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التحول الديمقراطي في الوطن العربي : بحث في امكانية تداول السلطة سلميا == Democratic Development In the Arab World

Author name: قاسم علوان سعيد الزبيدي
Supervisor name: اكرم عبد الله الجميلي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: This dissertation has been talking about the described as democratic developments in the Arab world. Authority represents one of the most important issues, which preoccupied the people and groups as one of the entrances to reform and change, and the access and means to achieve the stated justification for the reform and the wars and conflicts between nations, families, and the elites. In light of the dramatic decline of the totalitarian regimes and one - party systems, and falling one after the other and return to the multiparty system after a series of changes in the world since the late eighties of the twentieth century, the Arab political action, at least the ruling did not give great importance to the issue of a genuine democratic transition and serious lead to the peaceful rotation of power is a prime entry point to get out of the state of degradation and acute crisis experienced by the community of Arab States to varying degrees and different forms, described as democratic developments in the Arab world that they are still limited, and it did not exceed the restricted multi - organizational, and a relative relaxation in the conditions of public rights and freedoms , as the mechanism for the circulation of the Authority in accordance with constitutional rules are still lacking, leading to the absence of one of the foundations on which democracy, the political legitimacy that reflect the will of the people through Balhaquemen the consent of the governed in the administration of the practice of sentencing. The shift means that the passage of a democratic political system to change and dealing with large - scale structure of the authoritarian regime and the democratic transformation that could occur as a result the erosion of the authoritarian regime, which stimulates the elite of society to pressure him for the events of this transformation, or the result of the failure of political leadership in achieving Ahaffha and a realization of the importance of the events political reform, or be the result of a compromise reached between the political elites and social action on the steps of transformation. Through the transformation of our Aldemrati and the devolution of power in the Arab world by reaching the following conclusions : - - 1 - The events of a genuine democratic transition is a key input for a way out of the deficit and the deterioration experienced by the Arab States in their political, economic and social development. Yet, this transformation can only be through the development of solutions to the obstacles and problems encountered in achieving Dikratip lead to genuine citizens to play a role in the process of making public policy. 2 - The best way to achieve democratization and expansion of the provision is through a gradual transition, peaceful, because of the political situation for long periods, and the spread of a culture of cynicism and focus on the problems and worries of everyday life. 3 - The inability of the political systems of Arab perception of the meaning of true power in the authority of the State as found in the service of society and not the authority of rulers, and therefore can not be a monopoly by the socio - political forces, to face a lot of power on the trading of imbalances due to the breach of legal rules governing such currency Although most Arab constitutions referring to this principle. 4 - Despite making a number of parliamentary elections, but the parliamentary life has not lived up to the Arab influence in the devolution of power, or to become a reference for this circulation. 5 - still the party of life in the Arab world are weak despite the existence of political parties but such parties as the advantage of limited influence and did not have the freedom does not have the necessary conditions for access to power and handling, and this is what led to the emergence of many social ills that must be combated such as sectarianism and tribalism.6 - to consider the role of external factors to the events of transition to democracy in the Arab world in the context of the implications of the historical experience of the impact of these factors, as the maximum that can be done by this group is to intervene militarily and to the laying of internal conflict or civil war. 7 - The absence of democracy, whether the popular and official levels led to the existence of gross violations of Arab human rights and freedoms, led to the absence of democratic means to resolve conflict and solve problems, with the result that violence and oppression and abuse is the prevailing means. That the cause of democracy and development at the level of Arab political systems, will remain one of the most critical issues that pose the same urgency to the research and academic circles alike. This research has been divided into an introduction and five chapters and a conclusion and findings, as its first chapter a conceptual framework for democratic transformation and the devolution of power has been divided into three talks addressing the topic of the first democratic transition and the second topic dealt with the concept of devolution of power, while the third topic dealt with the relationship between democratization and devolution of power , The reality of the second quarter and the Arab political systems, where the first topic addressed in the constitutions of Arab political systems, and to address the second topic and sources of legitimacy in the Arab political systems, with the third topic was devoted to discuss the means to take power in the Arab political systems, while addressing the topic, and fourth - party systems Arab political. The third chapter, it was on the levels of democratization in the Arab world, in which the first topic was devoted to study the causes of democratization in the Arab world, while the input of the second topic of democratization in the Arab world and the third topic was devoted to study the obstacles to democratization in the Arab world, while the dedicated topic IV to study the output of democratization in the Arab world. Interested in Chapter IV to study the problem of the devolution of power in the Arab political systems, in which the first topic was devoted to study the constraints of constitutional and political structure of Arabic, while the second topic dealt with the weakness of Arab political opposition, and the third topic was devoted to study the problem of Arab civil society. Chapter V addressed the prospects for democratic transformation and the impact on the devolution of power in the Arab world was divided into three scenes of the first topic dealt with the failure of the democratic transformation scene and continuing crisis of governance, addressing the topic in the second scene of the success of the democratic transition and to broaden the base of governance, the third topic dealt with (What's work?) to refer to some of the steps that can be used for access to a genuine democratic transition.

التمويل الدولي عبر الشركات متعدية الجنسيات واثره في القدرة الاقتصادية للدولة : دراسة لنماذج نامية مختارة

Author name: فايق حسن جاسم الشجيري
Supervisor name: نادية عبد القادر المختار | عبد علي كاظم المعموري | مظهر محمد صالح
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The international financing represents a major interest of the economical and political systems because it is a basic component of the public and the private sectors which rely on capitals collection to finance the development. This means that there is economical policy aims to attract international capitals to contribute in development which is a basic function of economical system of the state. The international financing represents a channel to provide investment for the countries that face deficit of liquidly. so that it is found that the international financing increases continuously especially through multinational companies, it represents a link between projects and personal saving leads to activate the economical sectors and reflects at the rate of growth by covering the difference between the available investment and the required investment . The interest in international investment increased because it is considered to increase a growth rate and reduce the loans in all kinds and raise the economical indicators of the country. To investigate such opinion, this study deals with international financing and economical capability. It also considers the expected effects of international companies on the economical capabilities of the countries and gives actual results for two countries, South Africa and Chile. This study gives conclusions about international financing and its effects in the economical capability based on the role of international financing to investment in the countries that face deficit of capitals. Many developing countries open their economies for investment to levels showing that economical liberation is no logier important. The study shows that this will reduce the country ability to choose between investment kinds and reduce the country sovereignty on its resources and its national economy which is essential to build a self dependent economy. The international financing, although is important to feed the economy, but it will reduce the economical capability if it becomes out of the country sovereignty and becomes completely under control of multinational companies. This conclusion appears clearly from the two cases of study : In South Africa it is found that for the economy to merge in international market, they had to participate technology and increase the availability of capital that lead to raise the economical capability indicators. In Chile the situation is different because multinational companies took the decision to change the political system socialism to capitalism. So that it found that the role of multinational companies did not lead to raise the economical capability, but used the country capabilities to widen the companies’ investment activity. After the 1989 referendum, the country economical policy was changed, it became more independent and led to raise the economical capability indicators in the 1990’s which is called in Chile as decade of development . Chile succeeded in reducing the negative effects of the multinational companies

اثر دراسة قوى التغيير في استشراف مستقبل الدولة القومية : التنمية البشرية انموذجا

Author name: عماد مـؤيد جاسم
Supervisor name: منعم صاحي حسين العمار
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Strategic Studies
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
Key words:
  • الدراسات المستقبلية
  • اصل وانواع الدراسات المستقبلية
  • مناهج الدراسات المستقبلية
  • منهج ديناميكيا النظم
  • التنمية البشرية
  • التنمية البشرية في اليمن
First pages:

الحريات الاكاديمية في النظم الديموقراطية والنظم الشمولية : دراسة مقارنة

Author name: عماد صلاح عبد الرزاق الشيخ داود
Supervisor name: وصال نجيب عارف العزاوي | فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: Undoubtedly, it was customary to define Academic Freedom as the practice encompassing’’ The granting of professors and students in the academic institution the right for follow - up of research, teaching and publishing without control, monitoring or trusteeship by the university institution or the relevant official bodies”. Such academic freedoms are deemed a brand of civil rights for individuals enjoying them within the legally recognized limits in, generally all countries, particularly those democratic countries. However, Academic Freedoms, in their broader range, embrace the custody of ensuring a warranty for independence of universities from external influences as well as for enjoying autonomy in the management of their affairs. Besides, Academic Freedoms mean protecting the academician against arbitrary or coercive measures of service laying off without recourse to the stipulations safeguards, within the academic institution, for individual security as to guarantee his personal safety and humanitarian mission for the service of higher education procession for the purpose of achieving through him , the right guidance of university administration.It is to be noted that the terminology of Academic Freedoms is derived from the general concept of freedom. You would behold within their folds an approach to various brands of general freedoms which are, consecutively, Freedom of Belief, Opinion, Meeting and Education.Each of such freedoms realizes an articulation of the concept of academic freedom. However, they are indispensable for absolute total definition, particularly the latter, I.E. freedom of Education or Teaching /Learning which has, for long, been a matter of protest especially in constitutional provisions, as being a constitutional acknowledgement for Academic Freedom. Historically (as sequence of dealing with the topics of this study) it is observed that Academic Freedoms as a practice (not as a terminology or as a concept for definition) was known over the succeeding chronological periods of humanity is life since ancient Babylonian and pharonic eras whose early cultures were greatly concerned with this practice and with establishing schools for higher education. It was a practice as well as an action program with sustained development, over succeeding eras, particularly the Greek and Roman eras with its climax in the Arab - Islamic state. Many intellectuals and scientists in the broad expanse of this state worked in the domain of sciences, know ledges and all ’walks’’ of cognizance. This is a positive and live indication of a clear vision with respect of the practice of Academic Freedoms, although (as afore - cited) the terminology had not crystallized as a concept. It is to be noted, that medieval and post medieval Europe witnessed the genesis of the university in its modern concept. This opened the path for the need to rely on the practice of teaching science freely in spite of (cross - disputes) during those eras between influential bodies and men of cognizance which culminated in regrettable incidents. This was in view of the fact that research beyond the known and approved limits were deemed a mere novelty. This, however, did not block the development of academic practice and adoption of the ’paths’’ of Academic Freedoms whose concept crystallized within the western academic institution, particularly the German institution in the nineteenth century culminating in the constitutional acknowledgement in Germany in this new brand of special freedom known as Academic Freedoms. It is to be noted that the hegemony of ideologies and political systems attempts at hegemony over academic thinking led to retreats within the academic institutions administration, waiving its independency, distancing from pattern of prudent administration and boosting of modes of university deviation (corruption)in its lobbies with consequent deterioration of scientific research level and occurrence of discrepancy between universities in advanced countries which recognize university independence and universities of third world countries in which state hegemony and excessive might over other institutions. We witness ,on the other hand, that the status of Academic Freedoms in other universities of other states are undergoing , now and then , a deterioration in the actions of the a fore - cited type of freedoms. This is due to Coup Detats, occupations, economic changes, political changes, repercussions of crises or impact of incidents with consequent suffering of the academic institution and its personnel not only in third world countries and highly centralized states but, oftentimes, and even in established democracy. Such a matter is treated in the folds of this study by adopting “Comparative Approach” and “Case style of study” as a basis for its study.The following were hypothized : With the expansion of democracy’s area and adopting the culture of Human Rights as well as of general / special freedoms in Nordic countries the patterns of reliance on sound implementation of the basics of good management at all levels, particularly in official and private institutions, of which the academic institution in those countries is one. The consequence is the realizations .of progress, escalation of the styles of scientific research and sustained work of academic institutions. In contrast in the countries of the south, there is retreat and recession in such independency as well as retreat in the results of scientific research and huge drain of brains with adverse consequences that led to degradation of the work of universities. This study attempted in its fold to remedy the foreign elaboration in order to reach a set of conclusions and recommendations as summarized hereunder : 1. Academic freedoms are deemed a wide concept which has not been, as yet, fully acquainted with.2. The concept is independent of all brands of known general freedoms. It is deemed a brand of special freedom.3. It means as a concept, a neutrality that frames researches and style of acquiring science. 4. The plurality of paths of knowledge and arriving at results by multiple methods is deemed an objective of academic freedoms.5. The release of academic freedoms means the release for programs that deter the drain of brains.6. One of the fundamental issues sponsored by the principles of Academic Freedoms is the good governance of special institutions, inclusive of universities.The recommendations are summarized as follows : 1. The works of Academic Freedoms requires the exit of the state as the “Guard “type to the “Sponsor” type.2. The understanding, in its broadest range, of the Academic Freedoms means action towards propagating the culture of human rights in society.3. Planning for teaching is a necessity of Academic Freedoms.4. Academic Freedoms stipulate the implementation of the fundamentals of rational government in university management.5. The basis of Academic Freedoms concept is safeguarding the sustained work of the academician with no threat of dismissal from service.6. The establishment of regional and international organizations for defence of Academic Freedoms is deemed a prerequisite. 7. Instead of multiple proclamations for academic freedom, recourse is to be sought for an international treaty (similar to that for rights of the child and the woman) that would unify legislations for defense of Academic Freedoms.These were the major points for remedy by the study and the conclusions. Therefore arrived at in accordance with the research’s plan) which shall clarified in detail in the annexed” index of topics”)

اتجاهات السياسة الخارجية الامريكية في القرن الحادي والعشرين والنظام الدولي الجديد

Author name: علي وجيه محجوب الطائي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The bases and the structures are the bases on which based the external policy of the most countries. But, regarding the U.S of America, the structures are distinguished in its private nature coming form its particularity the historical composition of the United States.Based on this, the evaluation and the structures, which we already talked about and we spoke to in the first chapter in our thesis, are the bases on which stand the policy of the United States of America, as well as the determination of this policy. The level of the force to which reached the United States, which is considerable and distinguished on the shape renders the choices of the distinction seems some times necessary to the continuation of its heading and its control on the world. And this operation has been connected with the many challenges the U.S faced. The mental schooled deep routed the option of the unique state, whether additional or contomporain, or these currents which were renewed with new suggestion and personalities. From these most important currents are the mental currants which became stable in the options of the individualism in the right current religion or the new current conservative. And the religious treatment become mental base to the conflict religious and it is not a just conclusion, it is the reality in the facts of the events since the beginning of the 21st century. At the end, the bases interfered with power and with the individual justification and in the domination in the external policy.In addition to the mental changes, many changed occurred, most important are the strategic, economic, cultural changes. Each of these changes had its distinguished nature in the beginning of the actual century which rendered it different in its subjective, material of the last century.But the most of its characteristics in the structure of the building of the American power, it had its natural character in rendering the United Stated different of the other big powers, and that its power is renewable, and to avoid any point of weakness as soon as possible, through the techniques with special structures that could play the role of the administration to achieve the option of the superiority and to make it a concrete reality and a continuation to its remaining. The most important of these techniques are the war, the power, and the united Nations, and despite of our understanding of the availability of other techniques which are not less important of what we have mentioned above like the information and the free economy. Despite of all these changes we sought in our thesis, we are led to that point that the United States is going in the direction of the absolute superiority in the internal system, but the United Stated is threaten by a group of internal, economic, politic and social preoccupation. These changes are based on the idea of the worldwide which is in need of an interest which is equal to the interest of the United states in the affairs of the external world.On the other side, the United States does not wash to be a big power isolated of the other partners, even if it is capable to do this, due the nature of the power relationship form a side and that the United States is to be a leader for a permanent coalition or a temporary in the internal affairs that it face, the most import of these affairs is the terrorism.Thus, participating became a suggested option in the American external policy, but studying mental, strategic, economic and social changes led to that the style of the participation which the US want is not the participation of others , but the leadership of partnerships permanent or temporary that change according to the conditions and the requirements of the American national security . This participation is to be achieved thought a group of techniques; the most important of them is drawing the strategic coalition participating in the military through the war on terrorism, as well as the international partners.And in order that these directions get away of the directions of the intonation method, the thesis dealt with the future reflections in the direction of the American policy on the new international system.These reflections are distinguished, and this distinction we reveal as well as the study of the development of the new international system, and haw the contemporaneous changes discovered after the end of the cold war a group of phenomena and contradictions, the most important are the penman of the international terrorism, which put the internal system on the difficulty, and it put the American external policy direction in case of not determinative and the instability among the individuals and the participation and may be integrated with the others …For the mean time, the United States is not a sole power, even if it seamed so.The individuality in power means that other have agreed to support this superiority, and this power is not in need of support to any other power, but the United Sated is still in need of support and other coalition, even they had a superlative role like the United Kingdom, and or meaning role like Italy, Spain, as well as the others, meaning the other super power participating in the international system are still not agreed or not satisfied of the individualism of the United States to its participation.The individualism and the participation in reality is not the only option to the United States towards the courtiers of the south only, but it is the options of the external American policy regarding the big powers. So wheatear it is distinguished in its distinguished power or its view or to participate with them, but not based on its idea of the participation, but according to the idea of the participation based on that the U.S give up a part of its freedom of movements for that other big powers accept the participation of the United States.

تحديات بناء الدولة العراقية بعد عام 2003 : دراسة جيوستراتيجية == The Challengs of Iraq's State Building After the Year 2003 (Geostrategic Study)

Author name: علي حسين احمد
Supervisor name: قاسم محمد عبيد الجنابي | عامر حسن فياض
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Strategic Studies
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: يتكامل مع المقومات الجيوبولتيكية للدولة مقوم معنوي هو فكرة الدولة التي يجسدها شعور افراد المجتمع بوحدة الاهداف والمصالح والانتماء للدولة التي تعبر عنهم، واقرارهم بنظامها السياسي واحترامه وامتثالهم لقواعده القانونية، والدولة في العالم المتقدم منظومة علاقات سياسية واجتماعية واقتصادية تتماهى الدولة من خلالها مع المجتمع وتتجذر فيه، ولم يتحقق ذلك الا بعد مسيرة تطور وعملية تنشئه اجتماعية سياسية ازاحت الثقافة التقليدية وروابطها واعادت تشكيل بنية المجتمع على مفهوم المواطنة وروابطه والهوية الوطنية الجامعة لمكونات المجتمع المختلفة. ولم تمر الدولة العراقية منذ ولادتها عام 1921 بمسيرة تطور تكاملية المراحل ولم تعبر الدولة الناشئة عن مجتمعها المتعدد الاعراق والديانات والمذاهب والثقافات، وسادت حالة من القطيعة بين الدولة ومجتمعها، وقد وضعتها ظروف نشاتها والطبيعة المضطربة غير المستقرة سواء في داخلها، او في اقليم الشرق الاوسط في مواجهة تحديات داخلية وخارجية عجزت عن التعامل معها بسبب ضعفها النابع من ضعف ارتباطها مع مجتمعها التعددي المتنافر غير المندمج الذي فشلت كل الحكومات المتعاقبة في ادارة تعدديته، وعجزت عن خلق المجتمع المنظم الذي توحده الهوية الوطنية العراقية. واندلعت الصراعات والانقسامات الاجتماعية التي اخذت طابعا سياسيا بعد الاحتلال الامريكي عام 2003 بسبب ترسيخ سلطات الاحتلال للانتماءات والولاءات الفرعية عبر تشكيلها لمجلس الحكم الانتقالي على اسس المحاصصة العرقية والطائفية التي خلقت الطائفية السياسية واججت الصراعات والعنف والفوضى، وشوهت بنية الاحزاب ووظائفها السياسية والاجتماعية، وجاءت بدستور يعاني من عدم الوضوح والثغرات التي خلقت المشاكل والتوترات وستيعد انتاجها مستقبلا ان لم يعدل الدستور، او تعاد كتابته، وكان من نتائج الاحتلال الامريكي تحول العراق الى ميدان للصراع والتنافس الدولي، لادراك القوى الدولية للابعاد الجيوستراتيجية المترتبة على هذا الاحتلال الذي اخل بالتوازنات بين هذه القوى لصالح الولايات المتحدة في الشرق الاوسط، وانعكست تداعيات الصراع على استقرار العراق وامنه واثرت سلبا على عملية بناء الدولة، كما دخلت منطقة الشرق الاوسط والخليج العربي مرحلة اعادة ترتيب لادوار القوى الاقليمية ومجالات نفوذها ومصالحها وتداخلت هذه المجالات في العراق الذي اصبح ميدان تنافس وصراع بين القوى الاقليمية لتصفية الحسابات والاضطلاع بدور اقليمي اكبر وترك هذا الصراع بصماته على اوضاع العراق السياسية والاجتماعية والامنية والاقتصادية وغذى الانقسامات الاجتماعية مما اثر بشكل كبير على وحدة المجتمع وعملية بناء الدولة، ويتطلب التعامل مع التحديات بشقيها الداخلي والخارجي، واستكمال عملية بناء الدولة تبني استراتيجية للتنشئة الاجتماعية السياسية لاعادة بناء الفرد والمجتمع كخيار استراتيجي، وتبني خيار مرحلي بالاعتماد على النخبة من التكنوقراط لايقاف التداعي والانهيار وبناء دولة المؤسسات وتعزيز التماسك الاجتماعي والوحدة الوطنية، اذ ان المجتمع الموحد يمثل عمق الدولة الاستراتيجي ومرتكزها للتعامل مع التحديات وادامة عملية البناء والتنمية الشاملة، وتتكامل مع استراتيجية بناء الداخل استراتيجية كفوءة للشؤون الخارجية لتحقيق اهداف السياسة الخارجية وفي مقدمتها استعادة مكانة العراق على الساحتين الاقليمية والدولية . | The notion of state as immaterial factor integrated with state's geopolitical components, embodied in societies individuals unified goals, interests, and feelings of affiliation to their state, and recognition of its political system, respecting and follow its regulations, because it indicates them as citizens. In developed world states these elements have become a system of political, social, and economic interrelations rooted in society after series of evolutions and sociopolitical socialization process displaced customary culture,re - forming society structure around national identity and citizenship bonds to integrate society's divers constituent. Iraqi state hasn't witnessed these developments since its existence in 1921, and it didn't speak out on its divers society descents, religious, creeds, and cultures, moreover a condition of reclusion prevailed between the state and its society. The circumstances encompass its origination, besides the destabilized context wether inside Iraq or in the Middle East region put it in facing with challenges it failed to deal with, because of the weakness stem from the delicacy relations between the existed state and its diverse discordant society which indicated the deficiency to create organized society unified by Iraqi national identity. Conflicts and societal partition flared up after the American invasion of Iraq in 2003 took political form due to occupation authorities decision to form the interim governing council on racial and sectarian quota which ignited violence, twisted political parties structures, affecting their political and societal functions, besides producing an improper constitution experience ambiguity and crevasses, creating turmoil's and problems and will reproduce them in future unless constitutional amendment or rewriting take place. Iraq turned into international confrontation and competition arena after the American occupation in 2003, because of international powers realization of geostrategic impacts that would disrupt the balance among them in favor of the United States in the Middle East.These impacts reflected upon Iraq's security and stability and negatively affect the state building process, as the Middle East and Arabian Gulf region fall under a phrase of rearranging roles of regional powers and their spheres of influence and interests overlapped in Iraq due to its geostrategic importance. Thus Iraq has become the field of struggle between these powers for liquidation and taking over main regional role, which directly destabilized Iraqs political, social, security, and economic status. The aftermath of these variables interactions greatly acted upon society's unity and state building process in Iraq. The dealing with internal and external challenges, and the perfection of state construction require a sociopolitical socialization to rebuild individuals and society on democratic values as strategic option, and count on technocracy elite to put an end for disorder and downfall to establish Iraqi state on basis of establishment and promoting societal solidarity and unity, because society represents state strategic depth and pivot to tackle Challenges and maintain development Persistenncy. This strategy must be integrated with active foreign affairs strategy to achieve foreign policy objectives, endeavor to retrieve Iraqs prestige at both regional and international levels is on top. The study comprises an introduction, four chapters and a conclusion. The first chapter delt with Iraqi state historicity in two sections. The first section studies internal and external challenges facing the process of construction Iraqi state during monarchist era 1921 - 1958. The second section examines the challenges during republican era 1958 - 2003. The second chapter investigates state building internal challenge after 2003 in three sections. The first section studies legislations and political challenges, the second section examines security challenges, while the third one devoted to study the socioeconomic challenges. The third chapter puts under scrutiny the state building external challenges, the first section studies international challenges, and the second section investigates the regional challenges. The fourth chapter reviews in its first section the strategy of dealing with internal challenges, the second section examines the foreign affairs strategy required to deal with external challenges, The conclusion of the thesis includes a summary of the results reached to through the present study.

