالتغيير؟ ما هي ادارة التغيير؟ وما انواعها؟ وهل التغيير يقاد؟ ام يدار؟. وهل يصنع ؟ ام يفرض؟ وما هو دور ادارة التغيير في الاستراتيجية الامريكية؟ وما سر نجاحها؟ وما هو مستقبلها في ظل التغيير المتقادم؟لهذا حرص الباحث على اعتماد مناهج عدة،لتعامل مع تلك الاشكالية ولما اتسم به موضوع الدراسة من انتقالات ونقلات بحثية متنوعة. واستجابة لمتطلبات الدراسة عمدنا الى استخدام عدة مناهج وكالاتي : اعتمدنا في الفصل الاول : المنهج الوصفي : لحاجتنا الماسة له في هذا الفصل، واعتمدنا في الفصل الثاني : المنهج التاريخي : لتاسيس بناء قوي نستند عليه ليسعفنا ونحن نتحدث عن التغيير. اما في الفصل الثالث فاعتمدنا على : المنهج التحليلي : بعد ان لمسنا ضرورة للتقصي عن جزيئات التغيير الامريكي ولملمتها بعد التفتيش عن ذبذباتها التي تعذر على الكثيرين معرفتها. وصولا الى الفصل الرابع : والذي دعتنا الحاجة فيه الى تبني المنهج الاستشرافي والمنهج الاستشفافي لما لهما من دور بارز وفعال لوضع رؤية مستقبلية لادارة التغيير الامريكي. واستكمالا لما يتطلبه موضوع البحث من دقة في التحليل والتحديد والتعمق في التقصي عن الحقائق والتوسع لشمول اكبر عدد من العناوين الفرعية المتشعبة اعتمدنا الهيكلية المتضمنة (مقدمة واربعة فصول وخاتمة واستنتاجات ).سنعرض نبذة مختصرة حول موضوع الاطروحة المعنونة بـ"(ادارة التغيير : الاستراتيجية الامريكية الشاملة انموذجا )" وكما موضح ادناه : الفصل الاول : عرضنا فيه المادة بعنوان "ادارة التغيير "ذا وجد الباحث ضرورة مهمة لتقسيمه الى ثلاثة مباحث وفقا الى التسلسل الاتي : المبحث الاول : واطر بعنوان " فلسفة التغيير "لنعرض من خلاله الاطار المفاهيمي ليكون لنا اساس مدركي يسعفنا في تفسير ما هو موجود من اداء في الاستراتيجية الامريكية. اما المبحث الثاني فحمل عنوان "الادارة " لما لها من دور فاعل ومؤثر في مسيرة التغيير . وفيما يخص المبحث الثالث : فكان بعنوان "ادارة التغيير"والذي انصب على تحليل وتاطير المفردة اساس البحث، لتكون النهج الذي تتبعه في دراسة الاستراتيجية الامريكية الشاملة لترسم لنا خريطة ادائية تفسر سر الاداء الامريكي .وتناغما مع ما مضى، ووصولا الى الفصل الثاني والذي كان تحت مسمى " : الولايات المتحدة الامريكية وضرورات التغيير " والذي عد من اسس ادارة التغيير، تلك المفردة التي اعتمدها صانع القرار الامريكي وتعامل معها بعقلانية فبانت ثمارها على الاستراتيجية الامريكية ولبانت ذلك ارتاينا تقسيمه الى ثلاثة مباحث : المبحث الاول : والذي تتطرق الى " الرؤية الامريكية للتغيير واثرها في بلورة الاستراتيجية الامريكية الشاملة"والذي تناوب بين منظري التغيير وفلاسفته، وبين صناع التغيير وقادته. فعرضنا فيه المراحل التاريخية التي مر بها التغيير الامريكي والتي بانت عليها صفة اقتناص الفرص وتوظيف المتغيرات من لدن صناع التغيير . اما بالنسبة للمبحث الثاني والذي حمل عنوان " اليات التغيير في الاستراتيجية الامريكية الشاملة "وعرضناها على الجملة بما تضمنت ممن عناوين غزيرة بمحتواها . واستكمالا لما مضى عرضنا للمبحث الثالث الذي اطر بعنوان " دلالات التغيير في الاستراتيجية الامريكية الشاملة "والذي ارتكزت فكرته على عرض تلك الدلالات استمرارا في التقدم في دراسة التغيير الامريكي.ووصولا الى الفصل الثالث عرجنا لتناول العنوان " ادارة التغيير في الاستراتيجية الامريكية الشاملة : رؤية تاريخية "لاهمية التفاعلات التي يحملها كونه من اسس الدراسة التي كانت حلقة وصل بين الماضي والمستقبل . فالمبحث الاول : الذي حمل عنوان "ادارة التغيير في الاستراتيجية الامريكية الشاملة في عالم ما قبل الحرب الباردة" لتكون مهمته مقتصرة على ابانة الخطوات الحذرة للساسة الامريكان وهم يتعاملون مع التغيير الدولي. اما المبحث الثاني : فكان تحت مسمى " ادارة التغيير في الاستراتيجية الامريكية الشاملة في عالم الحرب الباردة "الذي كان اساسه هو التنافس في احداث التغيير بين التغيير الامريكي - الليبرالي والتغيير الاشتراكي - الشيوعي. وجاء المبحث الثالث والذي ترجم تحت عنوان " ادارة التغيير في الاستراتيجية الامريكية الشاملة في عالم ما بعد الحرب الباردة" فكان جل الاهتمام ينصب على ادارة التغيير الامريكي في حقبة الهيمنة الامريكية.وصولا الى الفصل الرابع والذي اطر بالعنوان"مستقبل الاستراتيجية الامريكية الشاملة وادارة التغيير"الذي جاء مصداقا للعلاقة الجدلية بين ادارة التغيير ومستقبل الاستراتيجية الامريكية . وفي بداية تطرقنا في المبحث الاول : والذي حمل عنوان : "المحفزات اللينة لادارة التغيير" الى جملة من العناوين التي عدت محفزات ساعدت على ادارة التغيير امريكيا.اما في ما يخص المبحث الثاني والذي حمل عنوان : "المحفزات الخشنة لادارة التغيير" وتضمن جملة من العناوين التي عدت محفزات خشنة ساعدت على تنشيط ادارة التغيير امريكيا. كما ان المبحث الثالث الذي ادرج تحت عنوان : "مستقبل الاستراتيجية الامريكية الشاملة في ظل ادارة التغيير" تضمن جملة من العناوين التي عدت رؤية مستقبلية لادارة التغيير الامريكي. وفيه تمت قراءة مختصرة لمستقبل الاستراتيجية الامريكية في ظل ادارة التغيير والذي تضمن ثلاثة مشاهد كلا منه حمل من المقومات وما تسنده ليرشح لنراؤية مستقبل الاستراتيجية الامريكية .وختاما نصل الى الخاتمة التي لخصت تلك المفردة الواسعة والمعقدة لننهي البحث بجملة من الاستنتاجات، بمثابة ثمرة البحث الذي خضنا في تفاصيله، لنخرج من هذه المقاربة بجملة من النتائج منها : اولا - ان التغيير فعل وضعي مقصود ،مضاد للثبات والسكون، يملك علاقة طردية مع الزمن ،وله علاقة تقويمية مع الادارة، والاخيرة يتحكم بها صناع القرار في النظام الدولي. لهذا تعد الادارة الدولية المفتاح الاساسي لقيادة التغيير الدولي، وهذا يدل على ان التغيير يصنع ويقاد ويدار. والدليل ان الساسة الامريكيون صنعوا وقادوا واداروا التغيير الدولي. ليوصلهم لقمة الهرم السياسي الدولي .ثانيا - من البديهي القول ان صناع التغيير هم اللاعبين الاساسين في المسرح السياسي الدولي الذين يغتنمون الفرص الاستراتيجية التي تعد خطا من الاخرين لاحداث نقلة استراتيجية شاملة تحدث خلل في التوازن الاستراتيجي الدولي ولتكون نافذة للتغيير في الساحة الدولية.ثالثا - خير وسيلة لقيادة التغيير، هي صناعة التغيير. وخير وسيلة لصناعة التغيير، هي ادارة التغيير. وخير وسيلة لادارة التغيير، ايجاد استراتيجية عقلانية للتفكير.رابعا - وبما ان الاستراتيجية الامريكية متجددة، تمكنت من مواكبة تجدد التغيير الدولي، بعد ان جعلت من العقلانية الادائية والتقويم الاستراتيجي مرتكز لها، فضلا عن اتساع ورشة بناتها وصناعها ومنظريها الذين كان لهم الفضل في ادراك التغيير الدولي وترويضه، لان خير وسيلة لضمان التغيير هو اقتناص فرص التغيير، وهذا ما عمدت اليه الولايات المتحدة في استراتيجيتها على مر حقب التغيير العالمي. واذا لم يحل التوازن في النظام الدولي، فسيتغير النظام لصالح الولايات المتحدة، وينشا لا توازن يعكس اعادة توزيع القوى، بما يضمن الهيمنة للولايات المتحدة : ((اي كلما كان النظام الدولي اكثر اختلالا، كلما كان التغيير الدولي اكثر تولدا وظهورا)).خامسا - ودون شك، ستسعى الولايات المتحدة الامريكية وهي تتعامل مع التغيير الدولي الى "التعاون - التشاركي المتزن" الذي يضمن لها المحافظة الامريكية على الدور والمكانة بالقدر الممكن والمستطاع. سادسا - وبعد عرضنا كل ما تقدم، يمكن ان نؤكد ان النظام الدولي بات رهين ادارة التغيير الامريكية العقلانية، والاخيرة باتت رهينة للاعقلانية القوى الفاعلة في النظام الدولي وهي تتعامل مع التغيير.سابعا - ان الحديث الموضوعي يشير الى اللاتماثل في ادارة التغيير الدولي، فهناك قوى تصنع التغيير وهي لا تدرك خطورته، واخرى تواجه التغيير وهي لا تدرك قوته، وكذلك توجد قوى يصنعها التغيير، وقوى تصنع التغيير ليكون جزء من استراتيجيتها المعتمدة ليحمل الهدف المبتغى والمنشود.ثامنا - ان المستقبل الامريكي بات رهينة عقلانية ادارة التغيير. وادارة التغيير رهينة الاستراتيجية الامريكية العقلانية الشاملة. طالما بدت ادارة التغيير حاوية لادارات فرعية امثال : ادارة التاثير، وادارة التطبيع، وادارة الاقناع ، وادارة الانتقاء، ادارة صناعة العدو، وادارة التحدي....الخ .وهذا ما حاولت الاستراتيجية الامريكية احتوائه بعقلانيتها المتجددة وهي تدير التغيير. من كل ما ورد اعلاه من استنتاجات، نصل ونتوصل الى صحة ودقة الفرضية التي وضعت للدراسة والتي نصت على ((كلما كانت ادارة التغيير الامريكية عقلانية، كلما كانت الاستراتيجية الامريكية الشاملة ناجحة)). | Importance of starting the study of the role of change management in the formulation of the future. For this we tried to indicate the importance of managing change in U.S. strategy, which is one of the most important reasons for its success, the single that made the United States, culminating at the top of the political hierarchy of the international system, so it is not surprising that the change management and study tool for the interpretation of American behavior. And perhaps a gateway systematic new is added to the Methods of strategic analysis. Two documents on the basis of the hypothesis, that ((the more rational management of change America, the more comprehensive U.S. strategy was successful)). Having brought us the subject of study the problem of a title based on the United States dealt with the others in terms of change management strategy and the others set off in their dealings with the United States of the change management strategy which enabled the United States of cemented construction globally and ensure the future. Complement what is required in question the accuracy of the analysis and identification and in - depth investigation of the facts and the expansion to include the largest number of sub - headings complex for us out of a need to know the components of intellectual and performance piece American cemented subject of the study and search for enrichment of the scientific material we have adopted structural included (introduction and four chapters and a conclusion and conclusions), In response to this point, we offered a brief on the subject of the thesis entitled to "(change management : a model of comprehensive U.S. strategy)" as shown below : Chapter I : We put the article entitled "Change Management" The researcher found the need for a mission to divide it into three sections according to the sequence follows : Section I : The frames with the title "philosophy of change" to offer from which the conceptual framework we have a basis Mdrick a Asafna in the interpretation of existing performance in U.S. strategy. The second section he carried the title of "management" because of their active and influential role in the process of change. With regard to the third topic : the share was the title of "change management", which focused on the analysis and research - based single - frame, to be the approach in the study of the overall U.S. strategy to draw a map of our performances explain the secret of American performance. And in tune with the past and, to Chapter II, which was under the name "United States of America and the necessity of reform," which count of the foundations of change management, such individual adopted by the American decision - maker and deal with it rationally Fbant fruit on the U.S. strategy and pant so we decided to divide it into three sections : Section I : , which address the "American vision for change and their impact in shaping American strategy overall," which alternated between the theorists of change and philosophers, and the makers of change and leaders, Frdhana the historical stages undergone by the change, the U.S. and that they had a capacity to seize opportunities and employment variables from the presence of Change makers. As for the Study of the second, titled "Mechanisms of change in the overall U.S. strategy" and what we presented to the sentence included the addresses of the heavy laden. As a complement to our past for the Study of the frames of the third entitled "The implications of the change in the overall U.S. strategy," which was based his idea to display those signs in the continuation of progress in the study of the U.S. change. Through to the third quarter Arzina to deal with the heading "Management of change in the overall U.S. strategy : a historical perspective" of the importance of interactions carried by being one of the foundations of the study, which was a link between the past and the future. Valambges The first, titled "Managing change in the overall U.S. strategy in the world of the pre - Cold War" to be his mission limited to indicate the cautious steps of the U.S. politicians who are dealing with international change. The second section was called "management of change in the overall U.S. strategy in the world of the Cold War," which was the basis of which is to compete in the events of the change between change between the U.S. - the liberal and the socialist transformation - the Communist Party. The third topic, which was translated under the title "Managing change in the overall U.S. strategy in the world after the Cold War" was the most attention was focused on change management in the era of American domination of America.And in tune with the past through to the fourth chapter, which frames the title "the future of the overall U.S. strategy and change management," which came to a dialectical relationship between change management and the future of U.S. strategy. At the beginning we listed in the first section and titled : "soft incentives for the management of change" to a number of titles that promised incentives have helped to change management Alomrakia. As for the second section, titled : "coarse stimuli for change management" and included a number of titles that promised to stimuli coarse helped to activate the change management U.S.. The third topic, which was included under the title : "The future of U.S. strategy in light of the overall management of change" included a number of titles that promised a future vision for Change Management U.S.. And it has been read a brief for the future of U.S. strategy in the management of change, which included three scenes both of which carry the ingredients and attributed to nominate her vision of the future of U.S. strategy. Finally we come to the conclusion that summarized those individual large and complex to expire Find a set of conclusions to serve as the fruit of research that fought in the details