التعددية الحزبية والوحدة الوطنية في الوطن العربي == The Plurality of Parties and National unity in Arab homeland

Author name: ابتسام حاتم عـلوان الدليـمي
Supervisor name: مها عبد اللطيف حسن الحديثي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: Plurality of parties and National unity in the Arab home land.The important of this subject, the balance nature between guarantee real plurality of parties and making this plurality mean to reserve the national unity and not disassembling it .The Majority of Arab nations in the Arab homeland especially those called for following the plurality of political parties are of formal polarity, they put group of obstacles and Restrictions for any real plurality of parties whether on the level of actual practice of arresting and others, or through constitutional obstacles restricted the party polarity and codification this plurality due to laws and restricted constitutions giving the ruling party the ruling party the extent in general to win the Elections and to guarantee keeping power due to formal and forged circulation of power. The Studies depend hypothesis Represented accelerated Relationship referred to the effect of political party plurality on the national unity in the country. The party plurality based on real democratic bases acts its Effective role to ensure the national unity in that society and to maintain the social adhesion in it, While the party plurality based on sectarian , race, and Ethnic bases to Effect negatively on the National unity for Disassembling society and Increasing chasm Between its Individuals this Necessity Putting forward group of questions. How the party plurality in the Arab homeland and what is the general Framework of plurality in the Arab homeland? And what are the reason behind the transformation to plurality in the Arab countries and what are their consequences ?What is the concept of National unity? And what is the party Plurality with the National unity? And What is the peaceful Circulation of power in the Arab homeland ? and how this circulation affects the National unity? Is there party plurality in Iraq, Egypt and morocco and how this affects the National unity considering them applicable pattern for this study?.The Structure of the study has distributed on four Chapters, Moreover, the Introduction and conclusion . The first chapter deals with the state in the Arab homeland and the third deals with the state in the Arab homeland and the second, the origination of the state in the Arab homeland and the third deals with the obstacles Faced the state in the Arab Homeland . The second chapter tries to study the party plurality in the Arab homeland and in three categories, the first one deals with explaining the general framework of party plurality in Arab society, While the second one studies the party Phenomena in the Arab Homeland and through two demands.The first Studies the appearance of party plurality in Arab homeland and the second one studies the Characteristics of these parties and the research pointed out to the Transformation Process from one party regime to party Plurality and through two demands, the First studies the Reason of transformation to party plurality and its Consequences and the second Referred to the reality of party life in Arab homeland, whole the third chapter studies the national unity and partiality on the level of concept in the first research, the Relation of Political Parties with the National unity, While the third Research deals with the Effect of Power in the Arab homeland on the National unity. The Fourth Chapter studies three Arab states, Iraq, Egypt and Morocco as applicable patterns of study and explaining characteristics of party plurality in each state and its Effect on the National unity. The Study has Reached that all the Parties Arab homeland have appeared in democracy absence Circumstances in these states and their appearance have expressed the social categorical and patriotic needs, they obtained Relative Unanimous then transformed in parties, Individuals and leaderships, The conflict is great among them and do not lead to social adhesion and Subsequently to achieve the National unity and this is has noticed in the applicable patterns where the party plurality, but they are of sectarian or Denominational Nature and that Effects Negatively on the National People unity

وضع الاقليات في الدولة الفيدرالية - ستراتيجيات التعامل وسياسة الاحتواء : دراسة مقارنة بين العراق والهند == The Situation of minorities in the federal state : Coping Strategies and Policies of Containment a Comparative Study between Iraq and India

Author name: علي جاسم عبد علي عبد الله
Supervisor name: عامر حسن فياض
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: Those human groups that distinguish it from other citizens were not, have achieved a stable unrivaled referred to Mendez until they have suffered a lot of injustice and oppression, which is still suffering, even in some of the systems developed democracy, that these are distinct from the rest of the community groups dubbed minorities name and that and according to specific criteria applies these groups is consistent with the nature of the name, and it was the closest and most common is the standard numerical these groups, was launched researchers and specialists from several criteria to be called and the possibility of compatibility with the political systems in the countries in which they live and are considered citizens, since citizenship is the rights and duties , he must enjoy those groups full rights and a commitment to full duties, similar to the rest of the citizens of the state, but these rights and duties may encounter complexity depending on the nature of the political system and the extent of the enjoyment of democratic values. In systems where the central state is very strong almost disappear those privacy or even sometimes disappear , whether it be due to deliberate or extreme centralization by which leave no room for such groups to exercise self - rights, such as the use of language and the way of education and practice their own culture which is characterized by which keeps its part to revive that culture and conservation, therefore, we find that minorities in the central states can not full rights to enjoy, but the only commitment to their duties, which in this case has violated one of the pillars of citizenship, namely the rights, and remained live only on the second corner.In spite of the fact that a variety of Federal Regulations (Union treaty and the Union of personal Federation and the Federation of actual, and the confederation), the best one and the most coherent is the Federal Union, which is one of the more regulations efficacy in the management of the issue of minorities, but most effective, the state here with one political system and one flag and the policy of extra - one, but the terms of reference which are distributed between the capital and the so - called (center) and the regions or provinces by the Constitutional labels for the Constitution of the Federal State, and usually happens to these countries or States are gathering a result of a constant threat to its existence in the case of survival of individual, or the presence of common factors between population, which prompts them to integrate in one state while retaining some of its terms of reference and this is according to the nature upbringing in which they arise federal state, The way growing up control of the capture of the powers broader and be specific powers, the federation as a solution to countries in which the plurality of linguistic minorities exist, ethnic or religious, can through the way the administration which is characterized by granting powers to manage own affairs similar to what is in being an independent state, there is a constitution and the authority of the legislative and executive authority private regional as well as judicial, and assume that the management areas Affairs authorities in line with the aspirations of the citizens of those regions and who are, in turn, the citizens of the State of the Union as a whole, but this organization and this administration is not absolute and not subject to the decisions of the center fully and absolutely, they first must take into account the age of the laws and legislation, the Federal Constitution, which is the cornerstone in this union the main pillar in it, as well as to not be the of those Territories mostly authority in the field of relations Foreign conclude agreements or enter into treaties as the continued federal State province, but the important thing here is that this system gives broad powers in the management of private affairs of the citizens of the province and who are often distinct from the rest of the citizens of the state, either linguistically or religiously or ethnically ... etc. of distinctions human, as well as allowing those regions the possibility to participate in political decision - making at the federal level, any internal autonomy in the management of private affairs, as well as participation in the central authority in the management of public affairs, any participation in the two levels of government, federal level Federal and level the other the regional level, Here you find minorities match in achieving stability and administration to its affairs that can not be obtained in other systems, it is worth mentioning the federal could go back Soaking up the majority in that State, The vast could have divided themselves on a geographical basis for the enjoyment of the powers granted in the Federal Constitution.In this federal place systems to become the world's safest communities unique, as it is through the powers it recognizes mainly the existence of discrimination within the geographical boundaries of that State, and also through his powers can these groups to exercise their culture and use their own language and legislation of laws fits (harmonious condition with the Constitution), and also Through its powers are both pillars of the pillars have achieved citizenship (rights and duties), so the sense of citizen full rights and sense not to threaten the group to which he belongs, as well as his sense of caution state parent so to speak, as a state sponsor of his presence and keep it, so his response positive and trying to bring himself second pillar of citizenship, namely the duties that fall upon himself, the state federalism, if what has been applying its own rules correctly, it keeps its unity and integration within distinct communities, saved breed has a desire to perform basic duties, and culture of others is prohibited and the recognition of uniqueness, generate the desire to stay and integration in that State, however, to predict human destiny remains under different systems of the imagination, the final We are studying and dealing with human hearts which is to change the earliest of stability, states and even the federal ones seen some internal vibrations which generated violence that left hundreds but thousands of the dead, but of course, the federal system is the most flexible in absorbing these vibrations and over her response to them.And it is through the foregoing are seeking through this research is to reveal the power of the federal systems in the containment and to deal with these groups and the possibility of maintaining the entity external unified state divided constitutionally internally, and also touched on the strengths and weaknesses in those systems and which could lead to a demand for secession or destabilize threat to internal stability and security of the state.It seeks this research is to clarify the concept, characteristics and models of the federal state, and the extent of the success of countries that adopted and what are the strengths and weaknesses, and go into the details of these points necessitated a theoretical framework to explain the reasons behind the adoption of some States federal model.the importance of studyingMinorities have become since for quite some time, one of the reasons for the spread of the phenomenon of instability, another reason for the intervention of foreign countries in the affairs of the countries where minorities live, and those countries Iraq, and the problem of minorities in Iraq problem back to the genesis of the Iraqi state, and that is the capacity of the subject and the possibility of stand on the achievements of this model in the management of the issue of minorities, we had to search in the federal which absorbed more different communities and differentiated, namely India and of pluralism, linguistic, religious and ethnic, and the possibility of description of these solutions to the case of Iraq and take advantage of how to survive one country for more than seven decades with all What content of pluralism and differences, and whether that Iraq, after less than two decades, could be his rein in Kurdish minority of separation, through integration into a federal state, but it remains to be said here to the actual application of this system and how growing up, this system has met success and acclaim in the States, and troublesome in other countries, including reflected recently on the level of acceptance or rejection of the idea of federalism in modern by the two countries, and therefore we dealt with this subject in detail together with the Indian model and compare it to Iraq, with the difficulty of comparison in terms of the size of the state and the nature of the population linguistic and religious and ethnic differences, but the foundation is how to manage diversity In the federal state.The study hypothesisOff thesis from the premise that, that minorities if they have been dealt with according to respect its presence and recognition, they will be a factor of stability and not a threat factor, and here the hypothesis started from the fact that the best systems for the management of internal diversity is the federal regulations, they provided the flexibility and capacity for absorption through and means available, to contain and to deal with these groups, policy, and who are, in turn, citizens where, here the basis of stability in the multi - religious countries and languages due to the federal system, which contained in those states internal differences, but this model is applied in a country without the benefit of Past experience in the federal rule, that makes this state is weak in the face of problems that may arise in the future, which makes these groups demand the right to secede from the body of the state, and thus its weakness and inability to remedy the other detachable demands, and it Federalism has the ability to full body politic to keep State if applied properly by the parties to form government (federal and regional).

العراق ما بعد الاحتلال وتاثيره في الامن الخليجي == SECURITY IN THE GULF AND THE IMPACT OF POST - OCCUPATION IRAQ

Author name: عامر حسن ثابت
Supervisor name: محمد كريم كاظم
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: Intellectual interest in the Gulf security is well - established. Very few studies, ‎however, have been conducted on the impact of post - occupation Iraq on the Gulf security arrangements. ‎The main objectives of this research are to highlight the threats and challenges facing the Gulf ‎region after the occupation of Iraq in 2003, and to address the post - occupation Iraq issue as an ‎important factor in restoring stability and security in the Gulf region. ‎Many factors and variables have contributed to the importance of the Gulf region as a key ‎arena for regional and international politics. Domestically, there is both the wealth of the Gulf ‎Cooperation Council states and strategic location of the Gulf itself, the continued internal and ‎regional threats the GCC states are facing, and, lastly, the increasing global demand for the ‎Gulf’s oil and gas. ‎The subject of this research is a highly complex subject of study. This difficulty is very much ‎manifest in appreciating and applying the most suitable analytical approach. As such, this ‎research has adopted a multi - level and multi - causal analytical framework. The researcher ‎believes that such a framework will not only lead to a more nuanced analysis, but also to a ‎richer understanding of the topic.‎ The results of this research are consistent with its hypothesis; it proves the following : Firstly, ‎there is a concrete link between the occupation of Iraq and its impact on the broader security ‎of the Gulf. Secondly, that Iraq can play a positive, balanced and durable role in the Gulf ‎security. This is particularly relevant because of the many factors linking Iraq with the ‎GCC states. Thirdly, in terms of security, that there is need for a new strategy consistent with ‎the national interests of all actors involved in the Gulf region, as well as the security ‎requirements of the region, in order to restore stability and security, and to save the Gulf ‎region from a fourth destructive war. ‎The US - led invasion of Iraq in 2003 is considered to be a major event, which has had a lasting ‎impact on the ‎security regime in the Gulf region ‎. Earlier, what was dubbed Operation ‎Desert Storm’ ‎in 1991 marked the beginning of the disturbance of the strategic balance ‎that ‎had been unique to the Gulf region. The subsequent invasion and occupation of Iraq by the ‎United States further disturbed that balance, affecting not only Iraq but the whole region. ‎The ‎dramatic changes that took place on the ground following the occupation in 2003 testify ‎to this. These changes rapidly redrew the features of the Gulf security and ‎caused an ‎impact on every state in the Gulf, without exception, in terms of security and stability.The United States’ invasion of Iraq, coupled with its considerable presence in the Gulf region, ‎revealed ‎unprecedented facts regarding security matters, not only in Iraq, but in the Gulf ‎region as a whole. This has necessitated a comprehensive assessment of the security regime ‎that ‎prevailed in the Gulf region prior to the war in 2003 in the light of the events that took ‎‎place afterwards. The elimination of Iraq from the equation, coupled with the unfavorable ‎developments in the state of Iraq ‎since 2003, could have possibly turned Iraq into a security ‎threat to the region on account of its attraction to proponents of extremism, ‎violence, and ‎terrorism.‎The nuclear activities of Iran, in light of the continuous tension in the US - Iran relationship, ‎‎also constitute a main feature of the new security regime in the Gulf region. Moreover, the ‎United States ‎has redeployed its troops so that they are now based in Qatar, Kuwait and ‎Bahrain.‎In light of the above, it has become necessary for the Gulf States to consider a new ‎security ‎system to cope with the post - Iraq - occupation stage, as the security issue has become an obsession for these states. In the meantime, in order to resolve the security question, a security ‎formula should be reached between them. However, to reach that end, a number of ‎conditions need to be satisfied. These include an end to ‎the United States’ occupation of Iraq, and bringing about stability and reconciliation between the Iraqi people. ‎Another issue is the United States - Iran conflict and the provision of security guarantees to small ‎countries so that those countries do not need to seek external alliances to protect their national ‎security. This is not to mention making appropriate arrangements for securing oil production in ‎the region, which implies coordination with the major oil consuming countries to set the balance ‎right in the interests of both producers and consumers. However, satisfying those conditions, in ‎addition to the reservations of the United States on any new security arrangements in the region - given that ‎the United States is a major player in current events - constitutes a main challenge.‎The establishment of a regional security arrangements based on the resolution of all bilateral conflicts, ‎setting a common stage for cooperation and coordination between the states in all areas, and ‎the continuation of internal political reforms is in the interest of all states in the region ‎including the GCC. Furthermore, bringing stability and security to the Gulf region is in ‎the interests of the international community, particularly the United States.The fall of Saddam Hussein’s regime in 2003 could have been a dream - at least, for the decision - ‎makers in the state of Iran. This might have been particularly so in light of the fact that ‎Iraq had been a stumbling block in the course of Iranian policy in the Gulf region for decades. But, as of ‎yet, the Iraqi occupation has not proven good news for Iran. This is for the simple reason that decision - ‎makers in Iran have become aware of the fact that they may be the next target for the United States. For ‎this reason, they tried to exhaust United States forces in Iraq, not to mention the efforts they made to ‎dominate the internal scene in Iraq by any and all means.‎Through its policy in Iraq, Iran aimed at becoming a main player in the regional game, an issue ‎which had been beyond the understanding of the United States decision - makers. In all likelihood, they were not ‎aware, beforehand, regarding the extent of Iranian involvement in the new Iraq, so that the United States ‎and Iran found themselves facing each other in the post - Saddam Iraq. Nonetheless, the fact of the ‎matter is that the new Iraq has become a common ground for interaction between the United States and ‎Iran, in which both parties need each other equally. It seems that the Americans are becoming ‎aware of the extent of that game, which, we believe, it is in their interest to do so. That could be ‎so even if that leads to more Iranian domination in Iraq as a secondary outcome - as the rules of ‎the game may dictate. The simple fact is that these rules are irreversible as long as the state of ‎Iraq remains disunited, and part of the country keeps the same distance from both ‎Washington and Tehran : i.e., remaining outside of the interaction between the two countries.‎The new equation in which Iraq became an important variable in the resultant Gulf - Iranian ‎relationships caused the Arab neighbours of Iraq to raise the question of how they should ‎handle their relationships with the new Iraq that has become a battle ground for American ‎and Iranian domination at the same time. In the meantime, regional alliances in the Gulf ‎were being reviewed to cope with the new regime.‎The foregoing would require a study for discussion and analysis, as well as a reading of the reality of ‎the various events involving the Gulf region, and the most important problems that ‎constitute an impediment to the security and stability of the region and to the efforts of the ‎international actors in the region. In addition, the outcome of the post - Iraq - occupation stage from ‎April 2003 has led to the deterioration of the internal condition in Iraq, such as a lack of security in ‎the event of increasing terrorist activities, and increasing violence, which could be due to ‎internal, regional or even international causes. This is not to mention the mass killings and ‎displacements which affected the people’s morale and state of mind, blocking the development ‎process in a broader sense. Given the close links between states in the region, the impact of the ‎outcome has gone beyond the borders to include neighbouring countries.‎The fact of the matter is that the Gulf region is experiencing a real security crisis which has more than one ‎cause, from the changes that have taken place in Iraq, to the intervention of some regional powers, ‎particularly Iran, in attempting to dominate the whole Gulf region, and ensuing disputes between those powers ‎and the US. This is not to mention the positive or negative impact of these facts on other local states in ‎terms of political and economic interests. This current crisis could have unfathomable effects on ‎the realities and future of the region and the GCC states will definitely be affected most. Given ‎its geopolitical regime, Iraq will influence and become influenced by the neighboring states - ‎particularly the GCC states - given the common factors and interests between the people ‎of those countries, most importantly their common language, culture, history and the economic ‎interests that link all Arab states in the Gulf. Yet, in the aftermath of its occupation, Iraq has ‎changed its regional role in favour of Iran. So, the disturbance of the balance of power in the ‎Gulf region has opened the door for Iran to increase its grab on power in the region.‎The United States, on the other hand, may be able to play a greater role in setting the balance of power right in ‎the Gulf region. This will only happen should the United States succeed in closing the gap that has resulted ‎from its occupation of Iraq in getting rid of the negative effects that the occupation has had on the country and its neighbours in the Gulf. Moreover, the United States will need to play its role as a ‎superpower and its capacity to make an impact on the Gulf region in terms of security and ‎stability as part of its commitment to the international community.‎Generally speaking, this thesis features an analysis of the reason behind the United States’ ‎occupation of Iraq, and the deployment of the United States’ troops in GCC states. The researcher also ‎investigates the reason behind the security crisis in the region, which could be explained by the ‎United States’ notion that military power always proves the right option for achieving goals. This notion, ‎however, does not pay attention to the fact that, although military force can allow for victory on ‎the battleground, or remove an unwanted regime, it cannot guarantee political and ‎security stability.‎As far as Iraq is concerned, political stability and security remain a long - term goal since the ‎occupation. That could be due to the complex regime both locally and regionally, as well as ‎internationally. Due to this complexity, and the wide gap between the people and ‎rulers in most of the states in the region questioning the legitimacy of those rulers, any stability ‎in the region is of a fragile nature. This is not to mention the lack of mutual trust between various ‎states in the region. From this, it could be concluded that the security issue remains a major ‎dilemma at this current stage and will probably remain so for a long time to come.‎Much has been written about the Gulf region from different perspectives. But relatively little has been written about the orientations and policies of post - occupation Iraq towards the region, especially after its occupation in 2003.This statement is confirmed by the results of the researcher’s on - going survey of the Arabic and English literature on this topic. Many factors may account for the scarcity of this topic in the literature, including the impact of the prevailing internal situation in Iraq and its foreign policies towards the Arab Gulf states. Needless to say, Iraq is an important factor in the Gulf region and as such, continuity or change in its foreign policy may either enhance stability or encourage conflict in the Gulf.In this A thesis, I allocate to : In draft,deals with the significance of the Gulf region and the history of the region – ‎politically; economically; militarily – since the end of the Second World War. This includes ‎the 2003 invasion. The significant relevance of oil production is also discussed, as is the ‎notion of the six GCC countries.Chapter One; examines important challenges facing security in the Gulf region, specifically ‎with respect to demographic issues, and the importance of the increasingly foreign workforce, ‎in the context of globalization. Finally, the issue of terrorism is presented. The first section is ‎devoted to analysing the Gulf’s demographic imbalance which constitutes a serious challenge ‎for policymakers. On the one hand, immigration into the region is indispensable for the ‎process of vital economic development, but on the other hand immigration constitutes a ‎serious challenge given its unfavorable effects on the demographic structure and the labor ‎market. This has an additional impact on social and cultural values, particularly at this current ‎stage of globalization.‎Section two analyses the challenges facing the Gulf region from terrorism, and seeks to ‎answer the following questions : Why is there diversity in the definition of terrorism? What ‎determines who is a terrorist? What are terrorist goals and what are the means by which they ‎decide targets? What is the nature of the hostilities committed by and the means of support ‎received by terrorist groups? Why should the phenomenon of terrorism be studied and what ‎are the benefits envisaged from these studies? What is the relationship between the media and ‎modern communications and the phenomenon of terrorism in the Gulf region after the ‎occupation of Iraq? ‎Chapter Two; highlights Iranian policy in the face of the concept of Gulf security arrangements in ‎two main sections. The first describes and analyses the historic background of the present ‎issues, and Iranian perspectives on the notion of Gulf security. The second discusses Gulf ‎security in light of Iran’s nuclear program. Iran is considered to be a main player in the ‎Gulf region, in terms of its population as well as its military and economic might compared ‎with the other Arab Gulf states. The importance of their own security policies (including the ‎nuclear program) and the response to those policies on the part of the other Gulf States is ‎also considered, which encompasses a discussion of various key relationships (between the ‎Arab States, Gulf States, Iran and the US)‎.Chapter Three; examines the impact of post - 2003 Iraq on the security arrangements within ‎the gulf region. Firstly, the factors that have, and continue, to influence post - 2003 Iraq are ‎explored. Subsequently, both the influence of Iraq and the areas of influence exerted by Iraq ‎on the security arrangements of the Gulf are considered. Finally, the perspectives of the main ‎powers in the region with regard to Iraq’s influence on the Gulf security arrangements are ‎presented. The impact, in particular, of the Iranian nuclear program is also discussed, before ‎the conclusion of the chapter.‎Chapter Four; examines whether Iraq will have a substantial impact on Gulf security in the ‎medium - term future, and what aspects have made and may make Iraq influential in this ‎respect. The prospects of Iraq in this regard will consider the connection between the two, ‎and Iraq’s future prospects; the Gulf security issue is also considered in the wider respect of ‎Arab links, the isolation of Iraq from its Gulf surroundings, and the reality of Iraq as a ‎battleground for regional confrontation.‎

ظاهرة فراغ السلطة في دول عالم الجنوب الاسباب والنتائج == The authority absence phenomena in the Southern Countries World Causes & Results

Author name: اسراء علاء الدين نوري
Supervisor name: مها عبد اللطيف حسن الحديثي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: مما لاشك فيه ان كل ظاهرة من ظواهر الحياة انما تكون عرضة لمؤثرات داخلية وخارجية في نفس الوقت ، وقد تتفاعل هذه المؤثرات فيما بينها لتشكل حالة واضحة من التاثير تجسد طبيعة هذه الحالة واتجاهاتها الرئيسية ، واذا ما طبقنا هذا الكلام على طبيعة النظم الاجتماعية والسياسية فاننا نجدها عرضة وبصورة دائمة لهذه المؤثرات والمتغيرات ، ودول عالم الجنوب تقدم لنا نموذجا واضحا لمدى قوى وحجم تاثير المتغيرات الداخلية والخارجية في طبيعة نظمها السياسية ، ومنذ مدة طويلة ابتدات من المرحلة الاستعمارية وفي جوانبها السياسية والاقتصادية والاجتماعية .واتجهت الانظمة السياسية في دول عالم الجنوب نحو السلطوية وتركيز السلطة في يد فئة صغيرة ونمو نفوذها وممارستها مع تطور هذه الانظمة في بناء السلطة السياسية ، والتي من ابرز مظاهرها قمع القوى السياسية الساعية اليها وتصفية وجودها على ساحة العمل السياسي او تحجيم تاثيرها في الحياة السياسية ، واجهاض مطالب المشاركة السياسية ، والاعتماد على العنف السياسي في تصرفات السلطة السياسية تجاه مجتمعاتها .وان ما دفع لاحتكار السلطة في يد فئة صغيرة في هذه الانظمة هو الاطار الذي جرى بموجبه ممارسة السلطة السياسية ، وطبيعة التنظيم الدستوري الذي تم اقراره للسلطة ، حيث تعززت مكانة القابضين على السلطة ومركزها السياسي ومع تطور البناء الدستوري لهذه الانظمة ، حتى وصلت الى موقعها السياسي والدستوري القائم في هيئة الانظمة السياسية وفي نطاق الحياة السياسية لدول عالم الجنوب بشكل عام .ومع التطور التدريجي لمكانة الفئة الحاكمة ونمو تاثيرها وسلطانها السياسيين في هياكل وبنى ومؤسسات هذه الانظمة واساليب واليات عملها ، وبالتالي اكتسابها النفوذ المطلق والسلطات الواسعة وحصولها على التفوق التام على جميع المؤسسات السياسية سواء كانت الحكومية او التمثيلية او الوسيطة ، ثم التحول الكامل لهذه الانظمة صوب الشخصانية في الحكم والتي من شانها نفي ومصادرة اي شكل من اشكال الممارسة السياسية من جانب القوى والتنظيمات السياسية في الحياة السياسية . وتقترن بالسلطة السياسية في دول عالم الجنوب بعدد من الممارسات السلطوية في الحكم ، منها : 1. الهيمنة الكاملة على العملية السياسية بانفراد الرؤوساء بعملية اتخاذ القرارات السياسية وتقرير السياسات .2. عدم بناء المؤسسات السياسية والتقليل من اهمية المؤسسات السياسية القائمة وتجاوزها من اجل استمرار الهيمنة الشخصية للرؤوساء والمحافظة على نفوذهم .3. الارتكاز والدوران في دائرة العلاقات الشخصية في عملية صنع القرارات السياسية والسياسات العامة .4. اشاعة ثقافة الخضوع وتنمية الشعور بالتبعية لدى المواطنين بدلا من المساهمة النشطة في ادارة شؤون الحكم والسياسة .5. الاستخدام الواسع للعنف والقوة في مواجهة القوى والتنظيمات السياسية الساعية الى المشاركة والممارسة السياسية .6. اغفال قواعد الشرعية الدستورية واللجوء الى الممارسات الشخصية في الحكم والسلطة .وتعاني دول عالم الجنوب من ظاهرة فراغ السلطة والتي من اهم اشكالها وصورها مشكلة بناء الوحدة والوطنية والتكامل القومي ، وعدم شرعية النظم السياسية ، وانتهاكات حقوق الانسان ، والحروب الاهلية والاعتماد على العنف والعنف السياسي من جانب السلطة والشعب ، وهذه القضايا كلها مترابطة بحيث ان بعضها هو سبب لقضايا وازمات ومشاكل اخرى . وان هذه المشاكل والازمات التي تعيشها مجتمعات دول عالم الجنوب تؤدي الى العنف السياسي والنقمة وحروب العصابات التي تجد لها ارضا خصبة في مثل هذه الاوضاع ، مما يسهم في خلق اجواء غير طبيعية تعيق عمل المؤسسات السياسية بل تشلها احيانا ، وهذا يؤدي الى ان تكون الدول ضعيفة وغير قادرة على ايجاد الحلول اللازمة لمثل هذه المشكلات والازمات . وهكذا عندما تعجز السلطة السياسية عن حماية المجتمع والدولة من التفكك وتلبية احتياجات مجتمعها ، تكون قد فقدت اسس وجودها ، حيث ان القابضين على السلطة يعملون على التحكم بها وتحقيق مصالحهم وغاياتهم الخاصة ، وترك واهمال مصالح الافراد في المجتمع ، واستخدامها لاليات القمع والعنف ومحاولة قمع اي نوع من المعارضة لها ولوجودها ، وهذا من جانبه يؤدي الى استخدام واعتماد مجتمعات هذه الدول الى الوسائل غير السلمية باستخدام العنف ( الثورة ، الانقلابات ، الاضطرابات ... ) كرد فعل على سياسات الدولة ، وهذا يؤدي بالتالي الى ظاهرة فراغ السلطة .ومن اجل القضاء على ظاهرة فراغ السلطة في دول عالم الجنوب ، فاهم المعالجات والسياسات التي يجب اتباعها هي تحديد اسس تداول السلطة ، فيجب ان تكون هذه الاسس سلمية كوجود احزاب وهيئات وانتخابات ووجود حرية الصحافة والاعلام ، واحترام الدساتير ، ويقف على راس كل هذه الشروط شرط الوحدة الوطنية الذي لا يمكن ان يتنازل عنه باي حال من الاحوال . وكذلك قيام السلطة السياسية بانتهاج سياسات عدة كانتهاجها لسياسات اقتصادية ايجابية على النحو الذي تجعل المواطن يثق تماما من ان هذه السياسات هي لصالحه اولا واخيرا ، الامر الذي يوفر جوا يحفز المواطنين عامة والاقليات القومية والدينية خاصة وصهرها في بوتقة واحدة ، وكذلك فتح القنوات التي يمكن ان يعبر المواطن عن رايه وبطريق سلمي وفي كافة المستويات وبالشكل الذي يوفر مناخ الاصوات المتعددة بدلا من صوت السلطة الواحدة . وان تحقيق هذه التعددية والحرية يتحقق ليس عبر القرار الرسمي السلطوي فقط ، بل عبر تفاعل ما بين القرار والقاعدة الشعبية بين المواطن والسلطة . ويحدث ذلك عبر ما يلي : 1. الاتجاه نحو بناء مؤسسات سياسية راسخة وثابتة تشكل العماد الاساس لاي نظام سياسي ، هذه المؤسسات تعتمد في قيامها وادائها على حاجات الشعب ، بعيدا عن حالة الاستئثار بالسلطة .2. ان عملية البقاء هذه لا يمكن ان تتحقق الا من خلال اشاعة الوعي السياسي وانفتاحه ، والاستناد الى التعددية السياسية والحرية القائمة على اساس التعددية في الراي والحرية في التوجهات .3. بناء قاعدة اقتصادية متينة تقوم على اساس التعامل مع التكنولوجيا الحديثة والاستغلال الامثل للثروات الاقتصادية وتعبئة هذه الثروات والموارد لتحقيق التنمية الاقتصادية ورفع المستوى المعيشي للفرد والذي سيؤثر بدوره في حل ازمات ومشاكل تعاني منها مجتمعاتها .4. التعامل مع حالة التعددية على انها تمثل مطلبا شعبيا داخليا ، ولذلك يجب توفير المستلزمات الاساسية لنجاحها ، من خلال رعاية هذه المطالب الشعبية والتعامل معها بصدق واضح ، حيث ان التعددية عملية مشاركة الاحزاب والمؤسسات والقوى الوطنية بصورة واسعة وفعلية وهي تتطلب قدرا من الحرية والارادة الحرة للشعب .5. ان النجاح في رسم مستقبل قائم على الحرية والاستقرار ونبذ العنف بكافة اشكاله في المؤسسات السياسية لدول عالم الجنوب ، يتوقف على مبدا اساسي ومهم ، هو تداول السلطة بصورة سلمية وعلى وفق انتخابات حرة ومباشرة ومنتظمة .6. ان النظم السياسية في دول عالم الجنوب اصبحت تواجه في ظل الاوضاع الدولية الراهنة مزيدا من التحديات التي تعصف بها ، ولكي تنجح هذه النظم في مجابهة هذه التحديات فلابد من معالجتها بشكل منطقي ، ويبرز موضوع الوحدة الوطنية من بين هذه التحديات فهناك ضرورة لصيانتها والحفاظ عليها ، بل اصبح هذا الموضوع المفتاح الذي تمسك به القوى المتنفذة لفتح ابواب دول عالم الجنوب والدخول اليه ، لذا يجب الانتباه جيدا لاهمية هذه المشكلة من خلال تعزيز الوحدة الوطنية ودعم ورعاية حقوق الاقليات واحترام حقوق الانسان وتحقيق التنمية بكل اشكالها وارساء دعائم المشاركة السياسية للجميع دون استثناء او تمييز والعمل على جعل المصلحة العليا هي الهدف الاسمى . | It includes the role of the authority in Southern World Countries , this authority seems weak and absent , because of many local and foreign causes , like weak political participation and the continuous changes of the constitutions , and the political authority has used ampeause against the people …ect .This study is divided in to five chapters : Chapter one includes an explanation of the political phenomena , the authority and political authority , and the meaning of " Southern World Countries " , and the phenomena of " absence of authority " .Chapter two discusses local causes of authority absence phenomena .Chapter three discusses foreign causes of authority absence phenomena . Chapter four discusses results of authority absence phenomenain detail . Chapter Five discusses some solutions of the problems of the political authority .

الدبلوماسية الشعبية الجديدة لادارة اوباما والدولة العربية == The New public diplomacy Obama administration and the Arab state

Author name: ضمير عبد الرزاق محود
Supervisor name: نادية عبد القادر المختار
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The new public diplomacy, in its general framework, is understood as the process of communication done by states with peoples of other states without the knowledge of the latter's governments, in an attempt to move them in a way that serves the interests of the former states and achieves their goals in different fields. According to this understanding, the new popular diplomacy is, in normal conditions, one of the tools of foreign policy which can be adopted in achieving goals. In abnormal conditions, new popular diplomacy can work away from foreign policy, so that each one of them can achieve its goal, provided that the sum of their goals goes with the general American strategy. Thus, it is unnecessary that the foreign policy consists with the new popular diplomacy in achieving goals, yet each one of them can work in different conditions and environments.The new American public diplomacy started to activate its governmental and non - governmental programs and its technological tools in an attempt to encompass the peoples of the Arab states through intercommunication via civil society organizations, opposition forces, political parties, media men, and other different and wide sectors. It gave thousands of them the opportunity to visit the United States of America to participate in the programs of grants, symposia, and conferences. The common thing among these activities was talking about democracy, elections, human rights, minorities, and political participation. At the same time, satellite channels started focusing on presenting the shortcomings of regimes and showing their defects, in addition of attempting to present the problems of minorities and displaying their representatives and leaderships and working on the non - presence of government voice. Moreover, it employed the sites of socialbetworks for communication and creating societal opinions that stand opposite to the governing regimes' trends. All these and other activities were a preparation stage for the coming transforms.The outbreak of the peaceful popular uprisings in some of the Arab states during the first term of president Obama was a turning point in highlighting the role of the new Americanpublic diplomacy in the political developments resulting from the attempt to control these uprisings and direct them to serve the American interests. It worked from the outset through its tools on expanding the range of demonstrations and raising the level of demands and concentrating on the behavior of the security forces towards the protesting people, a matter that limited the regimes' capability of tackling the situation in a coercive manner, moreover, foiling the effect of banning the world wide web by those regimes and succeeding to transmit the developments of events live all over the world. The tryout of the American popular diplomacy in Egypt was the most significant and the most effective one on the other tryouts, playing a role which could not be achieved by the American foreign policy due to its professional commitments or the nature of its bilateral relations with the regime of president Hosni Mubarak, in addition to the different nature of the tools and means used .

دور وكالــة الاستخبارات المــركــزيــة الامــريكيــة (CIA) فــي صنــع القــرار الاستــراتيجــي الامــريكــي : حــرب العــراق عام 2003 انمــوذجا == The Role of the Central Intelligence Agency Of America (CIA) in the US strategic decision - making : the Iraq War in 2003 as a Model

Author name: صــلاح مهــدي هادي الشمـري
Supervisor name: منعم صاحي حسين العمار
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Strategic Studies
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

الدور الاقليمي لمصر في الاستراتيجية الامريكية بعد احداث 11 ايلول 2001 == EGYPT,S REGIONAL ROLE IN AMERICAN STRATEGY AFTER 11 SEPTEMBER 2001

Author name: صبحي فاروق صبحي
Supervisor name: صالح عباس الطائي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: It is obvious through the progress of all the political, economical and military operation at the Middle East, that Egypt did regional roles in the strategic domains which done by the United States in the Middle East, As an example the changes of administration rules of the Arabic - Israelean conflict issues and it is the same with all Egyptian roles in most instances of the regional stability cases. After 11th of September, 2001 The American United Stated had a necessity to intervene as an active part in the rearrangement of the events and reactions of this region, and its futuristic possibilities, in as much as the violence works in USA done by persons from this region. And to confirmation its new strategic roles at this region , Egypt had a necessity to dependence on regional parts to facilitate strategic succeeding ways with all means ; democracy publicity , struggle what is called ( terrorism ), The Islamic severity , the political reformation , Teaching System reformation , The Economic Liberty and Women's Liberation . So USA found in Egypt apart had a preparedness to make interior responses and regional roles which harmonize with required USA strategy. Today the regional role of Egypt in American Strategy after 11th of September, 2009 became to overcome a lunge importation not just for the importation of both sides in this relation. whereas the first one ( Egypt ) with its strategic position and humanic , cultural , civilizational , gravity at the Arabic , Islamic and African environment Egypt became one of the keys of the great countries to enter the Middle East or influence on it . The other USA represent the greatest power of the world and having exclusive possession of the international decision which made a great countries like Russia , China and other European countries want to improve ,their relations with USA and make this point one of their national priorities, passing all the political conflicts even the strategies . In additional to this power has benefits at the Middle East and sometimes they become an active part in the region interactions. In the study & following the regional Role for Egypt in the American Strategy after the events of 11th. - Sept.2001 has a great benefits, so that we can through this continuously stand on multy of reasons so we can understand the conversions which is take place on this role&that represent one of our inducement to choose that subject beside the other urges, the more importance is : - 1 - The subject is by virtue of importance of both countries, Egypt is an effective &Islamic region .Therefore the regional part of Egypt was one of the important constant in the regional relationship always. On the other hand the United State of America which is the first global power in the world, it should be an effective relationship between American - Egyptian in the region.2 - To know the nature of the relationship between the aims which Egypt want to establish through the parts that it takes in its relationship with the United State of America & between the resource ,abilities available to it. 3 - The desire of understanding following to how far there is specific constants control dynamic regional Relationship &countries parts.According to the above, the thesis is divided to five chapters : - Chapter one takes the theoretical frame of the terms which has been used in the core include the part, territorial, regional part, strategic & effectiveness. - Chapter two, It takes the American look to Egypt& what it make United State Of America to give An important &concentrate specially to Egypt through forming & implementation its strategy in the Middle East region. - Chapter Three, takes the two issues : constituent supports of Egypt parts in its region, the second issue is to define that surroundings of Egypt movement which the thesis has named it Egypt regional circles Movement. - Chapter Four, it goes to proof ambushes & the appearances of effectiveness in which United State affected through it to Egypt regional parts & make it respond to some of strategic needs. - Chapter five, it concentrate on brought up responsibilities for responding Egypt parts to American strategies in the Middle East region.The thesis has achieved that is the stability of the relation between the two variables of the study is one of the following : 1 - Continuity (remaining the effect of the American variable in the regional of the Egypt parts.2 - Independency in the regional of Egypt parts (diminish of the American variable Parts.

ادراك التهديد واثره في ادارة الازمة الدولية : دراسة في العلاقات الامريكيةـ الايرانية == Threat perception and its Influence In International crisis’s Management Study In American - Iranian relations

Author name: شيماء معروف فرحان
Supervisor name: منعم صاحي حسين العمار
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Strategic Studies
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
Key words:
  • ادراك التهديد
  • الازمة الدولية
  • ادارة الازمة الدولية
  • العلاقات الامريكية الايرانية
  • ازمة البرنامج النووي الايراني
First pages:
Abstract: Searching in threat perception is on of the most important variable in international crises and in its management, it’s the most difficult and sophistication factors with strategic perceptions, thus threat perception is related with international security, regional security and all forms of interests. It does not concern with special state but it includes all states, which represent support or threat so that threat phenomena takes a great interest rather than others, there’s no state can lives in this world with out the use of threat because this state represent support or threat. In order of all this factors, this study concerned with the analysis of threat as concepts and process by knew its shapes and its similarity and differences with other concepts and what it is includes of action and reaction, which differs in its degree because of the differences in the distribution of states power.This study tried to prepare the student by offering an overview of major International crises, which represent the crisis of Iranian nuclear programs.The study also dealt in the first part with the theory o threat as concepts and we try to realize it from another concepts such as security and challenges.Part two of the study focused on threat perception and its concerned with the concepts of perception and later we focused on threat perception and the most important factors, which influence this process such as ability and capability, armament, action. Etc.Third part of this study is concerned with historical background to the development of Americans - Iranian relations after the second world war and we tried to analyzed the nature or Iranian position in the united states of America strategy after this war and finally we focused on this relation between 1979 - 1988 and the period between 2000 - 2003.Part four of study goes to search on the development of Iranian nuclear program by studying the cases behind created this program and its aims and the situations of each Irain and the united states of America from this crisis.In part five of this study we deals with the international treads management of this crisis so they concerned with Iranian management to this crisis and European management and finally we focused on United States of America management to this crisis by dealing with different strategies such as the use of military forces or going to the negotiation and diplomacy solution and all this facts will depend upon the nature of the changes which happened in the united states of America strategy towards Iran specially .

اثر المتغير الايراني في العلاقات العراقية - التركية مرحلة ما بعد الحرب الباردة == The Effect of Iranian change In Turkish - Iraqi relations as period after the cold war stag

Author name: شيماء عادل فاضل القره غولي
Supervisor name: وصال نجيب عارف العزاوي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: منذ الربع الاول من القرن العشرين الذي شهد فيه تاسيس البلدين ( العراق وتركيا ) ،اقترنت العلاقات بينهما منذ بدايتها بجملة من التوترات المصحوبة بالحذر ،الا ان هذه التوترات كانت تتخللها فترات ايجابية مرده بالتاكيد المصالح المترابطة بينهما، والتي تدفعهما بين الحين والاخر للتعاون سبيلا لتحقيق غايات تخدم مصالحهما، رغم انها كانت تميل لارجحية الجانب التركي على الجانب العراقي .الا ان الوضع اعلاه لم يستمر طويلا ،وهذا يعود لجملة المتغيرات الدولية والاقليمية والمتمثلة في الانفراد الامريكي بالعالم مقابل تراجع الاتحاد السوفيتي ،فضلا عن حرب الخليج الثانية والثالثة ،والتي كان لها وقع الاثر وبشكل كبير في تراجع العلاقات العراقية - التركية ،بحيث لم تعد العلاقات بينهما كما كانت قبل عام 1991 ،نتيجة قيام تركيا باستغلال الاوضاع لتحقيق مطامعها التوسعية في العراق .ورغم معاناه العراق من احتلال امريكي مباشر لها بعد عام 2003 ،وما تحمله تركيا من تطلعات لرسم دور اقليمي في المنطقة في ظل المشاكل يعاني منها اقتصادها ،الا انهما ظلتا يحتلان مكانة كبيرة في الادراك الايراني ،وهذا بالتاكيد مرده المقومات المهمة الضرورية التي يمتلكانها من موقع جيوستراتيجي مهم ،وموارد اقتصادية وبشرية مكنتهما من ان يصبحا احدى القوى الفاعلة في الاقليم وعنصرا اساسيا في تقرير التوازنات الاقليمية القائمة في المنطقة .هذا فضلا عن ان ايران تشترك مع كلا البلدين ( العراق وتركيا ) بجملة قضايا تتمثل في ( القضية الكردية، وقضية المياه، وقضية الحدود ) كان لها وقع الاثر فيها ،واحتلت حيزا واسعا في العلاقات العراقية - التركية ولفترات طويلة ولازالت، وربما تستمر حتى المدى القصير، اذا ما استمر كلا البلدين ( العراق وتركيا ) في الركون نحو اتباع مبدا المحاور والاهداف البعيدة، ومحاولة رسم كل منهما دورا محددا يتناسب وكانته الدولية مخترقين حقوق الجوار التي نصت عليها الاعراف السماوية قبل ان تنص عليها الاتفاقيات والمعاهدات الدولية . | Al the first quarter ,the twentieth century which witnessed establishment of two counters ( Iraq & turkey ),the relations between the two counters since the beginning were of tension and diligence ,but these tension were penetrated by positive periods because of their joint interests which comply there to cooperate to achieve mostly it benefited the interests ,but Turkish interests more than the Iraqi interests. But the above situation isn’t continue for long due to the many international and regional changes which is represented by American dictatorship and the collapse the soviet union .In addition to the second and third gulf war which affect negatively on the Iraqi - Turkish relations and never because the same as prior to 1991 as a result of Turkish effort to utilize the current situation to achieve its expanding greed in Iraq. Although Iraq suffered from the American dared occupation after 2003 and the Turkish aim to draw a regional role in the area because of its deteriorated economy , never the less it still occupy a large place in the Iranian realization and that is because of its important and necessary essentials to both countries especially due to the geo - strategic location and human and economic resources which enabled them to be an active force in the region and a basic element in deciding regional equilibrium in the area . In addition Iran shares with both countries ( Iraq & turkey ) many issues ,such as the ( Kurdish issue , water issue and border issue)which occupy a wide space in the Iraqi - Turkish relations for along period and still continuous and may continue further if both countries ( Iraq & turkey ) continue in following principle of axis and distal objectives and trying to draw a specific role suitable with their international standing breaching the neighbor rights of celestial traditions before the international treaties and agreements.