المشاركة السياسية في دول مجلس التعاون لدول الخليج العربية

Author name: عبد الرحمن حسين محمد الجميلي
Supervisor name: طارق حسين البياتي
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Systems and Public Policies
Degree: Master
University: University of Baghdad - Faculty Of Political Science
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: يشهد العالم النامي منذ سنوات تجارب في المشاركة السياسية تتفاوت في شكلها ودرجتها واسبابها ومكوناتها ، ولكنها تتفق في تاكيدها على اهمية توفر الحريات الاساسية لبناء وتطوير المجتمعات المعاصرة وضرورة التخلص من الاستبداد والتفرد بالسلطة ، ودول مجلس التعاون لدول الخليج العربية ليست استثناء من هذا التوجه ونظرا لما شهدته دول مجلس التعاون من تحولات اقتصادية واجتماعية تلت مرحلة اكتشاف النفط وما تبعها من تدفق للعوائد المالية الكبيرة حيث رفعت مجتمعات هذه الدول من حياة الكفاف والفقر الى حياة الرفاه والاستهلاك ، والى جانب تحسين المستويات المعيشية والصحية والتعليمية والى ازدياد الاحتكاك بالعالم الخارجي ، مما ادى الى بروز شرائح اجتماعية متعلمة تطمح للمشاركة السياسية والانخراط في الحياة السياسية ومحاولة التاثير في الواقع السياسي والاقتصادي والاجتماعي في هذه الدول . وعلى الرغم من ان دول المجلس قد شهدت في الاونة الاخيرة بعض الاصلاحات السياسية والدستورية التي تهدف الى تحقيق قدر من المشاركة السياسية ، الا ان هذه الدول لن تستطع من تطوير اشكال الممارسة السياسية فيها بما يتلاءم والتطورات الحاصلة في العالم وذلك بسبب انغلاق البنى السياسية للانظمة الحاكمة واحتكار السلطة لفئات معينة من الاسر الحاكمة وبعض الفئات العشائرية والقبلية والطائفية ، وتركز عملية اتخاذ القرار بيد الحاكم وجماعات صغيرة من التابعين والمؤيدين له مما يؤدي الى تعثر عملية المشاركة السياسية في دول المجلس . ولقد جاءت هذه الدراسة للبحث في المشاركة السياسية في دول مجلس التعاون ، حيث تم تناول الموضوع وفق هيكليلة دراسية موزعة على مقدمة وفصل تمهيدي واربع فصول تخص مضمون البحث مع خاتمة تتضمن اهم الاستنتاجات التي توصلنا اليها . ففي الفصل التمهيدي تناولنا ، ضمن اطار نظري، مفهوم الديمقراطية والمشاركة السياسية ومفهوم حقوق الانسان فيما خصص الفصل الاول لدراسة التكوين السياسي والاقتصادي والاجتماعي لدول المجلس ، وتناول الفصل الثاني دراسة موقف المؤسسات السياسية والدستورية من المشاركة السياسية ، فيما كرس الفصل الثالث لدراسة التيارات والقوى السياسية في هذه الدول ، وقد تناول الفصل الرابع من هذه الدراسة المشاركة السياسية لدول المجلس في ظل الوضع الدولي ، ثم تبع ذلك خاتمة الدراسة . وقد توصلنا من خلال هذه الدراسة الى الاستنتاج بان المشاركة السياسية الممكن تحقيقها في دول مجلس التعاون ، هي المشاركة التي يمكن ان تعتمد على مبادرات من جانب الانظمة السياسية الحاكمة في هذه الدول التي تهدف الى تحقيق نوع من المشاركة السياسية وذلك بادخال قدر من الديمقراطية في هذه الدول من خلال نظام يعلن فيه عن مشاركة سياسية للفئات التي ترغب في الانخراط في العملية السياسية واقامة مؤسسات سياسية وقنوات تمكن الانظمة الحاكمة من استيعاب مطالب الجماهير والنخب المثقفة وطاقاتها وذلك بالانفتاح السياسية المشروط وافساح المجال امام مؤسسات المجتمع المدني للاسهام الفاعل في المجتمع ، ولكن في ظل مراقبة واشراف السلطة واحتواء مطالب المشاركة السياسية ، لا سيما وان اغلب الفئات المطالبة بالمشاركة السياسية لم تشكك في شرعية الانظمة الخليجية ، بل تطالب القيام باصلاحات سياسية ضمن الهياكل والبنى السياسية الحالية القائمة في دول المجلس | The Gulf Cooperation Council ( GCC ) States have faced since the beginning of the 21st Century from the claims call for political reformation and increasing of the political participation of the social categories and support the institutions of the civil society in the ( GCC ) States . The political participation has become more important in the societies that have witnessed economic development , as the societies of the ( GCC ) States when these states started investing the huge oil revenues they received because of these economic and social changes led to emerge the new educated social categories have ambition to participate in the political life in these states , and attempt to effect in the political situated in the ( GCC ) States . On the other side , the ( GCC ) States have suffered from the lack of political institutions as a result of the family system which has become the core of the states , consequently, the state in the ( GCC ) States tend to be totalitarian and authoritarian .In spite of the ( GCC ) States have begun some political and constitutional reformations in order to achieve the political participation and response to the internal and foreign pressures toward these states but the political institutions in these states have failed to achieve all the demands of the new social categories to came up there ambitions in political participation .Therefore the study is then an attempt to explore the nature of the political participation in the ( GCC ) States , which is divided in to preface chapter , four chapters and the conclusion .The preface chapter deals with the democracy , political participation and human rights with regard to the theoretical framework and notions .The first chapter studies the political , economic , and social construction of the ( GCC ) States , whereas the second chapter discusses the attitude of the political and constitutional institutions toward the political participation in ( GCC ) States , it tries to clarify the attitude of the executive authority and the legislative authority in these states toward the political participation .The third chapter is dedicated to study the political powers and trends in the ( GCC ) States , whereas the fourth chapter devoted to discuss the political participation in the ( GCC ) States under the international order , throws light on the claims of the democracy in these states and the influence of the Globalization on the political participation , It also discusses the human rights and the role of civil society in the ( GCC ) States , at the end of this chapter we have discussed the future of the political participation in these states , and followed by the conclusion of the study

القيادة في الفكر السياسي الاسلامي الامامي ولاية الفقيه انموذجا == LEADERSHIP IN THE ISLAMIC POLITICAL THOUGHT OF IMAMAH : THE GUARDIANSHIP OF THE ISLAMIC JURIST AS A MODEL

Author name: اسعد تركي سواري
Supervisor name: حميد فاضل حسن
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Thought
Degree: Master
University: Alalamain Institute for Higher Education - Department of Political Science
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The literature of leadership, imamah, ruling and guardianship I so rich along the human history. Thousands of scholars, thinkers and philosophers have spent their lives in understanding and explaining these terms. The main philosophical orientations identified are those related to the necessity of holding the society under a unique leadership to maintain peace, security, and social and cultural luxury; to defend the external threats; and to solve the continuous conflicts of interests among the members of that society. Therefore, the issue of leadership becomes so important from religious, philosophical and ideological perspectives. Of course, this is done to obtain a utopian model for such a wise and right leadership system.Philosophically and ideologically speaking, this issue is regarded a decisive marker for realizing and identifying the developed societies and their stable political systems. Also, these patterns of disloyalty, sufferings, and discontent are related to these missing standards of values, religion, philosophy of Allah's messengers. These missing standards led to practice other different systems and dilemmas as shown by Plato and Aristotle, like the systems of Autocracy, Aristocracy, Timocratie, Oligarchie, Democracy and Tyrannie. This last system believes that spreading mess among the society's members to convince the need for a tyranny to control.The present study sheds light on the concept of leadership in political thought among philosophers and thinkers to find out these unique characteristics of a wise and right leader. For this purpose, the concept of 'the guardianship of the Islamic jurist' in its theoretical domain is unique since it mixes between both the divine and democratic leadership; this is to involve consultation and people's interests in leadership to fill up the political vacuum and choose and observe their leaders and dismiss them indirectly by their jurists wherever there is a benefit for the society. This theory has successfully revealed a deep understanding of the current political situations; of course, this is to accommodate the jihadi mental perspective among Imamah's scholars.The present study aims at identifying the unique standards for the right legislative leadership; the one that coheres with the true human intuition and that is able to maintain peace, stability, civil improvement and social justice. It also aims atBconsidering the political thought and philosophical and value systems in Imamah toestablish such a theory of leadership. A theory that is founded and based on thefundamentals and standards of Islamic Imamah on the one hand , and that is agreedamong people to rule up the umah in the absence of the twelfth Imam (pbuh).Despite the difference among Imamah scholars about its limits, the theory of'the guardianship of the Islamic jurist' is a practical step and attempt to fill up theabsence of the twelfth Imam (pbuh). Being an evident indicator of the developedintellectual stance of Imamah scholars, it is regarded a unique golden environmentbetween originality and modernism, no more no less. The study hypothesized thatthe standard formula of leadership intermixes between the divine will and people'swill, based on the initial concept of harmony of these wills. The theoreticalframework of this leadership cannot be realized unless it finds its reality andexistence in a real leader and a society that is totally convinced by his values and hissystems of philosophy and beliefs. The study also hypothesized the existence of sucha theory of leadership in the Islamic political thought of Imamah. This theory ofguardianship is able to maintain and lead the human societies by civilsed techniquesand procedures, which are in turn suitable to stimulate the new changes in theintellectual and political life.The study is of an introduction, four chapters and a conclusion. The threesections of the first chapter deal with the chronological development of concepts like'leadership' and 'guardianship'. Section One examines the importance, the actualneed, patterns, procedures, and the legislative resources of leadership. The secondsection studies the oriental heritage of leadership especially in Mesopotamia, AncientEgypt, Ancient China and Ancient India. The third section studies the concept ofleadership in the Western perspectives, starting by those of Plato, Aristotle, Socrates,the Roman Empire, and theories of Polybius, Cicero and Seneca. It also examinesthese theories appeared in the Middle Age like those of Pope Gelasius, SaintAugustine, Tommaso d'Aquino and Dante. It also sheds light on modern theories inWestern political literature like those of absolute leadership in Niccolo deiMachiavelli, Voltaire, Thomas Hobbes, and those of limited leadership like those ofThomas More, Jean - Jacques Rousseau, Montesquieu and Carle Marks.Chapter Two, which is in two sections, sheds light on theories of eadershipin the political thought of Imamah. The first section the theoretical background andthe chronological bases of the theory of te guardianship of the Islamic jurist. This isdone by examining its concept, types of guardianship, and its formulation in theexistence and absence of the twelfth Imam (pbuh). The second section deals with thetheories of the guardianship of umah, the guardianship of consultation, and theCguardianship of the Islamic jurist. It also examines the theory of gatering both the guardianship of consultation and the guardianship of the Islamic jurist.In its two section, the third chapter examines th theory of the guardianship of the Islamic jurist in detail by focusing on its preconditions, requirements, proofs, duties and the like.The first section examines a number of questions and debates related to the existence of more than one jurist, the possibility of implementing his guardianship outside his country, the difficulty of balancing between the divine will and people's will, the possibility of absolution in the jurist's guardianship and ruling, the mental proofs, sayings and evidence cited by Imams about his authority, and his basic characteristics. The important duties and limits of authority of the jurist are stated in the second section.The two sections of the fourth chapter deals with the opinions of earlier and recent Shiite jurists. In the first section, the opinions of Al - Kirki and Al - Naraqi. The second section, on the other hand, examines the opinion of recent Sitte scholars like Khomeini, Baqir Al - Sadr, Muhammad Muhammad Sadiq Al - Sadr.The main findings and an examination of the validity of the research hypotheses are presented in the Conclusion.