سياسة ايران الخارجية تجاه المنطقة العربية منذ عام 1989 وافاق المستقبل == Iranian foreign policy Toward Arab Area since 1989 and Future Horizon

Author name: سيف منذر عبد الواحد الجوعاني
Supervisor name: فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

اسرائيل والتحولات السياسية في البلدان العربية منذ عام 2010 == Israel and political transformation in the Arabic since 2010 countries

Author name: سلمان علي حسين العزي
Supervisor name: صالح عباس الطائي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: In this study titled (Israel and political transformations in the Arabic countries since 2010). We try to explain the eminent abilities and components which Israel has, especially the military affairs .It has a good strong developed one based on developed military industries of novel technology, all worked to arm the military army with most new weapon like nuclear weapon, in which the big military spending has a good role of that. In addition to that the economical abilities which came from Jewish donors, nonstop American support and German compensation, all these have a good role in building developed Israel commerce. Israel employed the Jewish experiences which had come from emigration to develop its economy, one of that is a big development of economical level in the country. In addition to that the technological abilities which have an eminent role to support the international and region Israel aims e.g. the fields of military industries and space fields like launching a grope of satellites for spying and collecting information . All of that make an obstacle against the international and region alliance of Israel to do its aims. Part of these eminent obstructions are social and inner political problems e.g. west and east Jews problems ,or disagreement between parties about main affairs like making of the constitution and who is the Jew ? In addition to that the economic problems e.g. lacking of row materials, oil ,Gas ,and lacking of water .Another important points are the need of near shops to sell their productions ,and no good strategic view as it is on a small land and surrounding with enemies . After that we go to search for the international and region effected points of Israel through searching the region effected points of Israel, one of them is turkey, Ethiopia, South of Sudan and middle of Asia, also what these points gave to Israel especially after the political changes in the Arabic countries in order to do its plans in Arabic area. Also we show the international points of Israel activity. U.S.A, European Union, Russian and china will be the first .This depends on a fundamental thinking of Israel idea as in depending on the great power in its international and region alliance. Another search, we go for the motives, the ways and the results of the Arabic political changes and its effects on the Arabic political reality then the Israel role in all of that depending on the central Arabic countries, e.g. Egypt Syria, in addition to another countries like Tunisia, Libya and Yemen. The role of Israel in the Arabic political changes depends on the continuity of demonstrations and unstable case in the Arabic countries, leading to the prepared aim of Israel for the Arabic countries .This leads us to search in the Israel American projects ,one of them is the Great middle East project and the strategy of its implementing through the creative confusion ,and the project of smashing Arabic countries depending on Bernard Luis and Audead Yunoon like dividing the Arabic countries to small unstable one ,and quarrel with each other, trying to put future possibilities for the nature of the relationship between Israel and Arab through three possibilities like the continuity of the relationship as it is or change it ,or both continued and changed one depends on each case

الابعاد الاستراتيجية لادوار القوى الكبرى في اقليم اسيا الباسيفيك

Author name: باقر جواد كاظم
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Science
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
Key words:
  • ادوار القوى الكبرى في اقليم اسيا الباسيفيك
First pages:
Abstract: تعد ادوار القوى الكبرى في اقليم اسيا الباسيفيك ذات اهمية خاصة ، اذ ان طبيعة العلاقات بين هذه القوى كانت العامل الاساس في تقرير وصياغة شؤون البيئة الاقليمية, وخاصة من حيث بناء العلاقات بين هذه القوى من جهة, وباقي مكونات هذه البيئة من جهة اخرى. وبعد ان كانت البيئة الاقليمية في مرحلة الحرب الباردة محكومة بطبيعة العلاقة بين القوتين العظيمتين انذاك الولايات المتحدة والاتحاد السوفيتي, فقد تطورت تفاعلات هذه البيئة لتشهد انماطا جديدة من العلاقة بين عموم المكونات المختلفة, وهو ما اظهر العديد من المعطيات التي ادت دورا مهما في صياغة المراحل اللاحقة من تفاعلات القوى الكبرى. تنبع اهمية الدراسة من ان الاقليم يضم في تفاعلاته الاستراتيجية القوى الاكثر تاثيرا في شؤون العلاقات الدولية سواء اكان ذلك خلال مرحلة الحرب الباردة ام مرحلة ما بعد الحرب الباردة, ام في المستقبل , ولاسيما ان التنبؤات تفيد بامكانية لعب دول الاقليم الفاعلة من جهة والاقليم ككل من جهة اخرى الدور الاساس في تقرير وصياغة الشؤون الدولية وعلى الاخص في الجانب الاقتصادي.كما يمكننا القول ان دراسة ادوار القوى الكبرى وتفاعلاتها سيوضح لنا طبيعة وكيفية تحرك هذه القوى على وفق الصورة التي تؤمن لنا فهما افضل حول مدركات ورؤى هذه القوى للبيئة الاقليمية المعاصرة, واهم التحديات التي تواجهها , الامر الذي سينعكس في معرفة وتفسير الاطار العام لمجريات المستجدات الاقليمية, وافاق تطورها في المستقبل, وهو ما سيجد صداه في امكانية الاستفادة من هذه العلاقات لطبيعة التحرك تجاه هذه المنطقة ومكوناتها المختلفة بما تمتلكه من ثقل سياسي مهم, وتاثير اقتصادي لا يمكن تجاهله في التفاعلات الدولية. ومع ظهور العديد من المعطيات الجديدة في طبيعة البيئة الاقليمية وتفاعلاتها المختلفة, فقد تبنت العديد من الدول ادوارا ارادت ان تكون متميزة عما سبقها من ادوار, وهو الامر الذي ساعد في بلورة العديد من التحديات الجديدة في صميم العمل الاقليمي, الى جانب مساعدته في وضع الاسس الكفيلة بخلق فاعلين جدد جنبا الى جنب مع القوى الكبرى وهو ما تمثل بادوار الترتيبات المتعددة الاطراف. ومن هنا جاءت اهمية الدراسة في بيان اهم الادوار التي اضطلعت بها القوى الكبرى في اقليم اسيا الباسيفيك, ومميزات هذه البيئة التي تحركت بها هذه القوى , ودورها في خلق الابعاد المميزة لتوجهات القوى الكبرى, والافاق المستقبلية لتلك الحركة. وتتمثل اشكالية الموضوع في وجود العديد من القوى الفاعلة في اقليم اسيا الباسيفيك, وتبنيها لانماط مختلفة من التوجهات والادوار, وتنامي القوى المؤثرة في طبيعة البيئة الاقليمية وظهور الترتيبات المتعددة الاطراف، وهو ما جعل العمل الاقليمي يشهد تعقيدا وتشابكا في الاهداف والمصالح لمعظم القوى المختلفة, الامر الذي وجد صداه في الكثير من حالات عدم الاستقرار في طبيعة العلاقات المختلفة لدول الاقليم, وهو ما انعكس في اختلاف الرؤى والمدركات لكيفية بناء العمل الاقليمي سواء في مرحلة الحرب الباردة او ما بعدها ، او من حيث الاستعداد للانطلاق نحو افاق مستقبل هذه العلاقات، وهو ما تفاعل مع العديد من المعطيات والحقائق التي تبلورت مع انتهاء الحرب الباردة , التي انسجمت مع تفكك الاتحاد السوفيتي الذي كان القطب الابرز في التفاعلات الاقليمية الى جانب الولايات المتحدة ابان مرحلة الحرب الباردة, الامر الذي كان له تداعيات مختلفة في صميم العمل الاقليمي. ومن ثم فان الدراسة تحاول ايجاد اهم المنطلقات التي تدفع ادوار القوى الكبرى سبيلا لبناء بيئة اقليمية مستقرة تضمن لكافة القوى تحقيق اهدافها ومصالحها على وفق صيغة العمل المشترك القائم على المصالح والمنافع المتبادلة. وتنطلق الدراسة من فرضية فحواها ان المصالح المشتركة سواء كانت سياسية ام اقتصادية ام غيرها ستكون عاملا اساسيا في التقريب بين هذه القوى وباقي المكونات الاخرى للبيئة الاقليمية, فكلما كانت هذه المصالح متقاربة , كانت العلاقات الاقليمية مستقرة, والعكس صحيح ايضا، خاصة وان معظم العلاقات بين مختلف مكونات النظام الدولي, والاقاليم المكونة له تنطلق في حركتها المتنوعة اعتمادا على العديد من المصالح والاهداف, سواء كانت متشابهة, او مختلفة او كلتيهما. ومن اجل اثبات هذه الفرضية فقد عمدت الدراسة الى تبني عدد من الاسئلة , والسعي للاجابة عنها من خلال فصول الدراسة الثلاثة, واهم هذه التساؤلات : - - ما اهم المتغيرات المؤثرة في ادوار القوى الكبرى , ولماذا؟ - ما ادوار القوى الكبرى في مرحلة ما بعد الحرب الباردة , وكيف تطورت هذه الادوار , ولماذا؟ - ما اهم الافاق المستقبلية لهذه الادوار, ولماذا؟ ومن اجل الاجابة عن التساؤلات التي تتبناها الدراسة، سيتم الاعتماد على عدة مناهج علمية سبيلا لاثبات الفرضية التي تعتمد عليها, وسيكون عمل هذه المناهج مشتركا بما يؤمن الترابط فيما بينها. وهذه المناهج هي المنهج التاريخي الذي يعمد الى التقرب من اصل الظاهرة موضوع الدراسة من خلال تتبع كيفية نموها وتطورها، وهو ما يدفعنا لاعتماده من اجل دراسة ادوار القوى الكبرى في المرحلة السابقة, والمنهج التحليلي الذي يسعى الى دراسة الظاهرة من خلال الوصف وتحديد الاطار العام لها واهم خصائصها، وهو ما سيكون العامل الرئيس في تحليلها وتفسيرها ، وهو ما سنستخدمه سبيلا لدراسة طبيعة الادوار الاقليمية وتحركاتها, وسبب توجهات كل دور, واثر المتغيرات المحيطة به في عموم البيئة الاقليمية, والمنهج المقارن من اجل المقارنة بين الادوار المختلفة لمكونات البيئة الاقليمية, وما الدور الاكثر فعالية وتاثيرا من بينها, ومن ثم سيتم الاعتماد على المنهج الاستشرافي لدراسة واستشفاف اهم الافاق المستقبلية لحركة الادوار الاقليمية من خلال دراسة اهم المعطيات الداعمة والكابحة لتطور تلك الادوار. وهنا يمكننا القول ان هذه المناهج سيكمل احدهما الاخر للوصول الى هدف الدراسة والمتضمن بيان الاطار العام لابعاد ادوار القوى الكبرى في اقليم اسيا الباسيفيك وافاق المستقبل. وانطلاقا من ان دراسة اي موضوع تتطلب الرجوع الى الماضي سبيلا لبيان كيفية تطوره, فقد كان لزاما علينا الانطلاق من الماضي من اجل معرفة ودراسة ادوار القوى الكبرى , وتحليل السبب الذي وجدت فيه هذه الادوار على وفق الصيغة التي تتحرك بها, الامر الذي سيساعدنا في تفسير توجهاتها الراهنة, والانطلاق لبيان اهم الافاق المستقبلية لهذه الادوار. واعتمادا على هذه الرؤية, فقد توزعت هيكلية الدراسة على ثلاثة فصول, اذ يعمد الفصل الاول الى دراسة المتغيرات المؤثرة في ادوار القوى الكبرى, وقد تم تقسيمه الى ثلاثة اقسام , سندرس في القسم الاول ادوار القوى الكبرى في مرحلة الحرب الباردة من خلال اربعة محاور, في كل منها يتطرق الى دراسة دور من هذه الادوار لكل من الولايات المتحدة, الصين, الاتحاد السوفيتي, واليابان. بينما في القسم الثاني تعرضنا لدراسة البيئة الاقليمية لمرحلة ما بعد الحرب الباردة. ويركز القسم الثالث على المنظومات الاقليمية الموجودة في صلب التفاعلات الاقليمية. ويتناول الفصل الثاني ادوار القوى الكبرى في اقليم اسيا الباسيفيك في مرحلة ما بعد الحرب الباردة , وكيف تطورت هذه الادوار , من خلال تقسيم الفصل الى اربعة اقسام , سيتناول كل منها دورا من ادوار القوى الكبرى المتمثلة بالولايات المتحدة الامريكية ، الصين، روسيا الاتحادية، واليابان , وكل قسم سيتوزع على عدد من المحاور يتركز معظمها حول الادوار والمصالح التي تتبناها هذه القوى. ويركز الفصل الثالث على الابعاد الاستراتيجية وافاقها من خلال تقسيمه الى قسمين تناولنا في الاول اهم الابعاد الاستراتيجية المتمخضة عن ادوار القوى الكبرى, وهو ما تم توزيعه على محورين في الاول سيتم دراسة اهم الابعاد الناتجة عن ادوار القوى الكبرى, بينما في المحور الثاني سيتم التطرق الى الابعاد الاسترتيجية الناجمة عن ادوار القوى الكبرى في صميم العمل الاقليمي. اما في القسم الثاني فسندرس الافاق المستقبلية لادوار القوى الكبرى من خلال اربعة مشاهد. لقد خلصت الاطروحة الى استنتاج عدد من النقاط المهمة حول الابعاد الاستراتيجية لادوار القوى الكبرى في اقليم اسيا الباسيفيك، والتي يمكن ان تكون عاملا مفيدا في بناء بيئة اقليمية اكثر استقرارا ، وقاعدة صلبة لترسيخ الادوار المختلفة في البيئة الاقليمية وبما ينسجم مع تحقيق المصالح والاهداف لمختلف مكونات هذه البيئة، واهمها : - - ان القوى الكبرى المتمثلة بالولايات المتحدة الامريكية، الصين، روسيا الاتحادية، واليابان هي المكونات الاساسية لعملية التفاعل في شؤون البيئة الاقليمية. - ان البيئة الاقليمية تتكون من قوى مختلفة(كبرى، متوسطة، في طور التحول)، ومعظم التحالفات بين هذه القوى ، تعتمد على الدور المركزي للقوى الكبرى. - ان مثلث العلاقات الامريكية - اليابانية - الصينية هو محور العلاقات الاقليمية. - اللجوء الى عملية التوازن سبيلا لادارة العلاقة بين القوى الكبرى، وبما لا يسمح بهيمنة دولة معينة على شؤون التفاعلات الاقليمية. - صحيح ان هناك اتفاقا في الاراء بوجوب قيام الولايات المتحدة الامريكية بدور اكثر تميزا من باقي الادوار، وادارتها لعملية التفاعل بين القوى الكبرى كـ( موازن)، ولكن هذا لا يعني بتحول هذا الدور الى (الهيمنة)، وانما بقاؤه في حدود ادارة باقي الادوار. - ان العامل الاقتصادي هو المحرك الاساس لمجمل تفاعلات مكونات البيئة الاقليمية، وهو ما دفع بمعظم القوى الى الفصل بين ما هو سياسي واقتصادي في علاقاتهم المختلفة، سبيلا لعدم تاثر علاقاتهم الاقتصادية بما هو موجود من رؤى مختلفة وقضايا خلافية. - ان الخبرة التاريخية المختلفة حول الادوار السابقة التي ادتها بعض القوى ، ستكون العامل الاساس في التاثير على تلك الادوار،وابقاء عوامل عدم الثقة واليقين حولها، الامر الذي سيكون عائقا امام تبلور مثل تلك الادوار. - ان افتقاد الاقليم الى مؤسسة ذات اطار متنوع(سياسي، اقتصادي ، عسكري) سيكون الاساس في افتقاد الاقليم لنظام محدد ذي قيم واليات متفق عليها لحل النزاع والصراع، وتسيير العلاقات الاقليمية، وهو ما سيكون عاملا في تادية القوى الكبرى لادوار مختلفة، وهو ما يعني تنوع الرؤى والتفسيرات لمدركات هذه القوى لقضايا ومشكلات الاقليم، ومن ثم امكانية تبلور عوامل عدم الاستقرار، والتصادم في تلك الادوار، خاصة ان ما موجود من الاليات المتعددة الاطراف يقتصر على جوانب معينة، ويراد لها ان تؤدي مثل هذا الدور في المستقبل عن طريق تبني العمل الاقليمي المختلف، لكن يبقى لعدم اتفاق القوى الكبرى على الادوار الواجب اتباعها من قبل هذه الترتيبات عاملا اساسيا بعدم اضطلاعها بدور مهم في هذا الشان. - ان العمل العسكري والاتجاه لتفعيل الدور السياسي وعقد الاتفاقيات والتحالفات المختلفة، سيكون له دور مهم في التاثير على مجمل العلاقات الاقليمية، ولكنها لن تتطور لتصبح عوامل مهددة لامن الاقليم، خاصة ان معظم القوى تتجه لتفعيل علاقاتهم بما يصب في المصلحة المشتركة لهم والمنافع المتبادلة التي يمكن ان تنتج من هذه العلاقات، لذلك فان مثل هذه المتغيرات ستكون عاملا مهما في ادارة العلاقة بين مختلف مكونات البيئة الاقليمية وبما يتفق مع عملية التوازن والتوافق. ان العلاقات الاقليمية الراهنة ستكون المنطلق الاساس لبناء نظام اقليمي جديد قائم على مركزية ادوار القوى الكبرى، خاصة ان الخبرة التاريخية تفيد ان هذه العلاقات كانت هي الاساس في تفاعلات بيئة الاقليم، وان لم تؤدِ التفاعلات الاقليمية الراهنة الى قيام مثل هذا النظام ، فستؤدي بحدها الادنى الى ضمان استمرارية هذه العلاقات في المستقبل القريب لتكون هي المتحكمة بعملية التفاعلات المختلفة، وسيكون اساس هذه العلاقات هو العمل الاقتصادي المشترك، والعلاقات بين القوى الكبرى المتمثلة بالولايات المتحدة الامريكية، الصين، روسيا الاتحادية، واليابان هو محور التفاعلات الاقليمية، وسيكون العمل المتعدد الاطراف هو ابرز ما يمكن ان يميز هذه البيئة، سواء في تفاعلات الاقليم المختلفة، او لحل ما يعتري هذه العلاقات من مشكلات وقضايا مختلف بشانها، وهو ما يعني عدم تفعيل ما موجود من هذه القضايا ليتطور بالضد من المصلحة المشتركة لعموم مكونات البيئة الاقليمية. |

العلاقات الامريكية الصينية بعد الحرب الباردة وابعادها السياسية والاقتصادية == The America - China relations after cold war , and its political , economic dimensions

Author name: زينب عبد الله منكاش
Supervisor name: رفاه شهاب احمد الحمداني
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: A new data have appeared in the post - cold war age began features running through the erosion of the western strategic coalition elements with the collapse of the Soviet Union and the decline justifications western coalition in the face of the communist threat ,and the emergence of international competition indications strategy including economic and regional interests to form a so centers international political and economic influence. The relations - China relations is today one of the most international relations complicated in the international system. Both countries are located under the impact of new international data environment after the cold war, as well as that each is trying to show the embodiment of the elements of power, which is owned by another, as the United States of America is seeking to devote unipolar system by having an abortion all attempts by some emerging international powers to interpret the new international system form, while China is seeking to return ,and change this system.Therefore, this study aimed to analyze the economic and political relations between the United States , and China through its review of the elements of which plan the path of those relationships and to monitor compliance and repulsion between the two cases in the post - cold war age , and the development of future indicators of these relations imposed by the nature of the international system and international environment, the existing economic relations, which between them.This study has gone to emphasize the need for clear structure helps to organize and coordinate the study according academy of problematic from which scientific hypothesis that went to prove in order to reach the desired formulation of scientific results. In light of this has been divided this thesis into five chapters, as well as the introduction and conclusion, and in light of this division thesis into five chapters, as well as the introduction and conclusion has been through the review of intellectual perspectives U.S.A. - China's relations post - cold war by having the international system attributes after the cold war and the role of the realist school system and the balance of power and coalition in the study of international relations and the impact on U.S.A. - Chinese relations ,and determine the nature of this relationship the U.S.A - Chinese and vision of those relationships, as well as the most important factors affecting them and the reality of the U.S.A. and Chinese cognition to the reality of these relations There is review of the elements of economic and political power of China and the U.S.A., and the areas of cooperation and coordination between the two countries in the field of trade and investment, energy and foreign debt. Economic, political ,and social determinants of U.S.A. - China relations, and finally had been reached that The expected future framework of U.S.A. - China relations is located within a combination between the rival and partner of the United States ,but not as a strategic partner to the inability of China's access to the international standing of the United States. Therefore, in the interest of China that offers all the ingredients that induce the United States to take its international partner in the future.

التخطيط الاستراتيجي والاداء السياسي الخارجي للولايات المتحدة الاميركية بعد الحرب الباردة == STRATEGIC PLANNING AND FOREIGN POLICY PERFORMANCE OF USA POST THE COLD WAR

Author name: زياد طارق خليل
Supervisor name: سرمد زكي الجادر
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: فان مما تتفق عليه الرؤى الاكاديمية ان الولايات المتحدة كانت قد ولدت تتوافر على الفرصة الى جانب الارادة الانسانية في اغتنام هذه الفرصة - ان صح التعبير، مستفيدة من جملة خصائص عدتها هبة الرب التي خص بها (اميركا) او ( العالم الجديد ) . وفي مقدمة تلك الخصائص العزلة الجغرافية التي وفرت لها خطا دفاعيا طبيعيا يصعب اجتيازه ، والثروات الغزيرة باعتبارها القارة الغنية التي توافرت على مقومات الانطلاق والنهضة الاقتصادية (الصناعية والزراعية) ذاتيا ، واخيرا النزعة نحو التغيير في ضوء الارادة باتجاه تحقيق الذات . اما سبل الاغتنام فمثلت الاشكالية التي دعتها لاحقا للانغماس وسط ندرة الفرص وما يعرف بالطبيعة الايجابية للسياسة . فبدلا من انتظار اللحظة التاريخية التي تكون فيها الفرصة وسط بيئة دولية وعلاقات قوة تسنح باغتنامها ، اختارت الولايات المتحدة ان تصنع اللحظة التاريخية وتتربع على راس هرم القوة الى جانب الاتحاد السوفيتي اولا ، ومن ثم منفردة فيما بعد. وفـي طور الفاعلية المفرطـة ، ذهبت ابعد من ذلك ، مــن خلال صنع حالــة مــن السيولة الدوليــة مــن شانها ان تخلق فرص جديدة ( بكر )، فحولت احداث 11/ ايلول - سبتمبر /2001 المروعة ( مثلا ) الى جملة احداث دولية لاحقة عززت الوجود العسكري الاميركي في بقاع العالم المختلفة وحسمت الجدل الذي اثارته حالة استمرار مناطق نفوذ سابقة لاقطاب دولية افلة او اضحت في طور القوى الكبرى غير المؤهلة لممارسة النفوذ علــى مناطق غنية وحيويــة استراتيجيا كوسط اسيا والخليج العربي . وهنا لابد من الاشارة الى استراتيجية صناعة الاعداء في الفكر الاستراتيجي الاميركي ، والتي تاتي في اطار التوظيف السابق للسيولة الدولية من جهة ، وحالة الاستنفار التي تشهدها الماكنة السياسية والعسكرية الاميركية كلما اصابها شيء من الفتور والترهل النسبيين من جهة اخرى . وهــو ما يدفع الــى الاعتقاد ان القوى الدولية الكبرى المنافسة للولايات المتحدة - قطاعيا - اي في مجال معين من المجالات او قطاعات القوة والقدرة ، اضحت ترجئ الاعلان عن نفسها او حتى المواجهة الجزئية مع الولايات المتحدة من اجل خلق شعور عكسي لدى الاخيرة يؤدي بالنتيجة الى خفض او حتى الكف عن حالة الاستنفار الدائم الذي تشهده روافد القوة والقدرة الاميركية. فهذه الاخيرة لا تقيم ادائها في ضوء المخرجات الموضوعية التي تدعم وضع الولايات المتحدة كقوة عظمى فحسب ، وانما تتبنى ايضا الرؤية القائلة بان معرفة الشيء خاضعة نسبيا للمقارنة مع الاشياء الاخرى المشابهة او حتى النقيضة للاول . فالقول ان الدولة ( س ) هي قوة كبرى هو بالضرورة نتيجة منطقية وموضوعية لمقارنة قدراتها ومقومات قوتها مع قوى كبرى تماثلها واخرى دونها في المستوى ، اما الولايات المتحدة فهي القوة العظمى الوحيدة . الا ان هذا التوصيف غير قابل للمقارنة مع حالة مشابهة في عالم اليوم، فتسعى الولايات المتحدة الى ابقائه معرفا بدلالة القوى الدولية التي تتخلف عنه من حـيث المرتبة.وهذه المعادلة الاخيرة اضحت الاكثر جدلا وحساسية في عالم ما بعد الحرب الباردة الذي حمل معطيات ومتغيرات غير مسبوقة وعلــى الصعد النظريـة (الفكرية) والسلوكية ( الادائية ) على حد سواء . فقد شهد العالم تحولا نوعيا وكميا كبيرا لا يستثني صعيدا من صعد التغيير سواء السياسي او الاجتماعي او الاقتصادي او المعرفي - الثقافي . الامر الذي عزز الرؤية العلمية القائلة بان البحث في العلاقة بين مثلث (الهدف والوسيلة والاداء) على الصعيد السياسي ، لا يمكن اعتباره - ولو جدلا - من قبيل الخوض في هوامش الظاهرة السياسية والاستراتيجية ، وانما اضحى الشغل الشاغل لمن احترف العمل السياسي او تقديم المشورة السياسية هو الترجمة الاكفا والاكثر عقلانية لتلك العلاقة ولعل ما سبق يندرج تحت عنوان ( التخطيط ) بشقيه السياسي والاستراتيجي . وهو ما يتنافس في اطاره الساسة كل حسب ما يتوافر عليه من خلفية اكاديمية وثقافية ووظيفية اتاحت له المجال للاطلاع على ما تملية السياسة في التطبيق . وعندما يتعلق الامر بموضوع الاهداف والاداء وتوظيف الوسائل والادوات بصورة غير مؤدلجة فاننا نكون قد ولجنا عالم وعلم الاستراتيجية وضيقنا فرص التداخل بينها وبين الظاهرة ( السياسية ) التي يغلب عليها الصبغة الايديولوجية او حتى النفسية لصانع القرار . الا ان هذا لا ينفي ان الاستراتيجية في اطار الهدف السياسي هي لا تعدو ان تكون وسيلة لبلوغ المبلغ الايديولوجي! . لذا فان التخطيط الاستراتيجي امرا لا غنى عنه في معظم الدول المتقدمة ( او دول عالم الشمال كما عادت تعرف ) و( ثقافة ) لا مفر من تبنيها من قبل دول عالم الجنوب التي اعتادت التشبه بالاولى حتى من دون ان تكون مدركة او مؤمنة في بعض الاحيان بمحتوى ومضمون الفعل الذي تبنته . وهذا يعطي زخما مضافا لموضوعة التخطيط الاستراتيجي والاداء السياسي الخارجي للولايات المتحدة ما بعد الحرب الباردة ، التي لا تقتصر من حيث الاهمية على جانب معين يمكن القول انه يوجز المهمة ، وانما تنقسم اهمية الموضوع على بعدين اساسيين : - البعد الاول ، هو البعد الموضوعي المتعلق بذات الموضوع وجوهره والذي ينقسم بدوره الى جملة محاور وابعاد فرعية يمكن ايجازها بالاتي : - 1 - ان الهدف من وراء التطوير النظري والتطبيقي للقدرة على التخطيط الاستراتيجي ، انما هو محاولة لعقلنة صناعة القرار السياسي والاستراتيجي من جانب ، والاداء السياسي من جانب اخر . وهي اهمية تجعل من الموضوع ذي علاقة مباشرة بالنظريات والجهود العلمية المبذولة في هذا المجال ، كما انها تمثل توظيفا لكل ما سبق في مناقشة ابعاد الواقع والمعالجات المقترحة لكي يكون منسجما مع الهدف السياسي والاستراتيجي لصانع القرار . 2 - ان العالم كان قد تجاوز في جزئه المتقدم مرحلة تحقيق الاهداف بالوسائل والاستراتيجيات المناسبة نتيجة التخطيط الاستراتيجي الكفوء ، وذهب ابعد من ذلك الى صناعة الاهداف . وفق ما يتوافر عليه من قدرات او اليات الاداء السياسي . وهو ما ضاعف الحاجة الى التخطيط الاستراتيجي في حين لا زالت تعاني دول عالم الجنوب من عدم الفهم الدقيق او حتى الشعور بالحاجة الى تبني الية للتخطيط الاستراتيجي لمعالجة وضعها السلبي المتمثل في كون ادائها السياسي لازال غير قادر على مغادرة موضع رد الفعل او البحث عن سبل الانسياق الانسب وراء المنطلقات التي تصنعها القوى الدولية الكبرى والعظمى .3 - رغم ما سبق ، فان ندرة تشهدها الساحة الاكاديمية في مجال العلوم السياسية والاستراتيجية وتحديدا العربية دون العالمية ، بقدر تعلق الامر بتناول موضوعة التخطيط الاستراتيجي والاداء السياسي الخارجي بالبحث والتحليل وبكافة المستويات . اما البعد الثاني ، فيستمد اهميته من الدولة موضع الدراسة ، الولايات المتحدة الاميركية ، فهي : - 1 - قوة عظمى وقطب دولي ذي شان كوني الى جانب الاتحاد السوفيتي فترة الحرب الباردة ولخمس عقود من القرن العشرين ، ولوحـدها بعد انهيار الاخير . فولوج العالم الى القرن الحادي والعشرين سيسجل انه تم تحت عنوان الزعامة الاميركية ، كما انه من المتوقع ان يستمر لمدة قادمة من الزمن .2 - ان الموضوعية العلمية تقتضي القول ان الولايات المتحدة توافرت على النموذج الاكثر كفاءة في مجال التخطيط الاستراتيجي وفقا لمخرجات الاداء السياسي الخارجي ، وهو ما ضمن لها توظيفا امثل لعزلتها الدولية قبل تاكلها فــي الحرب العالمية الاولى وتبنيها للنهج الانغماسي بعد الحرب العالمية الثانية . ثم المواجهة الكفوءة مع الاتحاد السوفيتي ( السابق ) والتي انتهت بتفككه وتفكير الاطراف الدولية الكبرى المنافسة للولايات المتحدة لاكثر من مرة قبل الاعلان عن نفسها منافسا استراتيجيا يقصد المواجهة .ومؤخرا، ورغم مظاهر الاخفاق الذي تعاني منه الاستراتيجية الاميركية في العراق ، فانها لا تكاد تغادر الموقع المتميز الذي اتخذته لنفسها من حيث صناعة الاهداف والاعداء في عالم ما بعد الحرب الباردة . وهو العالم المستفيد من تجربة الاتحاد السوفيتي ، او اخفاقه بعبارة ادق ، في جزئه الشمالي والمتوجس في ذات الوقت من الطريقة التــي سبق ان عالجت بها الولايات المتحدة مشاكلها مع النظام السياسي السابق في العراق والتي اختتمت بها القرن الحادي والعشرين بعد غزوها لافغانستان .3 - ان الولايات المتحدة تتوافر على مقومات القدرة الشاملة التي لا تتوافر في منافسيها او ما يعرف بالاقطاب البازغة ( الصاعدة ) . وهو ما يقلل القيود في مجالي التخطيط والاداء على عكس ما قد يتوافر في بقية الدول الاخرى التي تعاني في العموم من قيود داخلية بضمنها تلك المتعلقة بقدراتها الذاتية واخرى دولية نتيجة وجود النظام الدولي احادي القطبية . كل ما سبق مثل مدخلا داعما لتبني الباحث موضوع الدراسة ومحاولة الالمام في جوانبه المختلفة وفق منهجية علمية لمناقشة الفرضية وتقديم معالجة متواضعة لاشكالية الدراسة التي هي بالضرورة تتناول العلاقة بين متغيري الدراسة .. الاول ؛ ممثلا بالتخطيط الاستراتيجي وهو ظاهرة سيتم الوقوف عندها من حيث التعريف بالمفهوم والمراحل ، واستحضار كل ذلك عند مناقشة الانموذج الاميركي في هذا المجال . اما المتغير الثاني ؛ فيتمثل بالاداء السياسي الخارجي ، الذي يتوافر بدوره على مقومات واليات عامة ، واخرى تتميز بها الولايات المتحدة التي سيتم التطرق الى تجربتها الفريدة والمهمة . فالتشخيص العلمي وفق المناهج البحثية المتبعة لامكانية وجود علاقة بين المتغيرين السابقين وطبيعة هذه العلاقة،حاجة علمية وفائدة اكاديمية لابد ان تلبى ،كما انها تمثل اشكالية الدراسة. وعلى غير بعيد عن الاشكالية ، بل في اجابة مفترضة عن التساؤلات التي اثيرت في اطارها ، فان الفرضية المتبناة تتمثل في : " ان ثمة علاقة طردية موجبة بين متغيري الدراسة ، التخطيط الاستراتيجي والاداء السياسي الخارجي الاميركي ، وهي علاقة ذات مرجعية علمية نظرية وابعاد واقعية تستند على ادراك الجهات المختلفة المساهمة في عمليتي التخطيط الاستراتيجي والاداء السياسي الخارجي من جهة ، وعلى مقومات القدرة التي يتوافر عليها الجسد الاميركي ومخرجات ذلك من استراتيجيات الاداء السياسي الخارجي والمشاريع الكونية التي اضحت تمثل المحصلة لكل ذلك ، من جهة اخرى " . ولعل وجود الفرضية المركزية السابقة لا ينفي وجود فرضيات دعت الحاجة اليها وجود اشكاليات فرعية ايضا وتساؤلات ذات علاقة بمتغيرات برزت اثناء التناول التفصيلي لمضامين الاجابة عن تساؤلات الاشكالية الرئيسة. ومن اجل بلوغ الغاية او الهدف من الدراسة في مناقشة الفرضيات المتبناة ، سبيلا لاثباتها او تعديلها او نفيها ، وظفت عدة مناهج بحثية كل وفق مقتضيات ومتطلبات الحاجة العلمية ووفق ما يسمح به استخدامه وخواصه ووضعه المناسب . ومن المناهج المستخدمة المنهج التاريخي ، والمنهج الوظيفي والمنهج الكمي والمنهج التحليلي وصولا الى منهج الاستشفاف الاحتمالي الذي ساعد الباحث في ولوج عالم المستقبل في محاولة لتشخيص الظاهرة واختبار الفرضية في زمن ات . كما ان التناول العلمي لاشكالية الدراسة وطبيعة الفرضية ، اقتضى ان تتوزع هيكلية الدراسة علـى اربعة فصول مثلت متن الدراسة واخر اخير مستقبلي . فاما الفصل الاول والذي حمل عنوان ( الاطار النظري ) فانه بدوره انقسم على ثلاث مباحث اساسية ، تم خلالها استعراض الرؤى النظرية التي تناولت مفاهيم الدراسة والعلاقة بين تلك المفاهيم . وفي الفصل الثاني ، توزع الادراك الاميركي للعالم على مبحثين . الاول تحدث عن ادراك اميركي لعالم الحرب الباردة ، واخر تناول الادراك الاميركي لعالم ما بعد الحرب الباردة ، وتم الخروج بمبحث ثالث شخص مفاصل (الاستمرارية والتغيير) في ادراك الولايات المتحدة لبيئتها الخارجية منذ الحرب العالمية الثانية وحتى لحظة اعداد الدراسة . وجاء الفصل الثالث ليناقش المتغير الاول من متغيرات الدراسة ممثلا (بالتخطيط الاستراتيجي الاميركي) . الامر الذي تطلب ان يكون على ثلاث مباحث ، الاول حمل عنوان (تطور الفكر الاستراتيجي الاميركي) وتم خلاله التطرق الى اهم محطات التحول والتطور التي شهدها الفكر الاستراتيجي الاميركي عبر استعراض ما جاء به الساسة ومحترفي التفكير الاستراتيجي . اما المبحث الثاني ، فتناول ( مؤسسات التفكير الاستراتيجي ) التي تتميز بها دون غيرها عملية التخطيط الاستراتيجي الاميركي . فوجود اكثر من الف مؤسسة غير حكومية متخصصة في مجال التفكير الاستراتيجي كان قد القى بظلاله ايجابا على اداء وكفاءة مؤسسات التخطيط الاستراتيجي الحكومية . كما انه وفر ماكنة لنقد ومراقبة الاداء السياسي الخارجي للولايات المتحدة . وفي حديث ذي صلة ، جاء المبحث الثالث يحمل عنوان ( عملية التخطيط الاستراتيجي ) ، حيث شخص الجهات الحكومية المساهمة في عملية التخطيط الاستراتيجي ودور كل منها في هذا المجال . واهتم الفصل الرابع بطبيعة الحال بالمتغير الثاني من متغيرات الدراسة وحمل عنوان (الاداء السياسي الخارجي للولايات المتحدة ما بعد الحرب الباردة) ، حيث تم التطرق في المبحث الاول لموضوعة مقومات القدرة الاميركية في حين كان النظام الدولي الجديد موضوعة المبحث الثاني . واخيرا ، فان الفصل الخامس حاول ولوج المستقبل في تناوله للتخطيط الاستراتيجي ومستقبل الاداء السياسي الخارجي الاميركي ، وذلك عبر احتمالين اثنين : الاول ؛ هو احتمال الاستمرار في الانغماس او التورط في الشؤون العالمية مما يعني استنزافا اكبر لماكنة التخطيط الاستراتيجي والاداء السياسي الخارجي على حد سواء . ومثل مشهد ( التغيير الايجابي ) الرؤية الثانية ، التي يقف ورائها غير رائد من رواد الفكر الاستراتيجي الاميركي ، الى جانب الكلف العالية التي يقتضيها الاستمرار في اطار الاحتمال الاول . وخلص الباحث الى ان الاحتمال الاوفر حظا في عالم المستقبل هو ( التغيير الايجابي ) والذي يرجح الدعوات القائلة بمساهمة المجتمع الدولي في اكلاف القيادة الاميركية ، والى جانب الاخيرة ، نظير السماح بالمشاركة في ظل نظام دولي عادل . لكن ذلك لاينفي احتمالية الاستمرار في النهج التدخلي الحالي لفترة من الزمن قد تبلغ المدى المتوسط ، الا ان الولايات المتحدة سرعان ما ستكتشف انها تتجه الى عزلة جيدة ولكن تحت عناوين الانغماس المكثف ومزيد من التورط في الشؤون الدولية . وهو شكل من اشكال العزلة لم تعهده في السابق . كما انه ، وعلى عكس الاشكال السابقة ، ذا كلف عالية لعلها تنتهي بموقع الولايات المتحدة على قمة هرمية القوى الدولية . ويبقى القول ان كل ما سبق يمثل مناقشة علمية واختبار وفق مناهج بحثية مختلفة لفرضية الدراسة ، وان تطلب ذلك اتباع هيكلية تعتمد رؤيا تفكيكية لمضامين الفرضية ، الامر الذي نتج عنه اثبات العلاقة نظريا وواقعيا بين متغيري الدراسة ( التخطيط الاستراتيجي ) و( الاداء السياسي الخارجي ) وفق النموذج الاميركي في الحاضر وفي بناء وترجيح الاحتمالات المستقبلية .وختاما اسال الله العلي القدير ان يتقبل هذا الجهد المتواضع ليصب في روافد العلم والابداع المختلفة التي عرف بها شعبنا الصابر وخدمة لعراقنا الحبيب | Throughout its history , United States of America marked, especially after the end of the cold war and got the victory after bringing the Soviet Union, by its rising towards the involving in the international affairs simultaneously with achieving victory as coupled with military event , then economic and political results remained in the interest of U.A.S for a period of time, and renewed with new military victory of the same style regarding the technical difference since the first world war till its recent invasion to Iraq . Not above, just a way out of efficient strategic planning , working to keep it such an agenda , government institutions and non - governmental , and spend much money for that . It is also available on earlier accumulation of number of theories and schools of thought that went with the spirit of times . So realization of American strategic decision - marker for the world , which reflected on foreign policy performance , has represented an outcome of a number of variables that can be summarized as follows : 1. The evolution of American strategic thinking which represents the intellectual outcome arising from the global experiences of U.S.A throughout its history .It doesn’t always involve positive phases , but it also suffers from the limitations and failures of the past , as commandments of founding fathers to commit isolation , and the great failure faced in Vietnam and other .2. The existence of strategic thinking institutions as a dynamic and important actor in formulating the American strategic decision . It should be noticed that the existence of these institutions in the U.S.A is a quantitative and qualitative than what is available in the world north of advocating institution .3. Divergence of institution views in the process of official strategic planning , which has recently led private institutions individually to adopt the American strategic decision .These institutions are represented in presidency, Ministry of Defence ( pentagon ) and the Intelligence Agencies which take the role of Ministry of the Foreign Affairs and National Security Council .4. American capacity constituents and tools of foreign policy performance , since the American superiority , can not always be translated under one title of capacity . Foe and international arena can also play a role to determine the best tool of foreign policy performance ones and the most suitable to face the other . The best employment of the previous variables has motivated the American strategic decision - maker to invest opportunities and avoid threats under the international arena till it reached unipolarity , so it has presented its global project aiming to re - construct the international hierarchy in new international order , sitting on its top individually . It should be noticed that the project was not born suddenly to let U.S.A finding itself without efficient strategic competitor . But it is outcome of previous efforts that lasts even to the period of isolation and building the American house on the base of global superiority , when there was no eligible material base to talk about , on ethical and moral grounds described the U.S.A as if the prominent defender of freedom and democracy in the world . This moral character has soon covered the new international order from the moment of declaration, but this time , it has the constituents of ability and superiority that make the international community listen to American attentively . The new international order has stimulated an extensive controversy , reflected on the probabilities of futurism of this performance , and according to the strategic view presented by institutions of previous strategic planning . Probability of continuation neglects the change on the strategic level , with the possibility of taking place on the level of tactics . It also supposes escalating of involving in global affairs according to the recent followed approach with tendency to traditional employment of means and tools of foreign policy performance which is represented by military force . The second probable is the possibility of change that might lead to two probables : - The first one carries the title of negative change and represents abandonment of U.S.A to its responsibilities and global ambitions which are currently available in return to former state of isolation . This scene has been excluded for lacking constituents of future probability represented by possibility of happening , based on facts emerging from reality , or even past experiences . Although the difficulties that faced U.S.A during the cold war , it wasn’t biased to the option of return to isolation . In addition , the present time is not available on the reason to make U.S.A abandon its global strategy under critical claims from other international powers which request no more from American leadership within the framework of international partnership , so the most probable in the world of future is the positive change which likely supports the contribution of the international community with the American leadership in the responsibility . Conversely , It allows more partnership under fair international order . This is likely to be although the probability of continuity in the current approach for a period of time , but U.S.A will soon find out that it moves towards isolation under titles of intense plunge and more involvement in the international affairs ; and this is a new shape of isolation which has never been before . It also , on the contrary of previous state , expenses too much that might remove the U.S.A from its high position in hierarchy of international powers . The foregoing represents scientific discussion and test , according to different research approaches , the thesis , although it requests structural kind adopting deconstructive vision to the contents of the premise , and that led to prove the relation between study variables ( strategic planning ) and( foreign policy performance ) realistic and theoretically according to the American model in present time , and formulating probabilities of futurity

السياسة الخارجية الامريكية وحقوق الانسان : دراسة حالة كوسوفو

Author name: رياض مهدي عبد الكاظم الحطاب
Supervisor name: قاسم محمد عبد علي الدليمي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

فكرة التحالف في السياسة الخارجية البريطانية : دراسة حالة التحالف البريطاني الامريكي == The Idea Of The Coalitions In The British Foreign Policy A case Study : The British - American Coalitions

Author name: رنا خالد عبد الجبار
Supervisor name: نادية عبد القادر المختار | مازن اسماعيل الرمضاني
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: This study tried seeking in a quasi hidden phenomena behind all the relations of force among the counties upon the different time epochs that the international relations witnessed. This phenomena is the international alliances, trying to shed the light on this phenomena and its role on the British political policy.Based on this, it has been clarified that the changes on which based the phenomena of the alliances in the British external policy, and therefore all the objectives, and the means became influenced directly, in the beginning of the twentieth century, on the conditions of the prelateship with the dominant force in the international system, which is the United States, after that Britain was during the epoch of the great emperor, the one who putting the condition of the political international policies, and the one who determines which force is to be and against which force. Even, the super powers were competing to get the chances of the alliances with the British emperor to strength it self in the international conflict.Then the study finished in to seeking in the British American alliances, not because it is one of the cases of the alliances in the British external policy, but because it became the basic element in the influence on the total of the external policy of the British policy.Britain today does not make an alliance with the United States on the basic of the interest only, but it is more than that, as the alliances between them reached till the point of the ideology alliance between the two mentalities which is difficult to separate them on the first sight.But, when we study each one a part , we find the element of the contradiction seem immense among the deep - rooted British mentality, based on the romaine policy, philology ,and which developed through the epochs of the middle ages and the ages of the renaissance, and between the American political mentality , based on the American poetical experience , build by the points of the American political mentality, or what is called by the " America Father" who found the idea of the alliances and the idea of the American Constitution.The American policy is an individual experience , made by the immigrant to the American continent, and which was developed by the life condition of this modern country, till it became an expense related to America, and it could not be generalized. It is related to the political building and economic and social society, related to the united stated, which is about to be different form the structure of the other ancient nations.Britain is considered to be one of strongest counties in using the policy of the alliances to achieve its external goals in the policy. On the other hand, we registered our remarks on which based our study that the British - American alliance is considered to be one of the mot rare shapes of the international alliances which that the history sitnessed. This is due that to the shape of this alliance, its strength and its continuity, and its capability to make the influence. And above all, each par endures to maintain this alliance with the second part

المتغير الحضاري والامن الدولي (جدلية العلاقة) == The Civilizational Variable and International Security “Dialectical Relaioship

Author name: رشا يحيى عبيس هاني
Supervisor name: قحطان كاظم محمد الخفاجي
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: It can be said that the search in the manifestations of contemporary international politics with the feasibility of the scientific and practical point of view at the same time together, by virtue of the world that today's world can not be synaptic States if Maoradt development and progress can live isolated encrusted on itself.This thesis has tried to answer a series of questions revolves around its axis Perhaps Atralamngar civilization and the extent of influence on international security.The study examined carefully to Othertasara events on the cultural variable and effervescence of his face and the nature of its relationship to international security on the other.Given that the aim of the thesis is to highlight the dialectical relationship between international security and the changing culturalAnd depending on what it contained treatise of chapters and sections and demands, it concluded a number of results can be summarized the following : An change is a comprehensive process of formats, jobs and social relations, both personal and international levels, a process Mtaataddh and dimensions. The importance of the change in international politics lies in the control change and Tgeyemcn say that research in contemporary international politics phenomena with the feasibility of the scientific and practical point of view at the same time together, by virtue of that the world is today's world Synaptic can not countries if Maoradt development and progress can live isolated encrusted on itself. An political change is being General, lasting and comprehensive multi - dimensional phenomenon and parties, complicated and complex to a very large and infinite extent and impartial and last but not least, the phenomenon of time depends on the time as the decisive factor in the change.3_an There are several theories as to why the process of change. There are those who view the process of change as an evolutionary process, whether in writing or taken form circular. Ually this basis, international Mralamn changes were sensible developments and changes are sometimes spontaneously as a result of increased international interactions and taken a certain form on the level of international political summit pyramid.UN Security. An not and will not settle on one format, but will take Mtaatadh forms depending on the objective and subjective conditions as well as security developments in the case, which began significantly affected Pmaihdt in the international environment An There are many forces of change, and perhaps the most important international structure which serves as the director of the forces of change driving direction formed - aa structural Atah - then back again, according to the curriculum analytical systemic way nutrition retrospective feed back to be input and the forces of change is pushing for the events of a particular form of the phenomena of out. That the change in the presence of the enemy and the disagreement will affect the UN Security adjust the process in all its dimensions, because the strategies and tactics that will be followed by the actors in the international scene will change depending on either deems appropriate to achieve its security. Cultural variable that takes two principal forms to influence the UN Security Council. It entrance Adtraba security and orderly entrance. There are more than approach the entrance and reflecting the impact of the changing cultural kuna Adtraba or organized international security. It could be argued that the global entrance and entrance regional basis in those two entrances and can not be rigid separation between them, but that one is complementary to the other are provided one over the other depending on the international situation prevailing in this era or that. We are studying the impact of the elements of civilization at the international security and how to have an impact on the nature of the composition of the communities where we find it is not possible that any civilization without it have the ingredients to be based upon the basis of its existence. We find that the social and historical denominated find that Almojtkaaat is the foundation upon which civilization and therefore even international security is mainly based on the groups of people and achieve their security So is this ingredient essential to the relationship between the parties 12. As for the material and technical chiropractor, we find that civilization can not be exist without that there will be the basis of material and technique based upon where that human evolution and its dependence on the machine and industrial development and Altjaramanm in the creation of civilization and the impact on international security. Also denominated as the environmental and natural climatic conditions Almaatihomaihdt of changes in the environment are Bmjmlhatather civilization and thus receive Bdilalha on the UN Security In addition to the intellectual and cultural rectifier which is one of the important ingredients in building and basic civilization and thus became the main influences on the UN Security Council. The UN Security depends on the relationship of interaction and Altoaagaf, meaning that the behavior of any of the units of the international system affects the nature Allamn and that these same civilizations countries are influential on the UN Security 16 - that the variable civilization possible to be Adtrabaa international security through the influence of the UN Security and possible to be a element Sraia Baltla and poses a security obsession States Emergence of extremist movements that have become a danger to international security Associated with these movements cultural backgrounds where we see the emergence of radical Islam or fundamentalist tide, which has become a threat to international security and thus there became obsessed with the fear of these Aharklt, which has become an influential heavily on the UN Security imbalance. Struggle for the interests and values which has also become a cultural worker hired to threaten international security.Civilization variable also takes the other hand, being an entrepreneur, a side entrance to international security, not only Adtraba.The ivilizational variable because it possesses the humanitarian missions and humanitarian tasks that could be a factor organized international security and Thakqiq kind of stability. Well that the variable civilization based on scientific and technological progress and the emergence of this progress would work in an orderly fashion to international security. On the other hand became orientations to the need for there to be an international approach to address these movements and work to maintain the stability of the UN Security There has become an international conviction dangers of sectarian and religious conflicts, the urgent need to style or the way to face them in order to maintain international security. Expected to see a significant international structural change and that there will be a new kind of pluralism, but this time be pluralistic participation of any US - led pluralism. And this would be reflected on the future of the UN Security. Confirm that the next and imminent danger to humanity is not the spread of nuclear capabilities as far as what is the proliferation of conflicts and their development, which would be very dangerous if based on a nuclear technology that could be used in a changing world.Where we find the emergence of two types of convergence or alliance of civilizations Altair on the UN Security played a role in Altat. They are : The first approach : Alliance Alammeraki_alurbi_alasiraiala and trying to draw international security that you see fit according to the National Aamnha and therefore varies with each of its vision is threatening international peace and security andThe second is the Chinese approach Islamist alliance - Russian - which constituents of the LES also draw peace and security in accordance with that you see fit.And here we find that this Athalv to take two aspects : - The first is entrenched civilizations in order to face what might urge her and thus affect the UN SecurityThe second is cooperation, or balance among civilizations in order to ensure that the UN Security settledAnd therefore, the future of the cultural variable and its relationship to the international security of : - Either variable decline of civilization and remains active but highlights the other elements of a political, economic and technological impact involved in the UN SecurityAwalamn International is the one who becomes a civilized intellectual Bdalalath variable factors becomes security measures, but not just semantics patterns and be the basis for international security and affect it.And it has to the changing cultural and International Security always in the dialectic of the relationship and that one Aathelr is affected by the other