الطائفية السياسية واثرها على بناء الدولة العراقية بعد 2003 == Political Sectarianism and Its Effect on Building the Iraq State Beyond 2003

Author name: نضال عبد الرضا نصار
Supervisor name: اياد خلف حسين العنبر
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Thought
Degree: Master
University: Alalamain Institute for Higher Education
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: تتناول هذه الدراسة (الطائفية السياسية وتاثيرها على بناء الدولة العراقية بعد عام 2003) والتي تعتبر من الدراسات المهمة سياسيا في العراق ما لها من تاثير سيء في الحياة السياسية قديما وحديثا، والدراسة افترضت على ان مشروع الدولة الوطنية فشل في التعامل مع الحياة السياسية وتحول الى مغذي للطائفية بدلا من استئصالها وكذلك النظام السياسي ما بعد 2003 لم يجد حلا مناسبا لعلاجها ولم يتجاوز الاخطاء التي خلفها النظام السياسي السابق، وبذلك تحولت الى احد الركائز التي تقوم عليها السلطة وفشل مشروع الدولة الوطنية. وقد قسم البحث الى ثلاث فصول مع فصل تمهيدي، فضلا عن المقدمة وخاتمة. وقد تناول الفصل التمهيدي مفهوم الطائفية السياسية وجذورها التاريخية في الدولة العراقية. وتناول الفصل الاول تاثير الطائفية على الاستقرار السياسي من خلال العنف السياسي والمشاركة السياسية، والفصل الثاني تناول الطائفية وتاثيرها على بناء الدولة الديمقراطية بعد 2003، من حيث تاثير المواطنة وتطبيق الديمقراطية التوافقية.اما الفصل الاخير تناول الطائفية وتاثيرها على ازمة الاندماج السياسي بعد 2003. واخيرا الخاتمة التي من خلالها تم استنتاج العلاقة العكسية بين ضعف الدولة وقوة الطائفية السياسية. | There is a deep relation between the doctrinal or sectarian stress and the state establishment problem; the political regime failure in moving from the branch identities to the national identity is one of the most important challenge of Iraqi state establishment process after 2003. The political sectarian problem is no longer restricted to the relation between society and state from top to bottom, it changed into a basic element in the Iraqi political life, one of the political process, to represent the sectors, depending on establishing the political sectarian. Throughout the study chapters, we found a direct relation between the state weakness and the political sectarian strength, if the state is was weak in representing its society and controlling the social and political contradictories within a political regime, the political sectarian, via its representatives : - parties and powers and groups would be the stronger party, supporting the secondary belongingness phenomena to overwhelm the national belongingness. The political participation problem in the societies that lacks the national incorporation lies on the inability of producing a democratic system, so the political participation becomes an expression of the sectarian belongingness and the political institutions would be divided among the political parties and powers that had been formed on a sectarian base, as they represent these sectors. The political violence problem in Iraq after 2003 was and still explained on a sectarian base; it reached the climax in 2006 where we can describe as ( a civilian war).

الاصلاح السياسي في دول مجلس التعاون الخليجي بين المحفزات ... والمعوقات

Author name: همسة قحطان خلف
Supervisor name: رياض عزيز هادي
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
University: University of Baghdad - Faculty Of Political Science
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: لاحقت رياح التغيير والاصلاح السياسي دول المنطقة العربية خلال السنوات الاخيرة، وقد تفاوت معدل التاثر فيها من دول الى اخرى، وقد تعاطت دول مجلس التعاون لدول الخليج العربي مع الاتجاه العالمي بشكل او باخر نحو الديمقراطية والحرية والسياسة بالمعنى الليبرالي - بشكل اكثير ايجابية ومرونة من دول عربية اخرى قديمة العهد بالتطور الديمقراطي والحراك السياسي بمعناه الشامل، اذ شهدت دول مجلس التعاون الخليجي خلال العقد الاخير موجتين للاصلاح السياسي : كانت الاولى : في مطلع التسعينات من القرن الماضي، وجاءت الاخرى : في نهاية ذلك العقد، ومطلع العقد الحالي، وكلتا الموجتين وضعتا النظم السياسية الخليجية على اعتاب مرحلة التحديث، بعد ان ظلت حالة الركود مسيطرة عليها لعقود طويلة، وتمثلت ابرز معالم الموجة الاولى في مظهرين جديدين في دول لم تعرف من قبل وجود مؤسسات وتشريعات تنظم الحياة السياسية، وعملية المشاركة فيها، المظهر الاول : هو تاسيس مجالس للشورى (بالتعيين) في المملكة العربية السعودية، وفي البحرين في العام 1992، والمظهر الاخر : اصدار تشريعات وانظمة اساسية في السعودية العام 1992، وفي سلطنة عمان في العام 1996. اما الموجة الاخرى فقد شهدت قيام النظم السياسية الخليجية باصدار دساتير دائمة، ومثال على ذلك اصدار دستور قطر في نيسان في العام 2003، مع ظهور توجه لاعتماد الية الاقتراع العام سبيلا لتشكيل المجالس التشريعية بدلا عن طريق التعيين، ومنح هذه المجالس صلاحيات اوسع، ومن الامثلة على ذلك ماجرى في البحرين في بدايات العام 2002، وتبنت دولة الامارات العربية المتحدة في عام 2006 اسلوبا يتم فيه انتخاب نصف عدد اعضاء المجالس الاستشارية، والنصف الاخر يعين من جانب الحكومة، وعمدت سلطنة عمان في العام 2000، الى الغاء الدور الحكومي في اختيار، وتعيين اعضاء تلك المجالس مع توسيع قاعدة المشاركة في العملية السياسية. ومن اهم الاسباب التي حفزت دول مجلس التعاون الخليجي لتبني النهج الاصلاحي منذ مطلع تسعينات القرن الماضي ما ياتي : - التطورات الاقتصادية والاجتماعية التي شهدتها تلك الدول خلال عقدي السبعينات والثمانينات، بفعل تزايد العوائد المالية النفطية، والتي ادت الى ظهور شريحة من المثقفين طالبت بالاصلاح السياسي، والمشاركة السياسية، وكان لهذه الشريحة دور في احداث تحول نوعي في الوعي السياسي للمواطنين. - اثارت المتغيرات الناجمة عن عملية غزو الكويت في العام 1990، وحرب الخليج الثانية في العام 1991، وما بعدها تساؤلات عدة دارت حول طبيعة النظم السياسية، وعملية التطور السياسي المنشودة في دول الخليج، بعد اتضاح هشاشة تل النظم، وانكشافها الامني، وضعف قدراتها العسكرية رغم المبالغ الهائلة التي انفقت على التسلح، وشراء المعدات العسكرية، الامر الذي شد المواطن الى الاهتمام بالعملية السياسية، والتطلع للمشاركة فيها بعد ان كانت حكرا على شريحة اجتماعية معينة اثبت الواقع العملي عدم كفايتها في ادارة العملية السياسية، وفي مواجهة الازمات. - توجه النظم السياسية الخليجية للحصول على الشرعية عبر توسع قاعدة المشاركة السياسية، وصناديق الاقتراع عوضا عن شرعية الانجاز التي تقوم على فكرة دولة (الرفاه)، ويضاف الى الاسباب التي اشرنا اليها انفا ما ياتي : ا. تصاعد الضغوط الدولية المطالبة بالتحول الديمقراطي، وتصاعدها بعد احداث 11 ايلول 2001، في الولايات المتحدة الامريكية. ب‌. الادراك الخليجي المتزايد لاهمية الاصلاح السياسي باعتباره حصانة ووسيلة من الوسائل التي تقلل او تضعف الميل للعنف، وقد شهدت البحرين اعمال عنف واسعة النطاق في العام 2005. | The trend to change has overrun the Arabian states in the region during last few years, and the rate of its influence varied from one to another. The Arabian Gulf States delt with the global inclination towards democracy, and political freedom in terms of liberalism in a posative, and flexable manner better than many Arabian States more ancient in being tuch with democratic evolution in its significance. The member of Arabian Gulf States Cooperation Council witnessed two waves of political reforms during last decade, the first one took place in the nineties decade last centry, and the second started at the end of that decade, and it is still on process. Both waves put political systems of Gulf States on modernization threshold after long time of stagnancy. The features of the first wave resemble in two aspects in countries never knew before the existance of institutions, and legislations that control political life, and the process of contribution in it. The first aspect was the establishment of the state consultative courts by assignment in Saudi Arabia, and Bahrain in 1992. The second aspect was the legislations, and principles issued in Saudi Arabia in 1992, and in Oman in 1996. The second wave witnessed Qatars initiative in issuing its permanent constitution in April 2003 in conjunction with adopting the mechanism of general election to form the state consultative courts instead of assignment. The United Arabs Emerates adopted a system combined between assignment, and election , while Oman canceled governmental role in selection, and assignment of the courts members, with enlargement of the base of contribution in political process. There were reasons behind Gulf States pursue to adopt political reforms since the decade of nineties last centry and they are : - Economic, and social evolutions in these states during seventies, and eighties decades last century due to petrol revenue increases, which led to emergence of aducated section of society claimed political reforms, and participation in political process. This section played a role in making a specific change in political awarence among the citizens. - The variables followed the invation of Kuwait, and the war in 1991 has risen questions about the nature of political systems, and the expected political evolution in Arabian Gulf States after the clarity of weakness, security disclosure, and debility of military power in those states dispite their huge defence expenditures. These variables inspired people to pay attention to political process, and they looked forward to take share in it, and not to let it quitrent to a particular section of society, practical reality prove its defects in facing crisis. - The trend of Gulf States to achieve legitimacy through enlargement of base of political partnership and resorting to elections instead of achieving it through fulfillment, because of the following : a. The increase of international pressure demanding democratic change especially after September 9.11th 2001. b. The recognition of increasing importance of political reform in Gulf states as an immune method to reduce possibilities of violence like what happened in Bahrain at large scale in 2005.The present study comprises an introduction, a preliminary section, five chapters, and a conclusion. The preliminary section is about the concept of political reform. The first chapter deals with the first reform endeavor in Gulf States. The second chapter investigates elements of political reform in Gulf States, the first section studies internal elements, while the second section examine external elements.The third chapter devoted to constitutional reforms in three sections. In the first one we study the constitutional amendment in Kuwait, and in Bahrain. The second section is devoted to study legislation, and principles issued in Saudi Arabia, and Oman, while the third section examines the permanent constitution in Qatar, and in the United Arabs Emiretes. The fourth chapter deals with political reform through investigations of elections, and contribution in political process, human rights, civil society, and the right of expression. The fifth chapter deals with political reform deterrent through studying regulations, and constitutional frame work feebleness with in the members of the Arabian Gulf States cooperation council, besides investigates social, economic, and cultural elements taking into consideration the future of political reform in these countries. The conclusion of the thesis includes a summary of the results reached to through the present study

اداء النخبة السياسية في اقليم كوردستان العراق (1991 - 2013) == Performance of Political Elite in Kurdistan Region of Iraq (1991 - 2013)

Author name: ياسين اشور جوهر
Supervisor name: مها عبد اللطيف حسن الحديثي
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Systems and Public Policies
Degree: Doctorate
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science - Department Of Political Systems And Public Policies
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: مما لاشك فيه ان كل مجتمع ينقسم على شريحتين رئيسيتين، وهما عبارة عن الشريحة الحاكمة والمحكومة، غير ان خصائص وسمات هاتين الشريحيتين تختلف من مجتمع لاخر، وتختلف باختلاف الامكنة والازمنة. وان الاسباب التي تولد تلك المفارقات ترجع الى مسالة تطور المجتمع وتجاوز الظروف السياسية والاقتصادية والاجتماعية والتراثية المتخلفة. لذا نجد ان صفات وخصائص النخبة الحاكمة في المجتمعات المتقدمة والمتحضرة مقارنة بمثيلتها في المجتمعات المتخلفة او المجتمعات النامية، مختلفة. ففي المجتمعات المتقدمة والمتحضرة نجد ان النخبة الحاكمة نتيجة لالتزامها بسيادة القانون وعقلانية ادارة السلطة ومحاولاتها بناء دولة مؤسسات وفصل السلطات والايمان التام بعملية تبادل السلطة بين القوى السياسية وايمانها بمبادئ الديمقراطية والحريات الفردية والجماعية، هي نخبة لها القابلية على التجديد والتغيير من خلال التعبير الصادق والحقيقي عن اهداف وامال الافراد في المجتمع الواحد، هذا من جهة، ومن جهة اخرى، نايها عن احتكار السلطة من اجل الاستمرار بالبقاء على كرسي الحكم لمدة طويلة، فضلا عن عدم قدرتها استغلال الدستور وتغيير القوانين من اجل مصالحها الخاصة. ان الافراد في المجتمعات المتقدمة والمتحضرة ليسوا مكتوفي الايدي تجاه النخبة الحاكمة، بل ان وعيهم السياسي يبلغ مستوى يجعل منهم قادرين على منع الحكام من التهور وارتكاب الخروقات الدستورية والزامهم بالخضوع لبنود القوانين والاحكام المتفق عليها بين الطرفين، ولهذا نلحظ وجود التعاون والتوازن المشترك بين النخبة الحاكمة والمحكومة في تلك المجتمعات من ناحية القوة والشرعية ووسائل الصراع، ونجد باستمرار ان التغيير في تلك المجتمعات يكون مستندا الى القانون والدستور ويكون خاليا من اي عنف او انقلاب عسكري. وفيما يتعلق بالمجتمعات المتخلفة او المجتمعات التي هي في طور الانتقال الديمقراطي، فنجد ان العلاقة بين النخبة الحاكمة والمحكومة هي علاقة غير راجحة مليئة بالمشكلات. ان ما تمتاز به النخبة الحاكمة في تلك المجتمعات، انها نخبة منطوية على ذاتها ومنعزلة لا تفسح المجال للتغيير وتتبادل باستمرار السلطة فيما بينها، ولاجل ذلك يلجاون الى اعتماد شرعية سياسية ضعيفة وخالية من المضمون وانتخابات غير بناءة، او استخدام العنف والظلم بحق المواطنين. من جهة اخرى، ان النخبة الحاكمة في مثل تلك المجتمعات بغية بقائها في السلطة والتمسك بمقاليد الحكم، تلجا الى خطاب قومي او ديني او اشتراكي او ليبرالي او اي خطاب اخر تجذب من خلاله الحس العاطفي للجماهير، وفي الوقت نفسه نجد تلك الخطابات خالية من اي مضمون حقيقي او التزام بالمفاهيم الواردة فيها. ان هذه اللامبالاة والبعد عن الخطوط العريضة لتلك الخطابات تولد شيئا من التشاؤم لدى شريحة المحكومين، فضلا عن ذلك، ان هذه الخطابات لم تفلح في ان تصبح بديلا جيدا لانتماء الفرد للعشيرة او القبيلة او الاسرة او المنطقة، بمعنى اخر لم تستطع ان تؤسس لهوية عليا هي في غنى عن الهويات الفردية او الفرعية الاخرى في المجتمع، حتى يتقيد به الجميع بغض النظر عن الانتماء الديني او القومي او اللغوي او الطائفي او الجغرافي. كل هذه الامور تقف عائقا امام تلك المجتمعات وتحد من قدراتهم على تاسيس سلطة مدنية تتكفل حقوق وواجبات الافراد بلا فارق. في المقابل نجد في اغلب الاحيان ان موقف الجماهير في تلك المجتمعات هو موقف المتفرج اذ لا دور له في بناء القرار السياسي وحضوره السياسي محدود، فينتهي في اغلب الاحيان بالتصويت في الانتخابات فقط، وليس له وعي سياسي كافي بحقوقه ولا يملك وسائل استحصال تلك الحقوق، لذلك نلاحظ ان التغييرات التي تحصل في تلك المجتمعات في الغالب تكون اما بتدخل خارجي او عن طريق العنف او القوة المادية او انقلاب عسكري او ثورة. وفي المحصلة نجد ان تلك المجتمعات تدور في فلك اللاستقرار والازمات السياسية ولا تستطيع ان تصل الى مرحلة المؤسساتية والتصالح الاجتماعي والسياسي التام. هذه الاطروحة الموسومة بـ (اداء النخبة السياسية في اقليم كوردستان 1991 - 2013)تتضمن اربعة فصول، يتناول الفصل الاول مدخل نظري مقسم على عدة موضوعات، اما الفصل الثاني فيتناول الحديث عن تاريخ النخبة السياسية في اقليم كوردستان العراق، وقد قسم على ثلاث مراحل رئيسية، المرحلة الاولى تبدا من (1919 - 1939)، تحدثنا فيها عن بدايات ثورات الشيخ محمود الحفيد وغيره، فضلا عن محاولات بعض المنظمات السياسية والجهات الكوردية التي سعت كثيرا لاستحصال حقوق الكورد في عيراق تلك الفترة. اما المرحلة الثانية فتبدا من تاريخ (1939 - 1979)، تحدثنا فيها عن بدايات التنظيمات السياسية، فنجد ان النخبة السياسية استطاعت ان تنظم نفسها في عدد من الاحزاب السياسية في محاولة منها لنيل حقوق الكورد. وفي هذه المرحلة تحدثنا عن دور ( الملا مصطفى البارزاني) الذي خاض الثورة في بدايتها كشخصية عشائرية ضد الحكومة العراقية انذاك، ثم اصبح قائدا سياسيا وقوميا كورديا على مستوى داخل وخارج العراق. اما المرحلة الثالثة فتبدا من (1975 - 1991)، تحدثنا في بدايتها بشكل مختصرعن تلك السياسات والمظالم التي حلت بالكورد من قبل الحكومات العراقية في تلك الفترة، ثم تطرقنا الى الحديث عن اعادة النخبة السياسية الكوردية لصفوفها في عدة احزاب سياسية مختلفة في ارائها الفكرية والايديولوجية والتنظيمية والجماهيرية. اما الفصل الثالث من هذا البحث فيعد بداية لمنعطف كبير في الكفاح السياسي والعسكري للنخبة السياسية الكوردية والشعب الكوردي على حد سواء. في بدايته تحدثنا عن الجغرافية البشريةوالطبيعية لاقليم كوردستان كمدخل ضروري من اجل فهم اداء النخبة السياسية الكوردية، لغنها بعد انتفاضة (1991) تقلدت السلطة في اطار قانوني ومؤسساتي بصورة فعلية. كذلك تحدثنا عن محاولات النخبة السياسية الكوردية في مسعى منها لتنظيم انتخابات برلمانية بعيدا عن سلطة الحكومة المركزية، وتاسيس برلمان وحكومة ومؤسسات حكومية مستقلة. فضلا عن ذلك، تحدثنا فيه عن التوجه الفكري واهداف تلك النخبة عن طريق الاحزاب السياسية الداخلية التي كانت لها دور وتاثير وثقل في تلك الفترة، اضافة الى الصراعات الداخلية التي نشبت بين الاحزاب كنتيجة لمحاولات كل منها فرض سلطتها الحزبية والمناطقية في اقليم كوردستان. اما في الفصل الرابع فتحدثنا عن اداء النخبة السياسية الكوردية بعد سقوط النظام السياسي في العراق عام (2003)، كيف كانت، وكيف استطاعت ان تؤقلم نفسها مع التغييرات الجذرية التي حصلت في العراق عامة واقليم كوردستان خاصة. تكلمنا ايضا عن دور النفط كورقة اقتصادية مهمة ورئيسة له دور كبير في تعزيز سلطة النخبة السياسية الكوردية في الاقليم. كذلك سلطنا الضوء على التبادل الدوري الحاصل بين النخبة السياسية وبقائها في السلطات التشريعية والتنفيذية. وفي الختام تحدثنا عن دور النخبة السياسية الكوردية في ايجاد الحلول او تفاقم ازمات التنمية السياسية في اقليم كوردستان العراق. توصل البحث الى عدة نتائج منها : ان كل مجتمع يتمتع بنخبة سياسية تقوم بتنظيم شؤونه السياسية على مستوى الداخل والخارج، وتعبر عن امال واهداف افراده. اما فيما يخص النخبة السياسية الكوردية قبل(1991)، فانها كانت باستمرار في جبهة الدفاع وقيام الثورات ضد الحكومات العراقية اذ لم تكن صاحبة سلطة في الاقليم، ولكن هذا لا يغنينا عن الاعتراف بان هذه النخبة، ونتيجة لاسباب داخلية وخارجية، كانت في كثير من الاحيان تقف ضد بعضها، حتى ان احتدام العداء بينها دفعها الى اللجوء لقوى خارجية في سبيل محو الاخر، فضلا عن انها لم تكن نخبة سياسية موحدة وهذا ما اثر سلبا على تحقيق اهدافها السياسية. بعد عام (1991) على الرغم من ان هذه النخبة استطاعت سد فراغ السلطة في اقليم كوردستان العراق، لكن لم يكتب لها النجاح في ذلك، لانها فشلت في ماسسة السلطة، كما لم تفلح في الانتقال بالمجتمع الكوردي الى مرحلة الاستقرار السياسي والاقتصادي والاجتماعي المتين، ولم تستطع ان تنظم السلطة وفق المبادىء الديمقراطية، وفشلت في تثبيت مبدا تبادل السلطة، وتجديد نفسها، وفسح المجال امام القوى السياسية الاخرى حتى يكون لها دور في العملية السياسية وصياغة القرار السياسي في الاقليم، هذا ولم تستطع ان تغني نفسها عن ميراث الاقتتال الداخلي ومحو الاخر من خلال اتفاق سياسي وحزبي فيما بينها بالاعتماد على انفسهم لحسم صراعاتهم وخلافاتهم، ولكن على النقيض من ذلك نجد تلك النخبة ولحد الان تعتمد على القوى الخارجية اكثر من اعتمادها على جماهيرها. بالرغم من ذلك لم تستطع تلك النخبة ان تحسم نفسها ويكون لها خطاب سياسي واضح وصريح توجهه الى الداخل او الى السلطة المركزية في العراق، بل الذي نجده انما هو خطاب سياسي متغير معتمد على اهداف واستراتيجية الاحزاب الكوردستانية وخاصة الحزبين الديمقراطي الكوردستاني والاتحاد الوطني الكوردستاني . ومن النتائج الاخرى التي توصل اليها البحث، ان النخبة السياسية الكوردية بالرغم من تحقيقها بعض التقدم على المستويات السياسية والاجتماعية والاقتصادية في الاقليم، لكنها فشلت في تاسيس اقتصاد قوي يلبي - في الاقل - الاحتياجات الداخلية للاقليم، وبدلا من ذلك، ذهبت الى الاهتمام بتنمية الاقتصاد الاستهلاكي والاعتماد الكلي على قطاع النفط لادارة المجتمع الكوردي في العراق، وهذه السياسة كانت لها تداعيات سلبية مثل : تحطيم البنى التحتية للاقتصاد الزراعي والصناعي، كذلك توسيع القطاع العام على حساب القطاع الخاص، وربط مصادر عيش المواطن بالحكومة ومصادر تمويل الحكومة بالاحزاب السياسية، والاسوا من ذلك، ان هذا النوع من الاقتصاد الى حد بعيد، اصبح سببا من اسباب تقوية الاحزاب من خلال استحصال رؤوس اموال كبيرة والسيطرة على اقتصاد الاقليم. اما من الناحية الاجتماعية، فان هذه النخبة وخاصة بعد عام (1991) اصبحت سببا من اسباب احياء الروح القبلية والعشائرية والاسرية، بدلا من ريادة المجتمع باتجاه العقلانية وبناء دولة مؤسسات، هذا لان المجتمع الكوردي في الاساس هو مجتمع تقليدي وقبلي، وبدلا من تجاوز وكسر هذه العادات الاجتماعية واضعافها، لجات الى تقويتها وتقديسها، كل هذا من اجل بقائها في السلطة والحكم، وفي المحصلة فشلت هذه النخبة في تاسيس هوية واضحة لسكان اقليم كوردستان، وبناء شرعية قوية لها، فضلا عن هذا، لم تستطع تحقيق العدالة الاجتماعية والسياسية والاقتصادية في المجتمع الكوردي، وتوجيهه نحو تحقيق اهدافه وتخليصه من ازماته. ايجازا، نستطيع القول، ان اداء النخبة السياسية الكوردية في فترة حكمها، كان اداء ضعيفا، اذ لم تستطع خلق نموذج ايجابي ومختلف لنظام حكم في العراق والمنطقة، بل اخذت صفات وخصائص المجتمعات المتخلفة التي اشرنا اليها سابقا. | Undoubtedly, each community of humans is divided into two levels : the first level consists of leaders, governmental officials, while the second one is the ordinary citizens. The characteristics of these two levels differ and vary from one society to another, and change from specific place and time to others. This occurs when the communities are stepping toward development in the political, economic, social, and cultural aspects. The characteristics are entirely different in progressed societies rather than those in non - developed ones or newly developed. In the developed ones, and due to the superiority of law, reasoning the authority, having an establishment system in disturbing and handing out the power depending on democratic basics accompanied by society’s and individual’s freedom, it can step forward both into flourishing and renovation. This will be achieved through having a clear public goals and wishes of all the population, and through non - monopolization of power for the sake of lasting longer times as much as possible. On one hand, we notice that all the individuals in developed societies are more cautious about the performance of the government and they do not let them deviate from every segment of the country’s constitution and its authorized power and make them be abided by the law.as a result, we could easily observe that there’s a mature sort of cooperation between the people and government, and even the changes will be done according to legislative processes which are not opposing the items of law and constitution. On the other hand, the non - developed societies or the initial democratic ones face current problems and unhealthy relations in the terms of both the people and the government. Leaders in the government will not allow the throne to flee from them and they try their hard not to be dethroned and not to lose the power, and to sustain this, they rely on misleading election process to deceive the public or to oppress them by using power to force them to be yielded. Sometimes for convincing the public, they announce their false enthusiastic nationalism or their entire faith for religion or their cunning liberal, social policy for running country. Therefore, people would not touch any hopes in their meaningless emblems that could not be even suitable alternatives for the tribal, religious, and regional beliefs in which people had been suffered a lot because of them. All these factors helped not to have serious steps toward establishing a very modern and systematic government that reserves the rights and duties of all without hindrances and injustice. Besides, people sometimes are not aware about the complete items of their official rights, and they act like onlookers only watching and staying disconnected to what are going on. So, a foreign force may interfere to uproot a specific regime as the people are idle in attempting to make changes, or through an internal codetta or an uprising, the change may be happened. And this will bring great damage in a way that security would be lost for longer times and a chaotic state spreads everywhere in country. The dissertation, is entitled (The Performance of the Political Elite in Kurdistan Region from 1991 to 2013), consists of four parts, the first one includes a theoretical entrance to the subject of the project which is divided into several sections, each on has an abstract on what relates to Elitist Theory. The second part explains a historical survey of elitism in Kurdistan region, and it’s graded into three stages, the first stage starts from 1919 to 1939, includes Shekh Mahmud’s revolution and some groups who tried to regain Kurd’s rights from different Iraqi regimes. The second stage, from 1939 to 1975, witnessed an organized way of political system to have some parties for acquiring the national rights of Kurds, and Mala Mustafa Barzani was one of the prominent figures who started first as a tribe leader to revolute against the regime, then he turned to represent Kurds as a political and national leader that affected the political process to certain extends. The third stage, 1975 to 1991, sheds lights on the tyranny of Saddam’s policy and the regime’s oppression against Kurd, also it surveys the reorganization of all the Kurdish political parties to direct people to new ideological trends. The third part, from 1991, elaborates a very important period in the history of Kurds since they achieved their real autonomy and separated from other parts of Iraq, and they started to rule themselves. This will be the core for the project to observe the political elite. In this part, the project elucidates the Kurdish political elite and how they, for the first time and far from Iraqi regime’s threats, were able to hold an election, besides, their being able to establish parliament and government and other governmental directorates. And the political parties tried their best to obtain more popularity in order that they might gain more posts in the authority, and this caused several conflicts and struggles among those parties. The Fourth part explains the Kurdish elite performance after the crashing down of Baath’s regime in 2003, and how they were capable of handling the political role in both Baghdad in Kurdistan. Also, the case of oil as a significant economic and political sector which fostered Kurdish elite. The last pages of this part clarify their positive and negative contributions in decreasing and increasing the obstacles and problems. This project (dissertation) has reached some conclusions like each society has its own elite politicians that organize society’s political affairs as well as representing the wish and needs of people on both internal and external levels. In relation to the Kurdish political elite prior to 1991, they’ve always been in defense and rebellion against the central government in Iraq and with no power in Kurdistan. Due to many internal and external factors, these elite groups have often been in bitter fighting with each other in a way that they sometimes sought help from foreign forces to defeat each other. They have always been in difference and not united which made them unable to achieve their political goals. However, after 1991, despite filling the power vacuum in Kurdistan, these elite were unable to transfer the Kurdish society to the state of political, economic, social and cultural stability. They could neither regulate the power democratically and bring about the bases for peaceful power transfer in Kurdistan nor renew themselves and give way to other political factions to have roles in the process of decision making and the political process in Kurdistan region. Furthermore, instead of making some kind of political agreement and depend on themselves for settling their disputes, they could not rid themselves from deleting each other and the inheritance of the civil war. These elite groups have continuously and still relied on foreign support rather than their people. Moreover, they have not been able to make their mind up and have a clear message to Kurdistan region or the central government in Iraq. What they have is a political message that changes according to the goals and strategy of the parties in Kurdistan especially (P.U.K) and (K.D.P). Another conclusion of the project is that in spite of some progressing that the Kurdish political elite achieved but they failed in founding a very enhancing and strong economic system which conveys the internal needs of Kurdistan region, they depended on oil sector to provide the assumptions, but on the other hand it created a great damage in agricultural and industrial sectors which are considered the most vital bases into development. It led to the declining of private sectors and expanding the public ones, and they connected the people’s earn living with the government and the latter was matched with the political parties. Thus, the Kurdish political elite monopolized all the economic and commercial sectors of the region. In social sense, and for the sake of lasting in the throne as much as possible, they helped the tribal culture to be strengthened again since the Kurdish society was still a very traditional one which reflected negatively in the process of development. They could not make a true, modern, updated, and developed identity for Kurdish people in Iraq and the Middle East, and they were not able to invent a very standardized style of government so as to be taken as a unique sample for Iraq and other countries