السيادة بين ميثاق الامم المتحدة والتطبيق العملي : دراسة في التنظيم الدولي بعد الحرب الباردة

Author name: رائد صالــح علي
Supervisor name: فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

اثر الديون الخارجية على حقوق الانسان الاقتصادية والاجتماعية بعد الحرب الباردة : دراسة مقارنة (ماليزيا واليمن) == The impact of External debt on economic and social human rights after the Cold War comparative study (Malaysia and Yemen)

Author name: رائد سامي عباس العبيدي
Supervisor name: احمد الحمداني | عبد الصمد الشمري
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: وتستعرض هذه الدراسة السياق التاريخي لمشاكل الديون الخارجية التي تواجهها بلدان عالم الجنوب وما يترتب على تخلف البلدان المتضررة عن تسديد ديونها من اثر سلبي على قدرتها على النهوض بحقوق الانسان ، وتحديدا انموذجي ماليزيا واليمن ، وخاصة بعد ان وضع المجتمع الدولي العديد من المبادرات وبذل الكثير من الجهود سعيا منه الى ايجاد حل لمحنة الديون التي تعانيها بلدان عالم الجنوب او الى التخفيف من وطاتها مؤقتا على الاقل ويتحمل كل من الدائنين والمدينين المسؤولية فيما يتعلق بسوء ادارة المعاملات الخارجية وكما هو الشان بالنسبة لاعمال حقوق الانسان وتعزيزها، فان المسؤولية الرئيسية في الادارة الجيدة للديون واستخدام الموارد الخارجية على نحو يتسم بالمسؤولية تقع على عاتق الحكومات الوطنية. ومن العوامل التي اسهمت في تراكم ديون هذه البلدان عوامل خارجية مثل صدمات اسعار النفط وانخفاض اسعار السلع الاساسية ،وارتفاع اسعار الفائدة في السبعينات والثمانينات، وحفاظا على ميزان المدفوعات،رفعت البلدان الاقتراض من الخارج لتعويض تدهور شروط التبادل التجاري حيث عرفت اسعار السلع الاساسية انخفاضا حادا في مطلع الثمانينات، وقد لجات بعض البلدان الفقيرة بشكل متزايد الى قروض جديدة لرد خدمة ديونها، وحددت الشروط من جانب المؤسسات المالية الدولية ، مؤدية الى الحد من النفقات العامة وفرض برامج التكييف الهيكلي للتقليل من الاعتماد على القروض الخارجية مما ادى الى انعكاسات سلبية على حقوق الانسان الاقتصادية والاجتماعية والثقافية .لقد تم تقسيم الدراسة على اربع فصول . اذ تناول الفصل الاول : اطار نظري عام عن الديون الخارجية لدول عالم الجنوب الذي تضمن مبحثين هما : 1 - المبحث الاول : مفهوم الدين الخارجي - النشاة والاسباب.2 - المبحث الثاني : مبررات وانواع ومؤشرات الدين الخارجي. اما الفصل الثاني : فركز على حقوق الانسان والمؤسسات المالية الدولية المانحة من خلال مبحثين هما : 1 - المبحث الاول : حقوق الانسان النشاة والتطور.2 - المبحث الثاني : المؤسسات المالية الدولية المانحة(البنك وصندوق النقد الدوليين).اما الفصل الثالث : فركز على ، الديون الخارجية وسياسة التكييف الهيكلي وانعكاساتها على الحقوق الاقتصادية والاجتماعية والثقافية، وذلك من خلال مبحثين هما : 1 - المبحث الاول : الحقوق الاقتصادية والاجتماعية والثقافية2 - المبحث الثاني : الديون الخارجية وسياسة التكييف الهيكلي وانعكاساتها على الحقوق الاقتصادية والاجتماعية والثقافية.اما الفصل الرابع : فقد تناول دول العينة المختارة مقارنة بين( ماليزيا اليمن) وقسم الفصل الى ثلاث مباحث وهي : 1 - المبحث الاول : النظام السياسي ولاقتصادي واثر الديون الخارجية في ماليزيا .2 - المبحث الثاني : النظام السياسي والاقتصادي واثر الديون الخارجية في اليمن .3 - المبحث الثالث : الاثر المتحقق للديون الخارجية في ماليزيا واليمن | This study reviews the historical context of the external debt problems faced by the countries of the Global South and the consequent failure of the affected countries to repay their debt from negative impact on their ability to promote human rights, specifically the prototypical Malaysia and Yemen, especially after the international community to put several initiatives and make a lot of efforts in an effort to find a solution to the plight of debt experienced by the world of the South or to reduce temporarily the brunt at least and each of the creditors and debtors responsibility for bad foreign transaction management and as is the case for the realization of human rights and promotion, the main responsibility in the good debt management and use of resources Foreign responsibly lies with national governments. Among the factors that contributed to the debt of these countries external factors accumulation such as oil price shocks and declining commodity prices, and rising interest rates in the seventies and eighties, and to preserve the balance of payments, borrowing countries increased from abroad to compensate for the deterioration of terms of trade as commodity prices known as a sharp decline in the early eighties, and some poor countries have resorted increasingly to new loans respond to service their debt, and set conditions on the part of international financial institutions, leading to the reduction of public expenditure and the imposition of structural adjustment programs to reduce the dependence on external loans, which led to negative repercussions on the rights and economic rights and social and cultural study. We have been divided into four chapters.If the first chapter dealt with : a theoretical framework for external debt in the Southern world, which included two sections, namely : 1. Section I : The concept of external debt - Origin and causes.2. The second topic : the rationale and the types and indicators of external debt. The second chapter : focused on human rights and the international financial institutions and donors through two sections, namely : 1. Section I : Growing human rights and development.2. The second topic : international financial institutions and donor (Bank and the International Monetary Fund).The third chapter : focused on, external debt and structural adjustment policy and its impact on economic, social and cultural rights, and through two sections, namely : 1. Section I : economic, social and cultural rights2. The second topic : foreign debt and structural adjustment policy and its impact on economic, social and cultural rights.The fourth chapter dealt with selected sample comparison between countries (Malaysia, Yemen) and the Department of separation into three sections, namely : 1. First topic : the political system and the economic impact of external debt in Malaysia.2. The second topic : the political and economic system and the impact of external debt in Yemen.3. The third topic : the realized impact of external debt in Malaysia and Yemen. At the end ،the study reached numerous of conclusions

البعــــد المســـتقـبلـي في التخطيــــط الاستراتيـــجـي الاسرائيـــلـي == The Prospective Vision In The Israeli Strategic Planning

Author name: دينا محمـــد جبـــر الربيعـــي
Supervisor name: سرمد زكي الجادر | فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Strategic Studies
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The Israeli Strategic Planning Depend Upon Distant Duration Strategy, Able To Transport The Conflict From Its Dierct Dimenstoin Like War To Indierct One Such As Economical , Political , Sociological , Psychological , And Idealogical Field , To Achieved Its Goals In Fexibal Ways By Exploitation Weakness Points Inside Their Enemies,And Employment Power Points In Themselives . The Zionism Movement And Israel , Attempt To Concern In The Future And Its Elements . Hence, Submition These Elements To The Israeli Thinking ,And The Israeli Strategy Alwayes Drawing Margin Of Prospective Movement In Any Time. So , The Importance Of Study Including That Israel Depend On Strategy Which Is Prospective Goals,Flexibal Means,Variable Forms And Fixed Aims,try To Weak The Arab States , In Return For Protect Israeli Security By Creat A New Events In Its Environment Because Future Never Offering In Silver Dish. The Problem Of This Study Its Prospective Dimenstoin Of Israeli Planning, Attempt to Divided States In The First Level , Therfore The Relations Between Arabs And Israel Is Oppositev Relation Contain That , Every Weakness In The Arabian Body Corresponed Strength In The Israeli Actions , Through Exploitation Arabic Weakness Elements , And Depend Upon Forse , secret Planning , And The Role Of Super Powers Of States.Therefore The Aim Of This Study Is To Solve The Problem mentioned Above This Study Depend Upon Hypothesis Including that The Israeli Strategic Planning give a concern to the Prospective Vision , by clear , flexible strategic or tactical plans . To Prove Hypothesis Of The Study , The Following Questions Should Be Out Under Consideration : - what the meaning of strategic planning ,and how we can distinguish between him and other concepts such as future , or strategic thinking ? - how was the beginning of the Zionism planning before establish Israel , And How Its Become? - what is The Israeli Strategic Planning Institutions and how They Can effect on Israeli total strategy maker? - what is the total Israeli strategy Dimensions On The Internal Level? - what is the total Israeli strategy Dimensions On The External Level? Starting Out From Hypothesis And Problem Of The Study , Its Bodywork Study Will Be Divided Into Five Chapters In addition To The Introduction , Conclusion And The Aimes : - First Chapter studying the meaning of Strategic Planning and other concept like Future And Strategic Thinking . - Second Chapter Explaining The Basics of the Zionism Planning before establish Israel and after That - Third Chapter studying the Israeli Strategic Planning Process Which Is Effect On Israel strategy,and their Prospective plans . - Fourth Chapter explaining the Internal Dimensions of the total Israeli strategy,And Their Plans On This Level - Fifth Chapter studying the External Dimensions of the total Israeli strategy And Their Plans On The International And Rigonal Levels. Eventually , The Conclusion Summarized The Results Of The Study , Such As Using Distant Duration strategy By Israel To Achive Their Goals By Different Means, Forese , Diplomatic Pressures,And Secret Plans.

صراع الحضارات والسياسة الامريكية حيال الدول الاسلامية جامعة النهرين، 2008م == Civilizations Conflict and American policy Against Islamic States

Author name: زينب هادي خلف فارس المكصوصي
Supervisor name: صال نجيب العزاوي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: يرمي البحث الى تبيان ان فكرة صراع الحضارات ليست فكرة حديثة بل لها جذور تاريخية عميقة، واثيرت نهاية حقبة الثمانينيات وبداية عقد التسعينيات لسد فراغ القوة بعد انهيار الاتحاد السوفيتي، ورغبة الولايات المتحدة في البحث عن عدو جديد ، ووظفت فكرة صراع الحضارات للتاكيد بان الصراع القادم والذي سيشهده العالم لن يكون صراعا ايديولوجيا بل صراعا حضاريا وان الحضارة الاسلامية هي التي ستكون في مواجهة الحضارة الغربية ، وقد وظفوا احداث 11 ايلول لتاكيد فكرتهم حول الصراع، ولتبرير تدخلهم في شؤون الدول الاسلامية وتغير انظمة الحكم فيها تحت ذريعة مكافحة الارهاب ونشر الديمقراطية والحرية ومفاهيم حقوق الانسان وللحفاظ على السلم والامن الدوليين واعتبار مجموعة من الدول بانها مارقة وراعية للارهاب امثال العراق سوريا ايران ومنظمات التحرير الفلسطينية ويلاحظ ان اغلب الدول الراعية للارهاب دول اسلامية ويستثنى من ذلك الكيان الصهيوني، وتم تناول الموضوع في ثلاث فصول وكالتالي : الفصل الاول : يتناول في مبحثه الاول الاطار المفاهيمي للحضارة والثقافة والمدنية والصراع والحوار، والمبحث الثاني يطرح التاصيل النظري لفكرة الصراع منذ الحروب الصليبية وحتى فترة مابعد الحرب الباردة.الفصل الثاني : يتناول مبحثه الاول سمات الحضارة الاسلامية وخصائصها كونها حضارة انسانية الانسان غايتها وانها حضارة مستمرة العطاء تنادي بالحوار والتسامح والتعايش السلمي وابداعها الفكري استفادت منه البشرية جمعاء لم يقتصر نتاجها على المسلمين والعرب، وفي المبحث الثاني استعرض سمات وخصائص الحضارة الغربية التي انكرت فضل الحضارة الاسلامية عليها وامتازت بنظرتها الاستعلائية وتهميشها لدور الاخر وكان الانسان غايتها لتحقيق تطورها وتؤكد على تفرد حضارتها بصفة الانسانية ، وفي المبحث الثالث يتم المقرنة بين خصائص كلا الحضارتين.الفصل الثالث : تناول في مبحثه الاول الوسائل التي استخدمها الغرب في تصدير مفهوم صراع الحضارات وتشويه الاسلام وقد تباينت الوسائل بين ثقافية (غزو فكري ، اختراق ثقافي، تضليل اعلامي ... الخ) ووسائل اجتماعية واقتصادية (قروض ، ومساعدات) وسياسية (تدخل عسكري، حروب ، .. الخ) ، وفي مبحثه الثاني يتناول اطروحات الدول الاسلامية حيال فكرة صراع الحضارات على المستوى الرسمي داخل منظمة الامم المتحدة ومنظمة الدول الاسلامية وجامعة الدول العربية ، وعلي الصعيد غير الرسمي اطروحات مفكرين ومؤتمرات اسلامية تناقش مسائل حوار الاديان وفكرة صراع الحضارات وما يتعرض له الاسلام من تجاوزات تمس الرموز الدينية للمسلمين ، وفي المبحث الثالث رؤية مستقبلية لما ستشهده العلاقة بين الغرب والاسلام هل ستتجه نحو الصراع ام الحوار ام التفاعل والتعاون. وصولا الى الخاتمة والتوصيات. | Research aims to show that the idea of the clash of civilizations is not a modern idea, but has deep historical roots, and raised end of the era of the 1980s and early 1990s to fill the power vacuum after the collapse of the Soviet Union, and the desire of the United States in the search for a new enemy, and employed the idea of the clash of civilizations to confirm that the next conflict, which place the world would be a conflict ideology, but a conflict civilization and Islamic civilization is to be in the face of Western civilization, was hired September 11 events to confirm the perception about conflict, and to justify intervening in the affairs of Islamic countries and change regimes under the pretext of fighting terrorism and spreading democracy and freedom and human rights concepts To maintain international peace and security and as a group of rogue States as a sponsor of terrorism, such as Iraq, Syria, Iran and the Palestinian Liberation organizations and noted that most state sponsors of terrorism, Muslim countries with the exception of the Zionist entity, has been addressing the subject in three chapters, as follows : Chapter I : Mphath deals in the first conceptual framework for the civilization, culture and civil conflict, and dialogue, and the second topic raises theoretical 84 for the idea of conflict since the Crusades, even after the cold war.Chapter II : The first feature Mphath Islamic civilization and characteristics as human civilization and human purpose it civilization ongoing tender advocates dialogue and tolerance, peaceful coexistence and intellectual creativity benefited mankind not only output on Muslims and Arabs, and the second topic reviewed the features and characteristics of Western civilization, which denied preferred Islamic civilization by virtue outlook and attitudes and marginalization of the role of the other man was designed to achieve development and emphasizes the uniqueness of civilization as humanitarian, and the third topic is Coupler characteristics between both civilizations.Chapter III : Address in the first Mphath means used by the West to export the concept of a clash of civilizations and distort Islam means between the varied cultural (the invasion of intellectual cultural penetration, misinformation ... etc.) and their means of social and economic (loans and aid) and political (military intervention, wars, etc. ..), and the second deals Mphath thoughts about the idea of Islamic clash of civilizations at the official level within the United Nations and the Organization of Islamic Conference and the League of Arab States, and at the informal thoughts of intellectuals and Islamic conferences to discuss issues of dialogue of religions and the idea of the clash of civilization and subjected Islam abuses affecting religious symbols for Muslims, in the subsection III vision for the future would have to fill the relationship between the West and Islam Is run into conflict or dialogue or interaction and cooperation. Towards Conclusion and recommendations

دور الاستثمار الاجنبي المباشر في تنمية اقتصادات دول عالم الجنوب : الصين ومصر انموذجا

Author name: حيدر اسماعيل صالح محمد
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
Key words:
  • الاستثمار الاجنبي المباشر
  • دول عالم الجنوب
  • التنمية
  • دور الاستثمار الاجنبي المباشر في الاقتصاد المصري
  • دور الاستثمار الاجنبي المباشر في الاقتصاد الصيني
First pages:

الحركات الاسلامية في المدرك الاستراتيجي الامريكي

Author name: احمد قاسم صالح علي التكريتي
Supervisor name: سرمد زكي الجادر | فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Strategic Studies
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

مستقبل الدور الصيني في الاقتصاد العالمي == The Chinese Future - Role into the Global Economics

Author name: حسن بدري الخالدي
Supervisor name: عبد علي كاظم المعموري
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
Key words:
  • الصين
  • المستقبل
  • علاقات اقتصادية
  • الاصلاح الاقتصادي
  • الاصلاح المالي والنقدي
  • البناء الاشتراكي
  • العلوم والتكنولوجيا
  • التجارة
  • الاستثمار
  • الاندماج الاقتصادي الدولي
  • الانضمام الى منظمة التجارة العالمية
  • الفائض الاقتصادي
  • مسالة الطاقة
  • المناطق ا
First pages:
Abstract: By the end of 1978, China followed the economic reforming and opening up policies as a realizing of the importance of economic factor in the formation of comprehensive power frame.The economic growth achieved by china had its influence on activation the growing movement at both regional and international levels through elevation of commercial exchange rate between China and around countries; and activation of foreign investments in which it could contribute in raising the Chinese position through the global economics, where it ranked as a sixth global largest economic entity; and third in the commercial exchange (exporting & importing). Many predictions denote that china will probably occupy more advanced positions at global commerce and economics levels.The current study aimed to proving the following hypothesis; What China had made of economic reforming and opening up as a realizing of economic factor in formation of state power, by which China could achieve high growth rates had its influence on activation of regional and global economics , in which made China as one of the largest economics in global .This study distributed into introduction and three chapters; first chapter deals with progress stages of Chinese economics; the second chapter deals with figures of Chinese role in the global economics and the third chapter deals with effective varieties of Chinese role into global economics and the prospective sceneries of Chinese role into the global economics, finally the study came up with conclusions and recommendations.

توجه الولايات المتحدة الامريكية تجاه اقليم شمال افريقيا بعد انتهاء الحرب الباردة : دراسة جيوستراتيجية == The United States of America's Attitude toward North Africa region after end of Cold War Geo Strategic Study

Author name: عمار حميد ياسين
Supervisor name: نزار اسماعيل عبد اللطيف الحيالي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: يعـد موضوع الدراسة من المواضيع الحديثة التي لم تنل القدر الكافي في الدراسات العلمية الاكاديمية,ولا سيما اذا علمنا : ان منطقة شمال افريقيا عدت مركز جذب استراتيجي على المستوى الدولي والاقليمي, لانها حظيت باهتمام بالغ من لدن دوائر صنع القرار في الولايات المتحدة الامريكية, وذلك بسبب تجاذب وتنافر المصالح الدولية والاقليمية ازاءها.ولذلك شكل (اقليم شمال افريقيا) مركز استقطاب مهم, اذ نلاحظ استمرارية تصعيد الاهتمام والتاثير في هذه المنطقة من قبل القوى الدولية,مما ينعكس بشكل او باخر على طبيعة التنافس الدولي بين استراتيجيات القوى الكبرى.وعلى هذا الاساس اقتضت الضرورة دراسة هذا الموضوع بشكل علمي ممنهج, ليتسنى لنا معرفة طبيعة الدور الامريكي حيال (اقليم شمال افريقيا) لما لها من تاثير في مصالح الدول الكبرى, ولا سيما الدول الاوربية.واتساقا مع ذلك,فقد شهدت مرحلة ما بعد الحرب الباردة تطورات سياسية,واقتصادية,وعسكرية,وامنية مهمة جدا شكلت بالمحصلة انعطافة جديدة,بسبب انفراد الولايات المتحدة الامريكية ضمن اطار قطبية احاديةعلى المستوى الدولي.ولذلك تمحورت منطلقات التوجه الامريكي نحو المضي قدما باتجاه تطبيق الوسائل المناسبة التي تتواءم مع طبيعة التوجهات الامريكية باتجاه اقليم شمال افريقيا.ومن هنا فقد اقتضت الضرورة دراسة ابعاد التوجه الامريكي تجاه (اقليم شمال افريقيا), بسبب تغير واقع الصراع الدولي الذي يشهد تناقض في المصالح، فضلا عن ان هذا الاهتمام قد اخذ بالتزايد بشكل مضطرد، وبابعاد جديدة بعد احداث 11 ايلول العام 2001, ودخول العالم مرحلة جديدة في ما يسمى بـ( الحرب على الارهاب).اذ تقوم هذه الدراسة على فرضية مفادها : البرهنة على ان الاهمية الجيوستراتيجية التي يتمتع بها اقليم شمال افريقيا ادت الى ان يحتل اولوية مهمة في الادراك الاستراتيجي الامريكي، فضلا عن تزايد هذه الاهمية لمرحلة ما بعد الحرب الباردة.لذلك انتظمت الدراسة التي بين ايدينا في اربعة فصول.الفصل الاول : جاء ليبحث في الاهمية الجيوستراتيجية لاقليم شمال افريقيا في الادراك الامريكي، اما الفصل الثاني تناول دوافع التوجه الامريكي ازاء اقليم شمال افريقيا، في حين ان الفصل الثالث بحث وسائل التوجه الامريكي ازاء اقليم شمال افريقيا، وفي الفصل الرابع تعرضنا الى دراسة القوى المنافسة للتوجه الامريكي ازاء اقليم شمال افريقيا. ومن هنا استوجبت الدراسة الاعتماد على اكثر من منهج لتوظيفه كلما استدعت الضرورة الى ذلك اذ تم الاعتماد على المنهج التاريخي وذلك لغرض الوقوف على مراحل التسلسل التاريخي لتطور مفاهيم الجيوستراتيجية وعلاقاتها مع المفاهيم الاخرى، والمنهج الوصفي من اجل وصف ماهية الجيوستراتيجية ومدى ارتباطها بالمصطلحات الاخرى المقاربة لها، والمنهج التحليلي الذي ساعد على رصد اهم دوافع التوجه الامـريكي حيال اقليم شمال افريقيا، فضلا عن المنهج الاحصائي لمعرفة حجم الاستثمارات الامريكية والمساعدات، ومبيعات الاسلحة ومستويات امدادات الطاقة ومعدلات النمو السكاني لاقليم شمال افريقيا.وعلى صعيد الاستنتاجات نستطيع القول : ان اقليم شمال افريقيا ليس فضاء مطلقا للتوجه الامريكي بل يعاني هذا التوجه من منافسة حقيقية مع قوى دولية تتطلع الى القطبية مثل : روسيا والصين وربما لا يستبعد التحليل الاستراتيجي ان تتحول المنافسة الى حرب باردة او صراع دولي جديد لان الحقيقة العلمية تقول : ان المنافسة بين قوى دوليه لا يمكن ان تبقى على حالها لمدة طويلة، فهي اما ان تسقط اذا حصل توافق بين مصالح تلك القوى، واما ان تتصاعد وتتحول الى صراع اذا ما تناقضت اجندة المصالح الاستراتيجية. | The subject of thesis regarded as one of the most interested subject, which did not focused by many scientific studies, especially if we know the importance of North Africa region as center of interests conflict between many Great super powers, especially United States of America. Which decision makers in it's concerning with that is region in 1950s and after that is because crossing of interests among many powers like Union of Soviet, France, and Britain.The continuity of interesting and influence of North Africa reflects upon the nature of International competion among Great powers, that's make study about that’s subject is more crucial, especially if we study the American role in region, which stamped the more important events which happened in region.So the period that followed the Cold era witness many political, economic, military and, security developments which pointed out the new era in International policy, which United States rise as the unitarily super power in International scene .The United States try to making the suitable policy which harmony with American attitudes towards the North of Africa.Needless to say that the conflict among International powers has been changed after September_ 11_ 2001, when the world enter a new epoch known as the war against terrorism. That’s thesis based upon hypothesis concerning with the strategic importance of North Africa region lead the American decision makers to put the North of Africa as great priority as important region for American interests, And also that’s importance has been increased after end of cold war.So that’s thesis classified into four chapter : first chapter dealing with Geo_Strategic importance of North Africa region in American attitude, while the second chapter dealing with motivations of American attitudes toward North of Africa, the third chapter dealing with tools which American used its toward North of Africa, in the fourth section concerning with role of competitive powers which can rivalry the movement of United States in that’s region. Thesis depend upon more method to analysis the events and movements of United States and other powers, so the historical approach was useful to know about historical succession of Geo_Strategic concept and defining other concepts which connected with its, while the description method was necessary to describe the Geo_Strategy. The analytical approach was necessary to study the most important motivation of United States toward North of Africa. Needless to say that statistic approach was useful to know the size of American investments, assistances, arms exchange, energy supplies, and demographical development rate in North of Africa.The most important conclusions of that’s thesis dealing with fact that North Africa will not to be as closed region for American interests, indeed that’s many other powers like, China, and Russia, can play as competitive powers, and may be turn to axis rivalry United States in region. Thesis concludes that is rivalry may be turn into new Cold War or new International Conflict. In political analysis the competitive among International powers will not stay for long time, May be fall if the accord will be happen among interests of powers, or the conflict will rise and go up if the interests of Great powers will be contradict