التعددية السياسية في الفكر السياسي الاسلامي المعاصر

Author name: مـعـد صالح حــسن العبيدي
Supervisor name: مها عبد اللطيف حسن الحديثي
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Systems and Public Policies
Degree: Doctorate
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science - Strategy Department
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: There are many Quranic verses put us in front absolute truth should be considered by every mindful beings is the omni existence of the Allah, and the diversity of his creatures. We should admit that multipality and diversity beside the difference is a theological act that induced by Allah wisdom and indicated to it by Islamic doctrine from its essential sources : The Quran and prophetic tradition, Islamic doctrine urges us to positive diversity which guides to the acquaintance and cooperation in addition to intimacy, mean while it’s preventing the negative diversity and difference which lead the nation to fighting and mutual killing, and the last one is the worst according to Islamic doctrine and for the necessity of development which witnessed in all humaninty fields, some of Islamic thinkers and intellectuals, in plus to some Muslim pioneers, presented their opinions and ideas which related to the topic of diversity and differences in all it’s aspects, weather it is religious or cultural or even ethnic or political that enrich wildly the modern Islamic political thought, specially after the wide spreading of “Diversity” as term and a concept linked to western liberal political thought innorated by western thinkers like : Jean Jack rousseay and Jean luck. Islamic political thinkers endeavour to extract their pretext and evidences from Islamic doctrine sources for the purpose of coexistence with political diversity according to up mentioned rules so the thinkers divided in to groups, some of them refuse it definity and other who support it with some disciplinasy conditions, mean while the others who support it definitely in Islamic Society and every one of of them has its own pretext and justifications that addressed to enhance his position of this subject whether they are with or no. Despite nemurous supporters for the political diversity of Islamic society in context with Islamic doctrinal rules and its traditions but we should realize that all controversy about this topic among all political currents not considering more than the oritical intellictural debut if it’s not transferred to be applied as political act on reality wether it was in the past or in recent century, there is no Islamic society applying Islamic gouverning system complety according to religious teachings so that the interesting people in political systems affairs could emit their judgment at validity on political diversity in a such society or not. So all which exposed by a Islamic scientists and juriprudents and followed pioneers of modern Islamic political thoughts of their opinions in this concern not consider to be more than a vow for purportedly. Islamic society does not exist on the ground of reality in our recent century. In concerning with Iraqi Islamic political parties indicate in their intellectual programs the topic of political diversity of Islamic society but they are not come out of General outline which was drawing by modern Islamic political thought.

القوى الاقليمية والقوى الكبرى دراسة في استراتيجيات الشراكة والتوظيف : دراسة حالة (العراق والولايات المتحدة الامريكية) == Regional Powers and great powers study in Strategies of the Partnership and the appointing Case study Iraq and American united state

Author name: علي حسين حميد عزيز
Supervisor name: مازن اسماعيل الرمضاني | منعم صاحي العمار
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Strategic Studies
Degree: Doctorate
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science - Strategy Department
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: ان الشروع في دراسة بحثية في اي فرع من فروع العلوم السياسية، لهو عمل يتطلب عدم الانصراف للجزئيات والاتجاه نحو الحالات الفردية، انما يتوجب ان ينصب على الكليات والظواهر العامة المشتركة، بعدم تعقب تفاصيل سياسات الدول بل استهداف الاصول العامة الكامنة وراء تلك التفاصيل.وهذا اختصاص البحث الاستراتيجي. فالقوة هي العنصر الثابت الوحيد بين العناصر الخارجية التي تحرك العلاقات السياسية/الاستراتجية الدولية. وعليه كانت مشكلة القوة هي المشكلة الحقة في العلاقات الدولية. ومن هنا اتجهت دراسة العلاقات الدولية بعناية كبرى الى ظاهرة القوة واحتلت القوة من تلك الدراسات مكان الصدارة. فالقوة ظاهرة موضوعية وشخصية اتسمت بها العلاقات السياسية/ الاستراتيجية الدولية على مر الاجيال، لذا فانها، وان كانت عنصر ثابت في العلاقات الخارجية كما اسلفنا، تكون، من حيث الماهية، غير ثابتة وانما تتشكل مع الظروف. فالواضح للمتابع والمهتم بالشؤون السياسية ان العلاقات الدولية، التي نشات في كنف القوة، ظلت تسيطر عليها هذه الظاهرة منذ بدء الخليقة حتى وقتنا الحاضر، وان تغيرت المعالم التي تميز هذه القوة من وقت لاخر، واستقراء تاريخ العلاقات الدولية يؤكد هذا الامر.يرجع الاهتمام الامريكي في العراق الى اوائل القرن العشرين الذي شهد صراعا شديدا بين القوى الدولية الرئيسية للهيمنة على الشرق الاوسط خاصة على منابع بترولها الغنية .وحسبما تذكر دراسات التاريخ العراقي الحديث ان الاهتمام الامريكي في العراق من خلال الشركات النفطية والاهتمام الامريكي بالنفط العراقي عام 1926، كذلك نلاحظ ان العراق افتتح له سفارة في الولايات المتحدة في فترة الثلاثينات من القرن الماضي، ولذلك بدات الولايات المتحدة ومن الشروع الاول لوراثة الامبراطورية البريطانية الى العمل على التخطيط لكيفية احتلال العراق والوثائق الامريكية تفيد ان الولايات المتحدة وعندما كان التمركز الامريكي في تركيا وفق معاهدة حلف شمال الاطلسي (الناتو) في فترة الخمسينات ارادت الولايات المتحدة الامريكية التدخل في ثورة 1958 لكن يبدو ان الوضع الاقليمي لم يكن يسمح بذلك ناهيك عن توازنات القوى العالمية في فترة الحرب الباردة وصراع مرير بين الاتحاد السوفيتي والولايات المتحدة، ولذلك بدات الولايات المتحدة تعيد النظر بعلاقاتها الاستراتجية مع العراق لتاخذ شكل العلاقات نحو الصراع اكثر من التعاون وخصوصا بعد مجيئ حزب البعث ليتسلم السلطة بعد عام 1968 لتاخذ العلاقات الطابع الصراعي ولتبدا الحد الفاصل بعد قرار التاميم العراقي للنفط لتعلن الولايات المتحدة ان الولايات المتحدة خارج السيطرة وانه لابد من اعادة التخطيط لكيفية اسقاط العراق ونظامه السياسي من اجل احتلاله وما كان لاحد المبشرين من المحافظين الجدد الا وهو بول ولفيتز ان يطرق مكاتب البيت الابيض والكونغرس الامريكي ليعلن على العالم ومنهم الادارة الامريكية انه لابد من احتلال العراق وكان ذلك في منتصف السبعينات لكن يبدو ان التغيرات الاقليمية في المنطقة ومجيء النظامين الراديكاليين في ايران ومن ثم العراق كان اعلان البداية لتنفيذ احتلال العراق والقضاء على القوتين الاقليميتين المنافستين للكيان الاسرائيلي والفاعلين الاساسيين في التوازن الاستراتجي في الشرق الاوسط ولكن يبد ان الحرب كانت السبيل لتفاعل العلاقات العراقية - الايرانية منذ بداية الثمانينات ولذلك تغيرت الاليات لتنفيذ ذلك المخطط الاستراتجي لبول ولفيتز والادارة الامريكية ونلاحظ بعد منتصف الثمانينات استطاعت الولايات المتحدة ان تجد الشرعية للتواجد الامريكي المباشر من اجل حماية موانئ النفط والناقلات التجارية النفطية، الى ان انتهت الحرب العراقية الايرانية في عام 1988 وتكللت بخروج الجيش العراقي قوي البنية ويتوافر على امكانيات تقنية عالية جدا لا ننكر انها جمعت من الخارج في العراق، لكنها سرعان ما دمرت القدرات العسكرية العراقية وبدا الموت البطيء للدولة العراقية بعد حرب الخليج وصولا لفرض خطوط العرض الى احتلال العراق بعد 9/4/2003.ولذلك دعت الادارة الامريكية الى لعب دور في بناء العراق ما بعد الحرب والذي يجب ان يقتصر على وضع اطار عام لاتفاق مقبول مع ترك التسوية النهائية للشعب العراقي نفسه وفي هذا الاطار يجب ان نجعل العراق لا يمثل بعد الحرب خطرا على الولايات المتحدة او على دول الجوار وان تتعاون الحكومات العراقية المستقبلية في جهود ازالة ترسانة الاسلحة الدمار الشامل والصواريخ البالستية وفقا لقرارات مجلس الامن وبناء ائتلاف متعدد يلبي مصالح كافة الفئات والجماعات الدينية والعرقية في العراق وخاصة المكونات الثلاثة الرئيسية حسبما يذكر التقرير .وان تعمل الولايات المتحدة على تبني مبادئ الديمقراطية وحقوق الانسان والسوق الحر وان يكون مؤيدا للغرب ويعمل معنا في حربنا ضد (الارهاب) وان يدعم المفاوضات للصراع العربي - الاسرائيلي.ولذلك لابد على الادارة الامريكية ان تعمل على تحقيق ذلك من خلال اولا دعم القوى السياسية العراقية في الخارج من اجل المساهمة في قلب النظام واحتلال العراق، ثانيا التاكيد على الفدرالية كمبدا للحكم في العراق ما بعد الحرب اذ انها ستضمن كل ذي حقا حقه وستعمل على منع تشكيل قوة عسكرية عراقية تهدد دول الجوار، ثالثا تطهير العراق من نظام حزب البعث العربي الاشتراكي وكما وصفتهم الوثيقة سواء كانوا داخل الحكومة العراقية او كاعضاء داخل المجتمع العراقي والتحقيق مع القيادات لحزب البعث العربي الاشتراكي ومحاكمتهم لارتكابهم جرائم ضد الانسانية ومحاكمة علنية وتزويد الحكومة العراقية الجديدة بالمساعدات الفنية اللازمة لذلك كما انه لابد من حظر عمل حزب البعث العربي الاشتراكي في العملية السياسية لما بعد الحرب على العراق. كذلك انه لابد على الجيش الامريكي اثناء وجوده في العراق بتقديم مساعداته للحكومة الفدرالية في تدريب جيش عراقي نوعي لا كمي بلا جدوى!! ويرتهن مستقبل العلاقات العراقية الامريكية بنوعين من الاستراتيجيات التي من الممكن ان تاتي ثمارها لكلا الطرفين وحسب طبيعة البيئة الداخلية (لكلا الطرفين) والبيئة الاقليمية والعالمية. فاستراتيجية التوظيف قائمة على فرضية ان الولايات المتحدة دخلت العراق بدون مشروع لتكوين الدولة انها حالت بالعراق الى البيع وبالتالي جعلت العراق ساحة لتصفية حسابات صديق الحرب الباردة وعدو اليوم الا وهم الحركات الاسلامية وبالتالي لا نعلم من اعطى الرئيس بوش الابن ان يكون العراق ساحة الارهاب الاولى وبالتالي نجد ان الولايات المتحدة وجدت بالعراق المكان المناسب لتوظيف الجغرافيا العراقية كمنبر للمشروع الامريكي في الشرق الاوسط وبالتالي ان الادارة الامريكية سوف تدير العراق كوصية عليه وان العراق وفق هذا المشهد الضبابي فاقد للارادة السياسية بسبب المتغير الامريكي وبالتالي هي عملت وتعمل الادارة الامريكية على توظيف العراق بشكل غير معقول في تحقيق اهدافها الاستراتجية. اما الاستراتيجية الثانية الشراكة وهذه الاستراتيجية تنطلق من فرضية مفادها ان حجم العلاقات الاستراتجية بين الطرفيين يتحتم على الطرفيين ان يدركوا ويصلوا بالعلاقات البينية اي العلاقات الامريكية - العراقية لحالة التعاون الاستراتجي الوثيق والقائم على الشراكة دون ان يكون هنالك اختلال في معادلة العلاقات بين الطرفين ولكن نلاحظ ان احد اطراف العلاقة مازال الغموض يكتنف سياسته تجاه الولايات المتحدة الامريكية وذلك بسبب عدم وضوح شكل النظام السياسي العراقي لحد الان وعدم ثبوت المنهج الفكري/الايدلوجي ثم انه مازالت هنالك ملفات استراتجية لم تغلق بين البلدين لحد الان منها ملف الديون العراقية وحسابات الدولة العراقية في البنوك والمصارف الامريكية ثم ان هنالك عقود بموجب مذكرة التفاهم للنفط مقابل الغذاء مازالت لم تنفذ وقد قبضت الشركات الامريكية امولا او استحقاقات مالية كنسبة على العقود من صندوق العراق في الامم المتحدة، ناهيك عن الوضع الداخلي العراقي غير المستقر والمنفلت لحد بعيد يجعل من الولوج لتطبيق هذه الاستراتيجية متعثر نتيجة لاسباب داخلية واقليمية مؤثرة. | To Start Studying Any Field Of Political Science Fields Requiring Not To Focusing Upon Particulates And Going To Individual Cases, But It Requires Centering Over The Sharing & Overall General Phenomenon By Not To Tracking The States Policies But By Studying The General Origins Behind These Details, This Is The Specialty Of Strategic Research.Power Is The Lonely Invariable Factor Among The External Factors That Motivating The International Relations. So The Power Was A Real Issue In International Relations. According To That International Relations Study Focusing Upon Studying Power Phenomenon And Power Took The Priority. The Power Is A Subjective Phenomenon That Shaped The International Strategic /Political Relations All Times, So As It Invariable Factor In Foreign Affairs It Will According To Its Sole Not Constant But Shaping By Situations. Any Observer That Interesting In Political Affairs Can Notice International Relations Rose Within Power Continued Controlled By This Phenomenon Since The Old Ages Tell Now.American Interesting In Iraq Back To The Beginning Of 20th Century Which Had Hard Conflict Between Main International Powers To Dominance Over The Middle East And Its Oil. According To Iraqi Recent Historical Studies American Interesting In Iraq Were Through The Oil Companies Since 1926.We Can Notice That Iraq Opened Embassy In U.S.A At 1930’s Of Last Century. So U.S.A Started To Planning How To Occupy Iraq, American Documents Showed That U.S.A Tended To Interfering The 1958 Revolution In Iraq It Was In Turkey According To NATO Treaty, But Because Of The Regional Situation And Global Balance Of Power In Cold War Prevent Them, All Of That Reflected In Reviewing It’s Strategic Relations With Iraq To Be More Shaping By Conflict Than Cooperating Especially After The Revolution Of 1968 That Made The Arab Baa’th Party Took The Control Of The Power. The Relations Between Iraq And U.S Got More Conflicting After The Decision Of Nationalization Of Iraqi Oil. At That Time U.S Announced That Iraq Is Out Of Control And Should Remove His Political Regime And Occupy Him. This Were Clearly Announced By Paul Wolfitez At The Middle Of 1970’s That Iraq Should Be Occupied, But Because Of The Regional Changes Especially Tow Radical Regimes Came To Control In Iraq & Iran Were The Starting To Occupy Iraq & Destroying The Regional Powers That Competition Israel & Effective Actors In The Strategic Balance Of The Middle East .Because Of The Iraqi - Iranian War U.S Changed It’s Mechanism To Execute The Strategic Plan .At The Mid Of 1980’s We Can Noticed That U.S. Found Legitimacy For Its Direct Existing To Protect Oil Carriers & Harbors, Tell The End Of The War That Resulted Although In High Technology Army & Powerful Iraqi Army, But It Destroyed And Started Slow Death Of Iraqi Governmental System After The Gulf War, Forcing The Lines 36,32 & Ending By Iraqi Occupation April 09,2003.U.S Administration Called To Play A Role In Building Post - War Iraq Which Should Be Limited To Put The Framework For Accepting Agreement And Let The Final Settlement For Iraqi People. Regarding This We Should Not Make Iraq Representative Any Dangerous Toward U.S AFTER THE War Or Its Neighbors, Iraqi Future Government Should Cooperating With Efforts Of Removing WMD According To UN ORDERS And Composing Multilateral Coalition Agreeing With All Parties (Racial,Religious..Etc), Especially The Three Main Parties.U.S Should Works To Adopt Democratic Principles, Human Rights And Free Market. According To This Iraq Should Be Supporting To WEST, Working With Us In Our War Against (Terrorism), And Supporting The Negotiation Of Arab - Israel Conflict.US Should Work To Achieve That By Supporting Iraqi Political Powers Outside Iraq To Anticipating In Removing The Regime And Occupying, Assuring Federation As Principle To Rule In Post - War Iraq, Cleaning Up Iraq From Arab Baa’th Party Regime (As They Described By The Report)Either Inside The Iraqi Government Or Members Within Iraqi Society & Investigating The Arab Baa’th Regime Leaders Prosecuting Them For Their Crime Against Humanity And Provide The New Iraqi Government With All Necessary Means , Arab Baa’th Party Should Banning In Political Process Of Post - War Iraq. Beside All of That American Army Should Provide Any Help To Iraqi Federation Government And Training Iraqi Army With Good Quality Not Quantity.Iraqi - Us Future Depends On Tow Kinds To Strategy That Their Results Should Be Satisfied According To The Regional & Global Environments. Employing Strategy Relying On A Hypothesis Saying That US Came To Iraq With No Project Aiming To Form A State That Resulted In War Between Cold War Friend & Recent Enemy (Islamic Movements). So We Don’t Know Who Allowed President Bush To Make Iraq The First Battlefield Of Terrorism. According To This That U.S Found In Iraq A Proper To Employee Iraqi Geography As A Step To American Project In Middle East ,So U.S Will Control Iraq As Regent Upon Him.According To This Foggy Scenario Iraq Will Be Without His Poetical Well Because Of The American Variable, So U.S Did & Working To Employing Iraq In A Conceivable Manner In Order To Achieve It’s Strategic Goals. The Second Strategy Is The Partnership, This Strategy Relying On A Hypothesis Says: The Strategic Relations Between Iraq & U.S Directing Them To Realize & Achieve In Their Relations To A Case Of Closed Strategic Relations That Depends On Partnership With No Disturbance In Their Relations, But Unfortunately That One Of The Relation Parts Have A Mystery Policy Toward U.S Because Of Unclear Iraqi Political System Yet, And No Consisting Ideology Doctrine Beside Unclosed Strategic Files Between Them Such As Iraqi Debts ,Iraqi Accounts In American Banks , Many Contracts Should Be Done According To The Oil Against Food Memorandum That Still Not Done , Many American Companies Got Money Or Financial Privileges As A Ratio For Contracts From Iraqi Box In UN And Unstable Iraqi Interior Situation That Reflecting In Difficulties To Apply This Strategy As Result Of Many Interior & Regional Factors .