الاستراتيجية الامنية للولايات المتحدة الامريكية بعد 11ايلول 2001

Author name: تـميم حسين محمد كاظم التميمي
Supervisor name: نبيل محمد سليم
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Strategic Studies
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

السياسة الروسية تجاه المشرق العربي بعد عام 2000 == Russian Policy Towards Arab Levant After Year 2000 A.D

Author name: بلال طلال حمد ال جوادي
Supervisor name: خضر عباس عطوان
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The international system has seen the end of the Cold War, the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the emergence of Russia as a state and heiress to him late in 1991, a turning point and the transition from the bipolar system to a unilateral system Polar, which became the United States dominated in which the course of events in the international arena without competition from any Other countries, including Russia, that have passed through the nineties of the last century political and economic crisis made it focuses most of its concerns on internal affairs, and prevented them from restoring the greatness of the Soviet Union and appearing as an influential on the international scene ends with the US hegemony over the course of international events, and change the order forminternational unilateral system of polar to multi - polar system. But with the beginning of this century and the arrival of (Vladimir Putin) to the presidency of the Russian Federation, the president sought driven by his personality and leadership inception military to restore the glories of the Soviet Union and the emergence of Prussia powerful and influential state is not on the scene regional, but also on the international arena, and work to weaken US hegemony around the world and the formation of the international system again be to Russia as a great role to end the unipolar system and announce multi - polar system appearance, in order to achieve this goal has issued the Russian president in late 2000 and document the basic principles of Russian foreign policy, which determines orientations of this policy, and also determine theways and means available to move Russia into a major force in the international arena, and among the listing matches this document reorientation of Russian foreign policy towards all regions of the world, without exception - and not restrict the countries of the Russian neighboring republics of the Soviet Union quoted above, particularly those that were linked with the Soviet Union and a close and solid relations, was the area Levant regions which Russia has worked to re - activate its relations with it, that poses this region of the importance of strategy in international politics, and because of their geographical location privileged, resources and potential economic, as it is an extension of the region of Central Asia and the former Soviet republics and therefore this region affect national security and Russian interests, either directly or indirectly, and that the US considered this region a zone of influence them, and so the Russian trend towards strengthening relations with the countries of this region will reflect thestrength of Russia's return to the international arena and the stability of its position in making Russia a pole of the lords of the international system, which plays a large and influential role in the course of events in it.Importance of the study : - It lies the importance of the study to identify the phases of Russian foreign policy toward the Levant region, which is of the most important strategic areas in determining the forces on the international arena and the motives of this policy, as well as to identify the nature of the events and issues experienced by this region in this important period that is recast the nature of the international system and the Levant, and how to interact with the Russian, and stand on the nature of the qualifications, tools and factors affecting this interaction.roblematic of the study : After the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the emergence of Russia as a successor state to him, Russian politics has seen a decline in the trends at the global level throughout the nineties as a result of internal crises, the state is moving made it globally, but the inauguration of President Vladimir Putin for the presidency and his attempt to restore the greatness of Russia and its strength globally It led him to re - Russian policy directed toward many parts of the world, including the Arab East, so the pursuit of Russia to restore its power and prestige in the international arena will be at one of its gates across the Levant, and from, the problematic study revolves around 'what is the nature of Russian attitudes toward the Levant region ? And branching out of this dilemma a number of sub - questions, namely : - Is that the Russian policy is one to every country in Levant countries? Or that her priorities from one country to another? - What is the Russian policy tools and methods toward the Levant? - What Alasthoudarat taken by Russia internally in order to achieve its objectives on the external front that? - Is the regional and international variables play a significant role in Russian policy towards the region? - Is that the Russian return to the area linked to the interests of Russia and otherregions of the world, or is it confined only to this area? Hypothesis Study : The study is trying to prove President premise that Russian policy toward Levant is a policy linked to save the Russian interests and deliver them to the rank of the great powers in the international system, a means and an end at theme time, they are a way to prove its return to the international arena global pole, and too in order to consolidate influence and pursue interests in Levant, which is the heart of the Middle East, and differed in the way that policies from one country to another in Levant countries, and used a variety of tools and means, according to the importance of these countries, according to influential variables in this policy. Through the study reached the following conclusions : -  Russia launched in its policy toward toward the countries of the world, including the Levant from the premises pragmatic based on the achievement of economic and security interests, and to preserve the higher interests of the countries of the world Alchtlvh. After successfully out of the economic crisis and achieving economic stability and move it within the major developed economies globally , began employing its economic potential in the field of foreign policy by seeking to increase foreign investment Russian companies, especially in the field of energy, as well as revive military industries and exported to overseas, such investments to form and export operations one way of the spread and strengthening of Russian foreign policy with the countries of the world. promised Levant for decision - makers Russians one of the gates in which they can return to the international arena, they are a key part of the Middle East, high impact in the global balance of power, and because of its strategic location indirectly affect the Russian National Security and because of their great economic and investment opportunities. proceeded Russia to follow a policy of dealing with the Levant region,not on the basis of unity and a political one geographical, but rather on the basis of its constituent states, according to the economic and military potential of each of these countries, according to international variables in its policy towards the size. played international variables influential role in Russian policy toward Levant, disagreed influence of these variables in a while, and from state another, or in general shows that this effect contributed to reducingignificantly the Russian policy towards Palestine first class, and then toward Lebanon and Jordan, Iraq, and finally Syria.  that the Russian politics has dealt with Levant countries on the basis that there is a central states / Head of the two Iraq, Syria, and other centrist They Jordan, and a third can be called upon States Parties which Lebanon and Palestine.

اثر استراتيجيات التحول نحو مجتمع المعرفة في الثقافة السياسية والسلوك السياسي == Influence of transformation strategies towards knowledge society In political culture and political Behavior

Author name: ايناس ضياء مهدي
Supervisor name: مها عبد اللطيف حسن الحديثي | منعم صاحي العمار
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Strategic Studies
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The states and institutions face increased and varied changes through transformation toward knowledge society. Therefore They must plan to formulate future strategies in order to transform towards knowledge society.Because of the importance of transformation strategies towards knowledge society, the researcher study them as independent variables influence in political culture and political behavior as dependent variable. The research depended on the open systems method and quantitive method in studying the variables.Accordingly, the objectives of the research are : 1 - Sure the successful using for the empirical methods in the political and strategic sciences.2 - Increasing the strategic and political knowledge of the research variables.3 - Building methodological base of the strategic and political researchers in the future.4 - Motivating the researchers in Iraq to study the Iraqi institutions.Also, the research aimed to solve its problem that represented in many questions are : 1 - What are the levels of transformation strategies towards knowledge society, political culture and political behavior in the Iraqi institutions?2 - What are the relationships among transformation strategies towards knowledge society, political culture and political behavior?3 - What are the influences of transformation strategies towards knowledge society in political culture and political behavior?4 - What is the influence of political culture in political behavior?5 - What are the differences among the Iraqi institutions in transformation strategies towards knowledge society, political culture and political behavior?In order to achieve the objectives above, the research has been carried out theoratically and practically. The theoratical part is devoted to explanation the research variables and the basic concepts and that related. The practical part included carrying out the research in the Ministry of Health, Ministry of Culture and Ministry of Financial in Iraq. The public managers in the ministries are considered as a sample of research. The questionnaire is used to collect the data from the research sample. In analyzing the data, the non - parametrical statistics are used. After analyzing and discussing the data, the model of the research generally is not proved true.

السياسة الخارجية الامريكية تجاه غرب افريقيا بعد الحرب الباردة : نيجيريا انموذجا == American foreign policy towards West Africa after the cold war Nigeria" case Study

Author name: اياد عبد الكريم مجيد
Supervisor name: صالح عباس الطائي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The region of West Africa has occupied a great strategic importance in America's foreign policy, especially after the cold war, as this policy witnessed an observed American movement towards this region with the beginning of the 1990s of the last century under the changes that the world had witnessed through that period which represented in the disassembly of the Eastern system (Soviet Union) and the uniqueness of The United States of America in the world which is regarded as the only prevailing pole in the international domain. Therefore it followed a foreign policy which is built on that grounds, and fits the nature of the new phase. So, the world has become in front of a unique situation that embodied in the domination of one pole and its attempt to oppose its politics and will on others. Thus, its policy is considered universal and global that comes from the truth that its interests are distributed all over the world. As a result, it is necessary to subject the world to that policy and especially those regions that have a great strategic importance for The United States of America. Among these important regions West Africa's region that is considered one of the most remarkable region in the African Continent which takes a notable place in America's foreign policy according to its great significance on different levels whether political, economic, strategic, or security level. On the economic level, West Africa's region is considered a huge store for raw and unprocessed materials, as well as for sources of necessary energy like oil and gas, which American industry needs greatly. As to the security level, this region becomes very important in America's foreign policy according to its economic importance from one side, and its position among other regions that are included in the American war on terrorism from the other side, a matter that makes this region has a direct relation with American national security. Politically, The United States of America sought to win the attitude and approval of other countries of the region especially in the issues that have a relation with America's goals and interests. However, West Africa's region strategic importance comes from its strategic position which lies near the eastern coasts of The United States of America. So, as a result this makes America's reach to it is easy and getting all what it needs securely and easily. On the basis of all these facts, The United States of America has realized that this region becomes associated with its national security because a great part of its interests is associated with this region. Yet, this leads The United States of America to use variable means and ways that allow it to control the resources and treasures of the countries of the region. Hence, we notice that The United States of America has employed all the means of a foreign political action toward achieving its goals. Therefore, it moved politically through its managers and bosses, as well as holding sessions and conferences that gather both sides, in addition to reinforce the American diplomatic presence through opening new embassies and consulates in most countries of the Continent. As for the economic side, the American policy towards West Africa takes various shapes and directions. Sometimes it uses economic assistance and support as a means of perfusion to that region. Most of America's assistance and support are accompanied with economic and political conditions that touch the sovereignty and independency of the country that receives the assistance. Other times it uses investments and the spread of the gigantic American companies in West Africa as a means of economic domination on the countries of the region, especially after the increase of American dependence on the African oil greatly, in addition to all that, its dependence on the raw materials that are found in large amounts there and used in American industry. On the military level, West Africa witnessed an observed American activity which took different shapes. Sometimes it takes the form of a direct military intervention in the affairs of these countries, as what happened in Liberia in 2003. Other times it takes the form of military support through supplying the institutions of these countries with all what they need from military experiences and consultations, as well as opening sessions for African soldiers in The United States of America from one side, and from the other side, they send American experts to West Africa to supply them with what they need from military experience and consultation. By this action, The United States of America was able to turn the region into what is look like a military base for it to launch anywhere that may threaten its security and interests all over the world. This is revealed by its announcement of formation American military leadership (AFRICOM), since this action shapes one of American political dimensions to achieve its security goal. Nevertheless, this policy was not far from the international competition which glows between the international rising countries that attempt to control and dominate the treasures and sources of this region, and one of these forces is France and China which activate greatly in West Africa. As for France, it was a previous colonizer of the west of the Continent, while China is considered the dragon that searches for energy sources and necessary raw material for its rising and improving industry. These actions raise Washington's fears from losing its control on the region. Therefore, The United States of America moves towards all levels, whether politically, military, or economically in order to prevent the rise of any international competitive forces to it in the region.Consequently, The United States of America moves towards reinforcing its relations with all countries of the West African region especially those countries that have a political, economic, and military importance, whether on Continental level, or on international level. Perhaps one of these countries is Nigeria which becomes the most powerful strategic alliance to The United States of America in the African Continent. Hence all America's foreign policy and movements aim to control and dominate this strategic region and to protect its goals and interests there, in addition to its attempt to oppose its western liberal pattern on the countries of the region. From all above, we can conclude that : 1. West Africa's region is considered one of the most important strategic regions for The United States of America, and its importance is increasing according to its political, economic, and security importance. 2. The variation and multiplicity of the means and mechanisms of the American action towards West Africa in a way that allows and justifies America's free action there, and be insure of opposing its domination on the sources and fortunes of the region. 3. Due to its richness with sources of energy and raw materials, The United States of America sought to put a hand on these sources and raw materials that are found in this region, in addition to protect the American companies' interests there.4. Taking advantage from African market in general, and from the market of the west in particular, because from one side it will be a promising consumptive market for American goods and merchandise for more than 300 million human beings. From the other side, The United States of America will create work chances for America's new generations in the future.5. The increase of American dependence on importing oil abroad especially from African Continent which probably will reach to 25% in 2020 which leads America to consider West Africa one of the most important regions that it will depend on in the future, especially Guinea gulf which is rich with petroleum, a matter that leads many to say that Guinea gulf will be the substitute for the Arab gulf, for The United States of America, according to its huge petrol supply and the increase of the discovered quantities in it from one side, and because of the decrease of the Middle East oil (Arab gulf), as some records indicate, through the coming years, from the other side, in addition to the state of instability that the region witnessed which threaten the access of petroleum supplies to The United States of America.6. Facing the domination of the rising international forces in West Africa especially the French and Chinese dominations, and the attempt to weakening their role, in addition to depriving them of getting any privileges that they may have to get resources and treasures of this region and investing them, as well as depriving them from dominating on its huge markets in order not to be at the expense of America's goals and interests.7. The seeking of The United States of America to create strategic alliances in the region which have a military, economic, political, regional, and international importance, which can depend on in carrying out its foreign policy. Therefore America finds Nigeria (the African giant) the most important and active country in the west of the African Continent

مستقبل العلاقة الاستراتيجية الامريكية - الاوربية == The Future of American - European Strategic Relation

Author name: الياس طاهر محمد امين
Supervisor name: منعم صاحي حسين العمار
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Strategic Studies
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The Future of American - European Strategic RelationThe International regional conversions the world exposed to since the nineties of the past century, the significant International conversion, the removal of the bipolar, the emergence of unipolar and what this reality results in negative and positive reflections in margining the UN, weakening the International legitimacy and the increase of internal wars in the countries as negative phenomena, have formed important steps to achieve democracy and respect human rights, even though they sometimes seem to be just calls which make studying the International relations of high complexity. These conversions also have changed the International system and relations into confusion, International gap, non continuation of a certain criteria and measures to define the pattern of International relations which make necessary to talk about finding an International power or powers to fill this gap, return these relations to their multi - nature, respect the national sovereignty and work in accordance with the International legitimacy. The most nominee power to occupy this position is the European Union for its economic and social weight, the trial to transform this weight into an exterior political weight, the formation of a military power for emergencies to get rid of the American subordination , therefore; due to the growing of the European Union power (politically, economically, militarily, socially… etc.) and its approach towards being an actual International power on one hand, and USA non desire of the appearance of any International power by its side sharing its control over International issues and its revenues and interests, especially when this power is Europe with its importance in the American International strategy on the other hand, all of which lead to the emergence of confusions in the American - European relations with historical origin making these relations unclear neither in the present nor in the future. Hence, the visions differ about the future of the International system in general and the American - European relations in specific. One says that USA will remain at the top of the International pyramid, other says that the American era will finish, and another International power will emerge, in advance is the European Union until ending with the ones saying that USA will remain as an International power beside other International powers, i.e. multi - polar leading to the ambiguity of the future of this system and the American European relations too. The study consists of an introduction, four chapters and a conclusion. The first chapter, entitled “American - European Strategic Relation”, includes three sections. Section one presents a historical summary of the American - European relations for its importance to understand the topic. Section two deals with the main potentialities controlling the American - European relation like (strategic, security, economic, political and cultural) potentialities as well as several other sub ones affecting the relation despite some disputes like the strategic dispute over the NATO pact and its leadership, the continual change in the European political geography, the weakness of the American economy and the emergence of several trends calling for the European Union independence from USA. Section three illustrates three performance strategies. Concerning this relation put for discussion, the first strategy represents the partnership, the second represents the competition and the third and last represents both of them together in finding a moderate solution between the two previous options. The second chapter treats the most effective variables on American - European relations and talks about building the regional system of the European Union since till now it represents not only one actual party, but also a group of countries with differences sometimes. The chapter is divided into three sections. Section one covers building the regional system of the European Union with a historical brief and its important institutions : European Council, European Union Council, the Cabinet Council, European Commissariat, European Parliament, European Central Bank and European Economic and Social Committee, in addition to some less important institutions. It also mentions the fundamental obstacles standing in the way of completing the European unity represented by the National sovereignty, vision variance and some other problems. Section two addressed the most important interior variables affecting the relations, the study topic, such as political (the parties and pressure groups), economic, social (the public opinion) and cultural variables (religion, culture, nationality… etc.) and the influence of each on these relations. Section three completes those variables dealing with the exterior variables of the relation divided into regional and International variables. Concerning the regional variables, we take the vision variance of American - European relation (France, Germany, Britain) multi - institutional variable in the European Union the most important of which is (West European Union, Organization of Security and Cooperation of Europe, Balkan variable with its ethnic and racial wars an political problems, then variables like the weakness of functioning the regional construction, the non existence of a European performance strategy far away from the NATO and also the Russian - Turkish Variable the near neighbors the most effective on the Union). The International variables are represented by the change of realizations, (governmental and non governmental) American institutions, the NATO variable, the retreat of American power, the emergence of other International powers other than US and European Union like China and Japan, the effect of regional crises (the Middle East, Africa and Southern East Asia) and finally terrorism as an important International variable recently. The third chapter explains the most important inputs and outputs of the American - European relation in two sections. Section one discusses the inputs forming the path of this relation including : (military, security “the NATO”, economic “Marshal Project in the beginning and followed economic projects” and political “vision exchange”) inputs, as well as the trial towards achieving democracy, securing human right and search for energy sources and then terrorism. Section two treats the outputs affecting the American - European relations by dividing them into variables on the European level and variables of treating regional issues and terrorism. The outputs on the European level consists of the political (trials to unify the European foreign policy), the economic (world economic problems), security military inputs, and variance and difference on the new International system. Whereas the outputs in treating the regional issues are Iraq, Palestine, energy problem issues and the last output is terrorism. The fourth and last chapter in this study is the future chapter exposing three future options for the American - European relation through three sections. Section one studies the continuity state of these relations as one of future scenes and the factors leading to that in order to clarify weakness and strength points of each side. Section two studies the change state in the American - European relations towards the increase of European Union power and capacity day by day against the retreat of USA in some of its powerful aspects negatively. Section three, the last, treats the future scene by being in the middle of the two antecedent scenes by both continuity and change together in the American - European relations on the basis that the factors that might lead the two parties into increasing the European Union power (politically, economically, militarily, …etc.) have not reached the degree to rely on in changing the relations with USA, nor the latter shows weakness factors to the degree that it can not at least defend its International position. Therefore; subsequently and due to European progress in many aspects and the relative poor retreat of American power, it is improbable to change the relations and continue without change. In the conclusion, the results for all four chapters are summarized with looking forward towards the future of the International relations, especially the American - European relations

سياسات التكتلات الاقتصادية الدولية والاداء الاقتصادي العربي : دراسة مستقبلية == The policies of international economic blocs and Arab Economic performance (future study

Author name: سعد عبيد علوان السعيدي
Supervisor name: عماد عبد اللطيف سالم | مازن الرمضاني
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The economic blocs phenomenon is a relatively modern phenomenon, as wells its recognized for continuous change from its shape. contain mechanism and means from time to another in accoreling to economic objective requirement from one hand and, strategic and political objectives from other hand. the half part of the twentieth century was wide field to grow different economic coalitions stand on the bias of the minimum level of requirement to establish union economic market between group of states in established free economic area, them followed by consolidate and coalition steps, in number of regions in the world. so we become facing number of different economic coalition for coalition and feature degree also the contrast shape. in according to units different that consist of it, and as a result of that, there is contrast in efficiency and influence degree internal and external. there are economic blocs basing on special region.(south east Asia) the other basing on connect between more then one continent .there are blocs established between states companies and economic blocs are Deeping and due to affection or super fkial.so its not effected and effect by negative secretion of the other economic blocs during to diffent behaviors group. that followed by economic blocs including especially field. so as political military, social and cultural fields. these political are practice two main roles. the first one is protection role to protect the bloc from negative effection that muse up inside and outside the bloc. and the other one is aggressive enable the bloc to effected on other and to improve its global place. in according as this stady.the Arab home will be effect by global economic political by protection and aggressive role. the Arab states are not success in setup of special economic bloc till now. the present events and future indicators (in middle range).are not indicate to probable setup to that bloc in true shape although the work it was spent in achievement to that aim.so.the middle future in according to the results of this study it will increase in global economic blocs procedure whether in its growth or especially in unity or efficiency degree. therefore the Arab home will be more facing to negative effective in polices results of global economic blocs. these are more unity and efficiency in international level. the result of the present economic and future indicators are refer to the Arabic economic performance will be negative effective by great global polices of economic blocs inside of the most expected future scripts to the global and Arabic. economic environment except than the Arabic economic blocs of formation scene but that scene is not certain. well see great threat to Arabic economic security and great dedine for Arabic competiting abilities in facing of global competition abilities and great disequilibrium in the most of assented sectors of the Arabic economic All of these will by find in assumptions that the study reaches to it in according to the growth of the global economic blocs from one hand and the future of the growth of Arabic economic blocs. In according to the probable events of future scene in related to global economic that mean the polores,institution and blocs which contain of Arabic economic from other hand.

ثقافة الديمقراطية واثرها في بناء المجتمع المدني في العراق == Democracy Culture and Its Effect on Building the Civil Society in Iraq

Author name: ياسر علي ابراهيم السلامة
Supervisor name: وصال نجيب عارف العزاوي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: Talking about democracy and democracy culture is diverse and complicated. A group may agree on defining their conditions, importance and concept, another group may differ depending on their view and way of reading both. The study has come to emphasize the importance of the role played by democracy in building the societies through an important and close related side which is "democracy culture" and the effect of the later in constructing a real civil society contributing effectively in making the society and the political system aware. The study concentrates on Iraq for its societal specialty (religiously, ideologically, racially….etc) and the occupation it passes through with all its dimensions. Our research entitled (Democracy Culture and Its Effect on Building the Civil Society in Iraq) is organized in three chapters as well as an introduction, a conclusion and a number of appendices. The first chapter deals with "the essence of democracy" in five sections. Whereas the second chapter is dedicated to study "the essence of civil society" and is divided into five sections also. As to chapter three, it addresses "the reality of democratic transformation and civil society in Iraq" within seven sections.