العولمة والتنمية البشرية المستدامة في الوطن العربي == Globalization and Sustainable Human Development in the Arabian Homeland

Author name: رعد سامي عبد الرزاق محمد سعيد التميمي
Supervisor name: Maha A. Al - Hadithi | Abd Ali Almaamori
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Science
Language: Arabic
Key words:
  • العولمة
  • التنمية البشرية
  • التنمية المستدامة
  • التنمية البشرية المستدامة
  • الديمقرطية والتعددية السياسية
  • الحكم الصالح
  • عالمية حقوق الانسان
  • السكان
  • التعليم
  • البيئة
  • الارهاب الدولي
  • الشركات متعدية الجنسية
  • صندوق النقد والبنك الدوليين
  • شبكات الامان الاجتما
First pages:
Abstract: The end of the Cold War and the dramatic collapse of Soviet Union, and the failure of most development states including the Arabian countries to reach the development which is represented by ensure the human rights and there freedom to solve there problems especially in poverty, unemployment and to reach the growth, empower of human which all that raised the voices which calls for the failure of central planning and the interfere of the state to reach the development and highest in all levels, political, social, and economic. These circumstances raising many thoughts of new Liberalization which is call for the Globalization, and it’s aims for pluralism and ensure the human rights and refresh the role of civil society and also it insist to state to leave all things concerning to the development for free markets erase the obstacles trade and financial administration, in the same time it insist to Globalization which led to success comes from freedom trade and the movement of capital and the specialist of privet sectors, rearrange the economic of international bank which lead to increase the growth of productions and the best use of technology and also to protect the environment and sustainable on the limited natural resources. Based on above basics, all of the third world states, including the Arabic Countries to change to into economic markets and adopted all the fixed that the Globalization aims for. But in spite of all chances of Globalization, but it also born many challenges for this states specially the poverty and unemployment and also demographic problems, health and environment. For example the Globalization came centralize on growth as the aims which is lead it to limits human choices in one direction which is income, and from the other side it insure that the separate actually for growth without the entrance of the state and that means that the globalization came returns in new to ensure the close of economic which in human as (Trickling Down Effect) and this situation prove it’s failure because there are many states achieved it’s economical growth but this did not prove any increasing in job chances and also failed to end the poverty, also the growth which based on split down effect that led the phenomenon of different levels between states and also in the same state inside which is led to the concentrate the wealth in minority hand. As a result of this, sustainable human development. And on that basic they have to increase their choices such as health, education, higher standard levels and respect the human rights in social and politics and economics and also aimed to raise the empower of human and give them chances to produce which led them can be develop society from secure social capital. The figure of sustainable human development comes to show their important role of state against the Globalization thoughts and for this the state role it’s role from keeping watch and organize and to make sure of the ability of power market in reaching the public aims for sustainable human development and to stood against the Globalization aims. This figure insist to maintain the role of state to sub - devise the growth by three ways (State - Market - Civil Society) and from that way this research takes its important as it’s only trying to diagnoses the fare of sustainable human development and how to get chances which came from Globalization and to facing the challenges which impose it by it in order reach an empower of human and to make him inside the growth figure to make him can to participate and action in benefit way.

اثر التحالفات الدولية في تطوير الفكر الاستراتيجي الامريكي

Author name: محمد ميسر فتحي محمود
Supervisor name: منعم صاحي حسين العمار
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Strategic Studies
Degree: Master
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science - Strategy Department
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

السياسة الخارجية التركية اتجاه منطقة القوقاز بعد الحرب الباردة == Turkish Foreign Policy Towards Caucasia Region after the Cold War

Author name: صبا سليم محمد علي الجبوري
Supervisor name: مصطفى جاسم حسين البهادلي
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: International Relations and Foreign Policy
Degree: Master
University: Mustansiriyah University - Faculty Of Political Science
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: بعد انتهاء الحرب الباردة وتفكك الاتحاد السوفييتي عام 1991 واستقلال دول القوقاز عنه، افضت تلك التحولات التي تبلور مجموعة من المتغيرات والقضايا التي اثرت في العلاقات التركية مع دول جنوب القوقاز، فشهدت السياسة الخارجية التركية مع هذه الدول الثلاث ارمينيا واذربيجان وجورجيا، حقبة من التفاهمات والاستقطابات بسبب هذه العوامل والمتغيرات الداخلية والاقليمية والدولية. وقد احتوت الرسالة المعنونة (( السياسة الخارجية التركية اتجاه القوقاز بعد الحرب الباردة )) على مقدمة وخاتمة وملخص باللغة العربية والانكليزية واربعة فصول . ونظرا لما تتمتع به منطقة جنوب القوقاز من اهمية سياسية واقتصادية وجغرافية، فقد اصبحت محط اهتمام العديد من الدول الاقليمية والقوى الكبرى وساحة للتنافس الاقليمي والدولي. اذ يبحث الفصل الاول عن الاهمية الاستراتيجية لدول اقليم القوقاز الجنوبي الثلاثة (اذربيجان وجورجيا وارمينيا )من خلال اربعة فصول رئيسة ،المبحث الاول يتناول الاهمية الجغرافية والجيوبوليتيكية لمنطقة دول اقليم القوقازالجنوبي ،والمبحث الثاني يتناول الاهمية الاقتصادية ،والمبحث الثالث يتاول الحالة الاجتماعية والديوغرافية ،والمبحث الرابع تناول القدرات العسكرية والامنية .اما الفصل الثاني فقد تطرق الى اهداف ووسائل تنفيذ السياسة الخارجية التركية اتجاه دول اقليم القوقاز الجنوبي ،وذلك من ثلاثة مباحث رئيسة ،فالمبحث الاول تناول عملية صنع القرارفي السياسة الخارجية التركية ،والمبحث الالثاني تناول الاهداف الرئسية للتوجه التركي لمنطقة اقليم القوقاز ،والمبحث الثالث تناول اهم الوسائل لتنفيذ السياسة الخارجية التركية تجاه المنطقة .اما الفصل الثالث ،فقد تطرق الى الادوار الاقليمية والدولية في منطقة اقليم القوقاز الجنوبي ،وذلك من خلال مبحثين ،المبحث الاول تناول الدور الاقليمي المتمثل بروسيا الاتحادية والجمهورية الاسلامية الايرانية ،والمبحث الثاني تناول الدور الدولي المتمثل بالولايات المتحدة الامريكية و(اسرائيل )والاتحاد الاوروبي .والفصل الرابع فقد تطرق الى مستقبل التوجه التركي لدول منطقة اقليم القوقاز الجنوبي ،وذلك من خلال ثلاثة مباحث رئيسة ،المبحث الاول تناول مشهد استمرارية التعاون مع هذه الدول ،والمبحث الثاني تناول مشهدالتراجع ،والمبحث الثالث تناول مشهد المؤامة . وبعد صعود حزب العدالة والتنمية، وتطبيق الحزب لرؤية جديدة خاصة بالسياسة الخارجية تقوم على توظيف مباديء جديدة تهدف لتحويل تركيا من دولة جسر لدولة مركزية في دول جنوب القوقاز الذي يمثل واحد من الاقاليم المهمة للسياسة التركية، وذلك لما يتيحه من فرص للسياسة الخارجية التركية في بناء علاقات متوازنة وبراغماتية مبنية على التعاون والتنافس وما يفرضه من مخاطر قد تهدد الامن القومي التركي. | After the end of the Cold War and collapse of Soviet Union 1991 and the independence of Caucasian States many changes and issues appears which effect the relations of Turkey and the states of south Caucasia .Turkish foreign relations with these states, Armenia ,Azerbaijan and Georgia witnesses period of understanding and polarize due to theses internal ,regional and international factors and changes This theses titled (Turkish Foreign Policy Towards Caucasia after the Cold War ) includes an introduction ,four chapters , conclusion and abstract . As south Caucasia enjoys political , economic and geographic it becomes the focus of the interests of regional states , great powers and the field of regional and international competition . The first chapter discusses the strategic importance of the three states of south Caucasia region (Armenia ,Azerbaijan and Georgia ) .It includes three enquiries .First enquiry discusses the geographic and geopolitical importance of south Caucasia region states .The second enquiry discusses the economic importance .The third enquiry discusses the social and demographic situation .The fourth enquiry discusses the military and security abilities .The second chapter discusses the 0bjectives and the methods of implementing Turkish foreign policy towards south Caucasia region .It includes three enquiries .The first enquiry includes the decision making in Turkish foreign policy .The second enquiry discusses the main objectives of Turkish policy for Caucasia region .The third enquiry discusses the most important methods to implement Turkish foreign policy towards this region . The third chapter discusses the regional and international roles in two enquiries .The first enquiry discusses the regional role represented in Russia federation and Iran Islamic Republic .The second enquiry discusses the international role represented in United States of America , (Israel ) and Europe union .The fourth chapter discusses the future of the Turkish policy for south Caucasia region in three enquiries .The first enquiry discusses the continuous cooperation with these states .The second enquiry discusses the withdraw. The third enquiry discusses the conspiracy. After the ascension of Justice and Progress Party, and the application of the new perspectives concerning the based on the employment of these new principles aiming at changing Turkey from a bridge state into a central power in the south Caucasus region, which is one of the important regions as far as the Turkish policies are concerned. Because the opportunities it provides opportunities for the building of a balanced and pragmatic relations based on the cooperation and competition, as imposed by forces that threaten the Turkish security

كورد وديثلؤماسيةتي ديفاكتؤ : ليكؤلينةوةيةكي راظةكاريي سياسيية دةربارةي ديثلؤماسيةتي كورد لة كوردستاني عيراق ثاش راثةريني 1991 تا 2003 == The Kurd and the De facto Diplomacy An analytical political study on Kurdish diplomacy in Iraqi Kurdistan Region after of 1991 till 2003

Author name: داود ميرخان داود
Supervisor name: منعم صاحي حسين العمار
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
University: Salahaddin University - College Of Law And Politics
Language: Arabic
University location: Erbil
First pages:

الازمة السياسية الاجتماعية في البحرين : دراسة في اسباب الازمة وابعادها == The political - social crisis in Bahrain : a study in the causes of the crisis and its dimensions

Author name: مصطفى عبد الجبار عباس ناصر
Supervisor name: سعيد مجيد دحدوح
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Strategic Studies
Degree: Master
University: Mustansiriyah University - Faculty Of Political Science
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

دور زبغينو برجنسكي في توجيه الاستراتيجية الخارجية للولايات المتحدة الامريكية == Zbigniew Brzezinski's role in shaping the United States of America's foreign strategy

Author name: خالد احمد حسن صادق
Supervisor name: سعيد مجيد دحدوح
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Systems and Public Policies
Degree: Master
University: Mustansiriyah University - Faculty Of Political Science
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

المثقف والسلطة في العراق 1921 - 1958 : دراسة اجتماعية سياسية == The intellectual and the authority In Iraq 1921 - 1958 Social and political study

Author name: رهبة اسودي حسين
Supervisor name: بلقيس محمد جواد
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
University: University of Baghdad - Faculty Of Political Science
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

التجربة الاسبانية في التحول الديمقراطي == Spanish experience in democratic transition

Author name: ياسر جميل باقر
Supervisor name: سعيد رشيد عبد النبي
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Systems and Public Policies
Degree: Master
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science - Department Of Political Systems And Public Policies
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

العقلانية في الفكر السياسي الاسلامي الحديث == Rationalism in the Modern Political Islamic Thinking

Author name: صابريـن ستار جبار
Supervisor name: تغريد حنون علي الساعدي
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Systems and Public Policies
Degree: Master
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science - Department Of Political Systems And Public Policies
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

السياسة الخارجية الايرانية تجاه الخليج العربي منذ عام 2003 وافاق المستقبل == The Foreign policy Of Iran Towards Arabian Gulf Since 2003 and The Horizons of Future

Author name: نشوان علاء حسين
Supervisor name: فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: International Relations and Foreign Policy
Degree: Master
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science - Department Of International Policy
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

الردع النووي الاسرائيلي في ضوء المتغيرات الاقليمية : الواقع والمستقبل == Israel Nuclear Deterrence In Spot Of Regional Variables ( Present And Future )

Author name: شجاع عدي محمد الحمادي
Supervisor name: محمد ياس خضير
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: International Relations and Foreign Policy
Degree: Master
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science - Department Of International Policy
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

الاستراتيجية الاسرائيلية تجاه افريقيا : منطلقات جديدة == Israeli Strategy toward Africa : New Trends

Author name: مناسك عبد الوهاب حكمت عبد القادر
Supervisor name: سرمد زكي الجادر
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Strategic Studies
Degree: Master
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science - Strategy Department
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

سياسة القوة الامريكية في النظام الدولي للمدة 2012 - 2000 == The Policy of the U.S. Power in the International System 2012 - 2000

Author name: علي زياد عبد الله فتحي العلي
Supervisor name: خضر عباس عطوان
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Strategic Studies
Degree: Master
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science - Strategy Department
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

مكانة الصين في النظام الدولي : دراسة مستقبلية في استراتيجية الشراكة الدولية == China's Status in the International System Prospective Study in the Strategy of the International Partnership

Author name: كرار انور ناصر البديري
Supervisor name: فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: International Relations and Foreign Policy
Degree: Master
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science - Department Of International Policy
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

صنع القرار السياسي في الديمقراطيات التوافقية : العراق انموذجا == Political Decision Making In Consensual Democracies (Iraq as a Case Study)

Author name: معتز اسماعيل خلف الصبيحي
Supervisor name: هشام حكمت عبد الستار العزاوي
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Strategic Studies
Degree: Master
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science - Strategy Department
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

مستقبل الاصلاح السياسي في الدول العربية == The future of political reform in the Arab countries

Author name: جبار اسماعيل عبد
Supervisor name: حسين علوان حسين الربيعي
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Systems and Public Policies
Degree: Doctorate
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science - Department Of Political Systems And Public Policies
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

الــتـخـطـيـط الاسـتــراتـيـجــي واثـره فـي صـنـع الـقرار الامـريـكـي : الانـسـحاب مـن الـعـراق انــمـوذجا == Strategic planning and its impact on decision - making U.S. Withdrawal from Iraq a paradigm

Author name: مـحـمـد قاسـم هادي الـمـفـرجـي
Supervisor name: منعم صاحي حسين العمار
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Systems and Public Policies
Degree: Master
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science - Department Of Political Systems And Public Policies
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

ازمة الشرعية في الانظمة السياسية العربية : مصر انموذجا

Author name: عمار ظافر محي الدين
Supervisor name: احمد عبد الله ناهي الحمداني
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Strategic Studies
Degree: Master
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science - Strategy Department
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

مكانة اسرائيل في الاستراتيجية الامريكية حيال الشرق الاوسط بعد عام 2001 م == Israel Status in The American Strategy toward middle east after 2001

Author name: علي جبار حافظ
Supervisor name: قاسم محمد عبد علي الدليمي
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Systems and Public Policies
Degree: Master
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science - Department Of Political Systems And Public Policies
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

الدرع الصاروخي وميزان القوى الاستراتيجي == missile Defense and strategical powerful balance

Author name: عباس جبار حاتم المحمداوي
Supervisor name: قاسم محمد عبد علي الدليمي
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: International Relations and Foreign Policy
Degree: Master
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science - Department Of International Policy
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

السياسة الخارجية الروسية حيال القضايا الدولية : الانتشار النووي انموذجا == RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS THE INTERNATIONAL ISSUES NUCLEAR PROLIFERATION ((AS A SAMPLE))

Author name: شيماء تركان صالح
Supervisor name: منعم صاحي حسين العمار
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: International Relations and Foreign Policy
Degree: Master
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science - Department Of International Policy
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

مقتربات القوة الذكية كالية من اليات التغيير الدولي : الولايات المتحدة الامريكية انموذجا == Smart power Approaches as a mechanism of the international changes "United States a model"

Author name: سيف نصرت توفيق الهرمزي
Supervisor name: رفاه شهاب احمد الحمداني
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Strategic Studies
Degree: Master
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science - Strategy Department
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

الدور التركي في المنطقة العربية بعد عام 2002 == The Turkish role in the Arabic region after 2002

Author name: سامح ساهي جاسم
Supervisor name: صالح عباس الطائي
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: International Economic Relations
Degree: Master
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science - Department Of International Economic Relations
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

منظمات المجتمع المدني وتنمية الوعي الديمقراطي في العراق بعد عام 2003 == The impact of civil society organizations in the development of democratic awareness after 2003 (Iraq as a model)

Author name: زهراء كاظم هاشم حافظ
Supervisor name: زيد عدنان محسن العكيلي
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Systems and Public Policies
Degree: Master
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science - Department Of Political Systems And Public Policies
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

السياسة الاقليمية للصين بعد الحرب الباردة == China's Regional Policy after the cold war

Author name: نور احمد عبد الحسين
Supervisor name: صالح عباس الطائي
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Systems and Public Policies
Degree: Master
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science - Department Of Political Systems And Public Policies
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

الامن القومي الامريكي ومكافحة الارهاب : دراسة مستقبلية == American national Security & countr of terrorism ''future study'

Author name: محمد جاسم محمد
Supervisor name: قحطان كاظم محمد الخفاجي
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: International Economic Relations
Degree: Master
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science - Department Of International Economic Relations
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

دور المؤسسة العسكرية في النظام السياسي الاسرائيلي بعد عام 2006 == The Role Of Military Institution In Israeli Political Regime After 2006

Author name: محمد ارمين كربيت
Supervisor name: احمد عبد الله ناهي الحمداني
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Strategic Studies
Degree: Master
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science - Strategy Department
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

الاصلاح السياسي ومستقبل الانظمة السياسية في دول الخليج العربية : دراسة حالة المملكة العربية السعودية == Political Reform and the Future of the Political Regimes in the Arab Gulf States Kingdom of Saudi Arabia : as a Case Study

Author name: زيد حسن علي الكرطاني
Supervisor name: احمد عبد الله ناهي الحمداني
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Systems and Public Policies
Degree: Master
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science - Department Of Political Systems And Public Policies
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

حوار الحضارات بين مشروع الهيمنة الامريكي والاصولية الاسلامية == The Dialogue of Civilizations between the American Domination Project and the Islamic Fundamentalism

Author name: حسن سعد عبد الحميد التحافي
Supervisor name: زيد عدنان محسن العكيلي
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Systems and Public Policies
Degree: Master
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science - Department Of Political Systems And Public Policies
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

العلاقات التركية الاسرائيلية بعد عام 2002 == Turkish - Israeli relations after 2002

Author name: رؤى خليل سعيد
Supervisor name: محمد كريم كاظم الدفاعي
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Systems and Public Policies
Degree: Master
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science - Department Of Political Systems And Public Policies
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

مؤسسات المجتمع المدني والسياسة العامة : العراق انموذجا == Civil Society Institutions and Public Policy : Iraq as a Case Study

Author name: سارة ابراهيم حسين
Supervisor name: هشام حكمت عبد الستار العزاوي
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: International Relations and Foreign Policy
Degree: Master
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science - Department Of International Policy
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

الاحزاب السياسية والهوية الوطنية في العراق بعد 2003

Author name: مريم محمد حسين
Supervisor name: عامر حسن فياض
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Systems and Public Policies
Degree: Master
University: Mustansiriyah University - Faculty Of Political Science
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

سلطات الرئيس الامريكي في الظروف الاستثنائية في الدستور == U.S. PRESIDENT AUTHORITIES IN EXCEPTIONAL CIRCUMSTANCES IN THE CONSTITUTION

Author name: عماد نهاد عبد الواحد عبد القادر
Supervisor name: وائل محمد اسماعيل العبيدي
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Systems and Public Policies
Degree: Master
University: Mustansiriyah University - Faculty Of Political Science
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

سياسة العراق الخارجية تجاه المنطقة العربية 2005 - 2012 == Iraqi Foreign Policy Towards Arabic Region 2005 - 2012

Author name: عدنان هادي نور علي الاسدي
Supervisor name: علي عودة العقابي
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Systems and Public Policies
Degree: Master
University: Mustansiriyah University - Faculty Of Political Science
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

التحول الديمقراطي للنظام السياسي في العراق واليمن بعد عام 2003 == Democratization of The Political System in Iraq and Yemen After 2003

Author name: عبد الكريم عبد الصاحب حسن دروش الحمداني
Supervisor name: حبيب عبد القادر محمود الشاوي
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: International Relations and Foreign Policy
Degree: Master
University: Mustansiriyah University - Faculty Of Political Science
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

الاحزاب السياسية في الهند واثرها في بنية النظام السياسي المعاصر == The political parties and its impact on the structure of the political system of the contemporary

Author name: سحر عبد السادة دريعي علي العيساوي
Supervisor name: سعيد مجيد دحدوح
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Systems and Public Policies
Degree: Master
University: Mustansiriyah University - Faculty Of Political Science
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

السياسة الخارجية الايرانية تجاه التغييرات في العالم العربي == The Iranian foreign policy toward the changes in Arabic world

Author name: رائد حسن زغير
Supervisor name: عبد الامير محسن جبار الاسدي
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Systems and Public Policies
Degree: Master
University: Mustansiriyah University - Faculty Of Political Science
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

ادارة الازمة في المدرك الاستراتيجي الاسرائيلي == Crisis management in the strategic perceived Israeli

Author name: زهراء صالح مهدي
Supervisor name: محمد كريم كاظم الدفاعي
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Systems and Public Policies
Degree: Master
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science - Department Of Political Systems And Public Policies
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

سياسة روسيا الاتحادية تجاه العراق (2003 - 2010م) وافاقها المستقبلية == The Policy of Federation of Russia Towards Iraq (2003 - 2010)A.D. and its Future Horizons

Author name: بان فوزي داود الدليمي
Supervisor name: فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: International Economic Relations
Degree: Doctorate
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science - Department Of International Economic Relations
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

صياغة استراتيجية الامن الوطني العراقي : دراسة مستقبلية == Formulation of Iraq's National Security Strategy Prospective Study

Author name: اياد نوري جاسم
Supervisor name: منعم صاحي حسين العمار
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: International Relations and Foreign Policy
Degree: Master
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science - Department Of International Policy
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

الاتحاد الاوربي والاداء الاستراتيجي الالماني : بعد الحرب الباردة == European Union and German Strategic Performance (After The Cold War)

Author name: انمار علي ابراهيم محمد الزهيري
Supervisor name: سراب حميد الدهان
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Strategic Studies
Degree: Master
University: Al-Nahrain University - Faculty Of Political Science - Strategy Department
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
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