مكانة ايران الاقليمية في الاستراتيجية الامريكية بعد عام 2003 == Iran's Regional Status in the U.S Strategy After 2003

Author name: احمد عبد الكاظم موسى
Supervisor name: محمد كريم كاظم
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

ازمة الاقتصاد الامريكي وانعكاساتها على الاقتصاد العالمي : حالة بلدان الجنوب == The Crisis of the American Economy and Its Reflections Upon the International Economy (The Condition of Southern Countries)

Author name: وسن احسان عبد المنعم العزاوي
Supervisor name: سرمد زكي الجادر | عبد علي كاظم المعمور
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The course of development and progress, which the United States historically enjoyed, has made it emerge as a representative of power and authority in a way that it has not been matched by the greatest empires since the late 19th century. This is basically because of its profound economy that is based upon consistently scientific and technological developments, which has lead it stand for a luxurious economy, and consequently has pushed it to grow its military power and industry.Eventually, US now enjoys the privilege of being the only super power in the world. This last state by itself means the necessity of maintaining a war economy. This first decade of our millennium is witnessing the US as the sole supreme power in the world both military and technologically, especially after the collapse of the Soviet Union, so that it has become a surpassing example.Yet historically speaking, the US as an example has not been void of symptoms of weakness or crises that the American Economy has undergone. These have been the same economic problems that are manifested in any capitalist system and are peculiar to it the extent that this system has typically been identified with them. This is because the capitalist system is subject to the law of periodical development that transforms economy from the state of boom to a state of bust through crisis, then recycles the same course all over again, together with its bond with a group of renewals that have changed the organic structure of the capital as well as the production relationships with all the economic courses whether they were short, middle, or long - term. Economists proved that these courses were disorganized or interrupted and fragmentary by their nature, the thing which they called " inconstant monotony ". These are five economic courses starting with the wave of textile, machinery and ships; second, the wave of railways; next the development of cast iron production; then, the course of electricity, automobiles, and chemistry; finally the course of speedy armament, the importance of oil up to now, a long with the third scientific revolution based upon the course of knowledge and information technology.All these phases with their developments have led to transforming the nature of economic crises from crises sprung from excess in production to structural crises since 1970s up to day. The structural crises in the capitalist system is an international one including the whole capitalist world marked by reduction in the rates of industrial production growth, and weakness and break down in the conventional branches of heavy industry with a states of unbalance in the world trade and payments, with an inclination to excessive speculations.In order to exhaust the developing countries with such crises as unemployment, indebtedness, fund; in addition to severe financial crises. The American Economy's problem started post World War II. The questions, then, was how to maintain its high - standard growth, and how to lead the capitalist system and its expansions after it came out of the war with a potential economic power. In fact, this was particularly true when it observed in the horizon such problems like weakness in the rates of capital accumulation, merchandizing (demand), with deterioration in profit rates. By 1970s, the relative weight of US retreated by reason of the increase in merger among capitalist economies, and by the growth of world trade, international credits, direct external investments, together with the emergence of Europe and Japan as forces that had the aspects of economic ascent and competition against US.Therefore the American Economy witnessed economic unstableness started with the crises between the world fund and the US dollar, a long with the increase in the American benefit rates, the international financial crises, the crises of the American industry and the subsequent deficit in the balance sheet of US, which Regan's administration failed to solve. Rather, its utmost aspiration was to delay the deficit's growth, or at least to keep it at an annual rate of $ 140 billion.Despite the economic boom of 1990s, it was by no means due to the competitive factors of the Americans goods, nor were they due to the entirely successful economic policies or their convenience, but the essential reason was that the capitals' flow to US on a large scale ( from $ 88 billion in 1990 to $ 865 billion in 2001), and the increase of direct foreign investments, which by 1999 reached about $ 1087 billion with a raise in the American Stock purchases that attained its utmost peak in 2000 by foreign investors $192.7 billion, while the value of stock shares was $292.9 billion for the same year. Still, this does not mean that there were no instabilities or economic crises. These were because the decline of the revenue on investment as a result of unexpected decline in the profitability may lead to a keen negative correction in the American Stock market. In addition, the decline in the value of assets is in the turn bound to continues falling in the economy. Moreover, indebtedness increased for a decade till it reached $5.5 trillion.The debtors, in effect, found it hard to pay their debts, the thing which eventually caused deterioration of bank holdings and disappearance of every tendency for financing new companies. The deficit in the balance of trade also increased from $131 billion in 1993 to $257 billion in 1997 and further to $275 billion in 1999. as for the deficit in the current account, it increased from $ 70 billion in 1993 to $105 in 1999. all these led the competitive capacity of the American Goods to deteriorate in many fields. The issue pushed US to force many countries to open their markets for American Goods, whether through World Trade Organization (WTO) or by the inclusive trade law of US particularly as per article 301, which considers a country indebted if it does not open its markets for the foreign goods, services, and investments.Social crises, such as a wide spread of drugs, development of armed conflicts between the federal authorities and the armed groups, too, caused negative impacts upon the American Society, these became incurable social dilemmas in the lights of the economic - social situation's chastity in the American Society. Both American companies' crises and events of September 11 1 had their influence not only on the American Economy, but it extended to include all the economies of the world; on a larger scale, it covered almost all the manifestations of the economic life (international trade, US dollar's value against other major currencies, stock markets and bond business, investments, international economic organizations, oil, etc.). These two events also had political, military and social trails and dimensions - they influenced them in all the countries of the world, whether advanced capitalist countries or even the newly born ones, and including of course, the advanced developing countries, and finally the developing ones such as the states of our Arab Region.In the view of all this, future remains bound to meeting a certain provision, which it could be possible to count on. The possible scenes of the American Economy's crises is highly related to the present events; having into consideration the foreign changes that can with hold or enhance the referred phenomena. Accordingly, the present study specifies three possible, provisional scenes : continuity, singularity, by the access to the 21st century there were two serious developments in the American Economy horizontally so that they caused an economic reluctance in a rather unexpectedly fast manner.1.The first one was represented by a decline in the investment expenditure on information technology coincided by its increase in some other sectors with instabilities in the companies budgets.2.The second one was manifested by an acute retreat in the consumer's confidence that led to the reluctance in consumption expenditure.In the lights of these economic conditions which the American Economy has been undergoing, the huge explosions that hit World Trade Center and Pentagon in September 11th, 2001, had a very bad impact on this economy including such sectors as aviation, tourism, and insurance. They also affected the American Financial system and its major sectors such as : liquidity, insurance, stock markets and bond business. They also influenced the American Foreign policy and the national security that subsequently led to full targeting of terror in the world, and hence allocating the required human and material resources for it and breakdown. Each has its role in the possibility of that scene to take place according to its variations, its enhancing aspects, or the improbability of its occurrence by its with holding reasons. Also its advisable to observe that the US is still representing the only super power in the World and this states quo is conditioned by its economic, military, and political superiority. That can keep, develop and maintain it at least for the first half of the 21st century.

الاستراتيجية الالمانية حيال منطقة وسط وشرق اوربا (مرحلة مابعد الحرب الباردة) == The Germany Strategy Towards Mid and East European States in The Post Cold War

Author name: مهند علي عمران محمد
Supervisor name: سرمد زكي الجادر
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Strategic Studies
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: ركزت هذه الاطروحة على دور الاستراتيجية الالمانية في ادارة التغيير الذي شهدته منطقة وسط وشرق اوربا بعد انهيار الاتحاد السوفيتي وتفكك المعسكر الاشتراكي ، وانطلاقا من الاشكاليات التي بدات بها والفروض التي انتهت الى اثباتها في اطار المنهج والضوابط العملية الى تشخيص دقيق لعلاقة الارتباط بين متغيري البحث وهما كفاءة الاداء الاستراتيجي الالماني وكفاءة الادارة الاستراتيجية للتغيير في وسط وشرق اوربا اذ اثبتت الدراسة علاقة التاثير المتبادل بين المتغيرين اعلاه انطلاقا من حقيقة جوهرية قوامها ثمة علاقة تبادلية ذات طابع طردي موجب بين كل منهما اذ لا يمكن الحديث عن ادارة استراتيجية للتغيير على ارض الواقع بمعزل عن وجود اداء استراتيجي واضح وفاعل يحاول ان يؤثر في مجرى الاحداث بشكل معين بالوقت نفسه لا يمكن لهذا الاداء الاستراتيجي ان يكون عقلانيا بمعزل عن الرؤى والمدركات التي تتوافر عليها الجهة التي تاخذ على عاتقها مهمة القيام بواجب الادارة الاستراتيجية للتغيير وعليه فالاداء الاستراتيجي يجسد الادارة الاستراتيجية للتغيير في حين ان الاخيرة ترشد الاداء لتصل به لاعلى درجات العقلانية والوضوح للوصول الى الغايات المنشودة . اما فيما يتعلق بالاستراتيجية الالمانية لادارة التغيير فقد جعلت من منطقة وسط وشرق اوربا محور التفكير والتخطيط الاستراتيجي الذي سبق عملية ادارة التغيير في اوربا ولعدة اسباب اهمها انها مثلت في ذلك الوقت المسرح الاساسي لحركة التغيير السياسي والاجتماعي في القارة الاوربية كما انها مثلت مجالا جيوستراتيجيا يعاني من ظاهرة فراغ القوة بسبب انحسار النفوذ السوفيتي وعدم استبداله بنفوذ قوة دولية او اقليمية اخرى والاهم كونها تمثل الجوار الجغرافي لالمانيا الموحدة التي اصبحت تمثل الحافة المتقدمة للاتحاد الاوربي وحلف الناتو لا في مواجهة المعسكر الشرقي بل في مواجهة حالة التغيير المتعددة الابعاد والاتجاهات التي تعيشها منطقة وسط وشرق اوربا والتي تتساوى فيها الفرص مع التهديدات الامر الذي يجعل من واقع الجوار الالماني لهذه المنطقة حقيقة بوجهين ينطوي الوجه الاول فيها على فرصة تاريخية فريدة لالمانيا الموحدة حديثا للتعاطي المرن والفعال مع حالة التغيير التي تشهدها المنطقة كمقدمة لا لبروز المانيا الموحدة فحسب بل لبروز المانيا ذات الثقل والدور الاقليميين - في وسط وشرق اوربا - اللذين لا يمكن الاستهانة بهما وينطوي الوجه الثاني على فرضية مواجه المانيا لواقع استراتيجي معقد يعكس طيفا من الصراعات الداخلية والاقلمية مع سيادة حالة من عدم الاستقرار بسبب حالة فراغ القوة قد تجعل من المانيا في حالة دفاع مستديمة بوجه مجال جيوستراتيجي يمثل بمعطيات عدم استقراره ظاهرة ممتدة تسعى لزيادة مجالها الجغرافي عبر توليد مناطق عدم استقرار اضافية ، وعلى هذا الاساس ادرك الساسة الالمان ان تطور الوضع الراهن لمنطقة وسط شرق اوربا مستقبلا باتجاه اي من الفرضيتين اعلاه يعتمد بدرجة كبيرة على طريقة التعاطي مع تطورات المنطقة الحالية وكيفية ادارتها والسيطرة على ابعادها السلبية المحتملة وتحفيز الابعاد الايجابية ، وعلى هذا الاساس قررت القيادة الالمانية الشروع في عملية ادارة التغيير في وسط وشرق اوربا بالاعتماد على استراتيجية واضحة واداء متقدم ليتسنى لها السيطرة على الجوانب السلبية الملازمة لحالة الحراك الاستراتيجي التي تشهدها المنطقة وتحفيز الابعاد الايجابية وصولا الى تحقيق الغايات المنشودة . وكان السعي الى تبني خيار الحدود المتحركة لكل من حلف الناتو والاتحاد الاوربي الملمح الابرز في الاستراتيجية الالمانية لادارة التغيير في وسط وشرق اوربا للاستفادة من التضامن الاوربي - الاطلسي في دعم الجهود الالمانية الهادفة الى السيطرة على حالة الحراك الاستراتيجي التي تشهدها المنطقة لتامين الموقع الجيوبولتيكي الهش لالمانيا بوصفها الحافة النهائية لكل منهما وهو الامر الذي سعت المانيا الى تجاوزه عبر تعديل حدود كل من الاتحاد الاوربي وحلف الناتو لتضم اليها الديمقراطيات الناشئة في وسط وشرق اوربا هذا فضلا عن اعتماد مبدا الشراكات الاستراتيجية على المستويين الاوربي والاطلسي اساسا لاستراتيجية فرعية داعمة تهدف الى ازالة كافة العراقيل التي قد تواجه المساعي الالمانية الهادفة الى توسيع كل من حلف الناتو والاتحاد الاوربي مترافقا مع مساعي اقتصادية المانية مهمة للمساهمة في اعادة تاهيل اقتصاديات هذه الدول الداخلة حديثا الى منظومة العالم الراسمالي ولتاسيس نفوذ اقتصادي يشكل قاعدة لنفوذ اوسع يجعل من منطقة وسط وشرق اوربا مجالا واضحا للتعبير عن السيادة الالمانية . وخلصت الدراسة الى ان هناك ثلاثة احتمالات مستقبلية بالنسبة لمستقبل منطقة وسط وشرق اوربا تتراوح بين احتمال السلام الالماني (Pax Germanic ) الذي يقوم على افتراض خضوع معظم اجزاء منطقة وسط وشرق اوربا باستثناء بيلاروسيا وشرق اوكرانيا ( انظر خارطة رقم 2 ) الى دائرة النفوذ الالماني التي ستتمدد بتمدد الحدود المتحركة لكل من حلف الناتو والاتحاد الاوربي وتتسع باتساعهما وستحافظ الاستراتيجية الالمانية لادارة التغيير في هذا المشهد على مضامينها المشار اليها اعلاه وستسعى الى تطويرها وتكييفها وبما ينسجم مع الغاية المحورية لها وهي بسط النفوذ الالماني على اكبر حيز ممكن في منطقة وسط وشرق اوربا مرورا احتمال السلام الروسي (Pax Russian ) الذي يفترض حصول انتكاسة في الجهود الالمانية الرامية الى توسيع حلف الناتو والاتحاد الاوربي تترجم الى حالة من التمدد العكسي للنفوذ الروسي الذي سيشمل معظم منطقة وسط وشرق اوربا باستثناء منطقة النواة وتضم جمهورية الجيك وهنغاريا وسلوفينيا والنمسا وكرواتيا فضلا عن جمهوريات البلطيق الثلاثة ( انظر خريطة رقم 3 ) والذي ستشهد في ظله الاستراتيجية الالمانية لادارة التغيير احداث تعديل جوهري في بنائها الوظيفي من كونها استراتيجية موجهه الى التحكم في اتجاهات التغيير باتجاه بلورة منطقة نفوذ المانية الى استراتيجية تركز على محاصرة وتطويق احتمالات عودة النفوذ الروسي لوسط وشرق اوربا للحيلولة دون عودة حالة التقسيم الثنائي للقارة وعودة المانيا للعب دور منصة المواجهة المكرسة لصد النفوذ الروسي في وسط وشرق اوربا وصولا الى احتمال التعايش السلمي ( Coexistence ) الذي يفترض توصل المساعي الالمانية - الروسية المتضادة لبسط نفوذهما في وسط وشرق اوربا الى نقطة التوازن التي يتفق فيها الطرفان على اقتسام النفوذ طبقا للخطوط الواقعية الفاصلة بين مناطق نفوذيهما والتي تبدا من الحدود الروسية - الاستونية شمالا الى الحدود الصربية - الكرواتية جنوبا ( انظر خارطة رقم 4 ) وفيه ستنحو الاستراتيجية الالمانية لادارة التغيير الى اعادة رسم دورها من خلال تاكيد فرضيات ادامة مجال النفوذ المتحقق والحفاظ عليه بدلا من التركيز على توسيعه ومده نحو الشرق لتكون بذلك استراتيجية عنوانها الابرز الحفاظ على الوضع الراهن وادارته بطريقة تساهم في الحفاظ عليه وقد رجح الباحث تحقق احتمال السلام الالماني في المستقبل والذي قد تكتمل ملامحه النهائية في الفترة الزمنية الممتدة من عام 2020 - 2025 .و اخيرا يبقى مستقبل منطقة وسط وشرق اوربا بشكل او باخر مرتهنا في العديد من جوانبه بمستقبل الاستراتيجية الالمانية لادارة التغيير في المنطقة لما لها من دور مهم حاليا في التاثير في مجرى التطورات الراهنة وانعكاساتها المستقبلية على هذا الاساس تشكل هذه الاستراتيجية انموذجا متطورا ومتقدما لادارة التغيير في احدى مناطق العالم المليئة بالتعقيدات السياسية والعرقية والجغرافية فضلا عن التاريخية بما يجعل منه انموذجا جديرا بان يحتذى به لما حققه من نتائج ملموسة ستنعكس ايجابيا على دور ومكانة المانيا في المستقبل. | In this study “German Strategy in the Middle and East Europe Region - After the Cold War Period” witch focused on the German strategic role in administrating the change that was made to the Middle and East Europe after fall of the Soviet Union and the dissembling of the socialist camp. Starting from the problems that it initiated from, and pressures that ended in proves in the program frame and functional regulations in precise specifying of the bondage relation between the changing in the research “Quality in the German Strategy ability and administrational Strategic capability to the change in Middle and East Europe; were the study has proven the exchanged relation between the two above mentioned starting from a core fact valued through exchanging relation that carries a positive feeling between them. For, we can not speak on administrational strategy of change in real facts without the existence of a clear and active strategic accuracy that tries to affect in the path of events in a specific way but at the same time the pragmatic accuracy can not work alone without visions and the valuable effects that are consisted on the side that takes on its own agenda the duty of administrational strategy to change. Therefore, the strategic accuracy to emphasis the administrational strategy to change was the last mentioned that advises accuracy to reach the highest pragmatic and clearness to reach the demanded goals. Concerning the German Strategy in administrational changes it has made the Middle and East Europe a focal point of thinking and planning strategy that has preserved the administration change in Europe for many reasons; The most important is that it represented in that political arena in that period of time in the changing political and social movement in the European continent. But it is also represented a geopolitical space that faced a power vacuum because of the narrowing Soviet influence and not exchanging its influence with another International power or a regional one. More importantly, it represents the geographical neighbor to united Germany that became the front edge to the many situational changes and the directions that the Middle and East Europe were living witch is equivalent to the chances with the threats. The matter that puts the reality of German neighbors for this region a truth with two faces; the first face, goes on a unique newly united German historic event to be flexible and active with the changing events that the region observes in front. Not to only show a united Germany, but also to show Germany that has a weight and role in the region of Middle and East Europe that can not be underestimated. As for the second face, it shows the theory of Germany facing a realistic strategy. A position that reflects a ray of internal struggles and regional instability that is caused from a power vacuum that might put Germany in a continuous defensive situation in facing the geopolitical side that is represented by contributions of its own spread instability witch aims to increase its geographical space in generating more instability. On this basis the German politicians noted that the developing situation to the Middle and East Europe region in the future to the direction of any of the two theories above, depends largely on the methods of excepting the ideas with the developing of the region at the moment and how to manage it and control its assumptions of negative probability and inject the objective methods. On this bias the German leaders decided to initiate in this process of administrative change in the Middle and East Europe relying on a clear strategy and heading performance to achieve a control on the negative sides that come with strategic movement that the region faces and injects the objective angle reaching the intended goals. Adopting the Moving Borders’ for each the NATO Pax and European Union. The original motivator to the German Strategy to administrate the change in the Middle and East of Europe, through the benefit of the European Transatlantic solidarity in supporting the German efforts in reaching the control on the strategic movement situation that the region sees to insure a geopolitical position for Germany in describing it as the final edge for each of them, itch is the matter that Germany aimed for the overtake through arranging its borders each of the E.U and the NATO Pac to embrace the newly democratic states in Middle and East Europe that push for dependence on the strategic cooperation principle on the European and Atlantic level as a strategic basis as a supporting branch aiming to clear out all the complex that might complicate facing the German efforts that aims to expand each of the NATO and the European union combined with the efforts of economical German importance to contribute in rehabilitating the economies of these newly entered states to the capitalists world and establishing an effective economy that makes a base to a wider power spread that will enable the Middle and East of Europe a clear expression of German influence. In this study, I have pointed out that there are three futuristic possibilities concerning the future of the Middle and East Europe region. The possibility varies from the Germanic Pac’ witch is based on the assumptions that most of Middle and East European parts except Belarus and east Ukraine (please see map 2) will be under the German influence witch will expand with the expansion of the moving borders, for both the NATO and the E.U and in large with it. Not forgetting that the German strategy to administrate the change in this scenario in the details that I have mentioned above and will aim to improve and adapt with what is in it’s intentions witch is expanding the German power on the largest size possible in the Middle and East of Europe that is possible. The Second possibility, is the Russian Pax’ witch assumes a deterioration happening in the German efforts that aim to the expanding of the NATO Pac and the E.U that translates to a reverse expansion to the Russian power that will include most of the Middle and East Europe with exception to the nucleus position that includes the Czech Republic, Hungry, Slovenia, Austria, Croatia in addition to the three Baltic Republics (please see map 3) that will see under the German strategy to administrate the changes making a core change in its building work originating from a strategy that is directed to take charge of originating from a strategy that is direct to the power expansion of Germany to a strategy that will focus on barricading and the seizing the possibility of a Russian power come back in the Middle and East of Europe in efforts to prevent a returning action of a duel split to the continent and the return of Germany in playing abase role to face the Russian power expansion in Middle and East Europe. Reaching the last probable theory the (Coexistence) that implies reaching a German - Russian that is in conflict To expand there power over the Middle and East of Europe to appoint of balance that enables the two in reaching a division of power, based on realistic lines that separate between there expansion of power that starts with the Russian borders - Estonia from the North to the Serbian borders - Croatia to the south (please see map 4) in it the German strategy of administrative change will take part in redrawing its role through assuring assumptions on habilitating the expanded power that is achieved and securing it instead of focusing on the expansion and expanding to the East so that the Strategy’s title will be to secure the current situation and administrative in any way that joins in securing it. In my study, I have reached an assumption that an achievable German peace in the future witch will have a full hindsight in the period time 2020 - 2025.Last the future of the Middle and East of Europe region in one way or another is risked by many sides of the German Strategy that administrates the change in the region for its important role today and its effect in the up coming future and the future reflection on this bias. This strategy forms a sophisticated significance administrative change in one of the worlds most politically complicated regions (ethnically and geographically) not forgetting to mention historically. Witch makes from it an original example for what it has achieved and accomplished from actual results that positively reflect the German role and its place in the future.And Last I close my Study case in the Wisdom of God the great and powerful that every student must condition him self too

العلاقة بين التمويل الدولي ومستقبل التنمية في العراق : دراسة تحليلية

Author name: مهند حميد مجيد الربيعي
Supervisor name: احمد الحمداني | عماد عبد اللطيف
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The International financial becomes one of the important variables in the international field, which achieved especially when revealed its positive role with the economic improvement process in developing countries, according to that booming of international economic institution. Despite of dearness varies in the distribution of International financial flows between the developing countries, these countries applied the condition of international economic institutions (IMF, International Bank, WTO) which it imposed on the states and it applied the capitalistic system as it ideology, philosophy, and as a manner to attract the international flows inter to it’s markets and increase the volume which flow in it. In Iraq, there are urgent needs, during the new conditions, for economical rearrangements. In present, there is no longer, says about independent development, self dependency, be logic any more.Even there is abundance of natural resources (which is one of the vital reasons in the international finance flow); it doesn’t mean that there is no requirement for the international society support (through releasing of finance flow), especially in the new world, which has very complex economical relationships. Therefore, any economical rehabilitation, that curried out in Iraq’s economical structure, towards the market system transformation, are reasonable and quit logic, according to this country needs and also for international economical changes.Since Iraq’s economy has special characteristics and heritage, that adopt taking care of living conditions of their citizens, it is very difficult to approve direct transformation, which leads to take off these responsibilities. It’s obvious that any economical changes will be rejected and refused. So, gradual and sequential transformations will be necessary, in order to create general and social acceptance to these crucial changes and finally to obtaining good and positive results.

قوى التغيير العالمية واثرها في ضبط الانتشار النووي التغير في الهيكلية الدولية انموذجا == The Change Drivers And Its Impact In Control Of The Nuclear Proliferation - The Sample Of Changeability In International Paramedical -

Author name: منعم خميس مخلف الهيتاوي
Supervisor name: منعم صاحي حسين العمار
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Strategic Studies
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The change regards basic character of age or our life, the changeability has been happened as a result of interaction of many drivers, the response was differs to this change from state to anther.The important of nuclear proliferation issue had been raised, especially in the world after the cold war era.The research in history of the development of nuclear proliferation issue. So important, to know what its development? And what's reach of it ?.And also we must to study the international system, international structure and the pattern of power distribution and as a result that phenomenon (nuclear proliferation )regards from most complex of international strategic and politic. In the other hand the important of study rise in present an image to world changing and discover the connection between the nuclear proliferation control and the pattern of power distribution in one hand, and with the international system ,the international structure.The study aimed to achieve many purpose such as : 1 - Try to give an image a bout the global change.2 - Try to know ,what the density of nuclear weapons.3 - What the nuclear proliferation control means ?what its machineries ? and its approach? .4 - What the international system ,the international structure mean? and what's machineries of the changing of it?.5 - How was the international relations in the cold war era ? and how effect by the nuclear proliferation control?.6 - How was the international relations after the cold war era ? and how effect by the nuclear proliferation control?. how the unipolar system effected by the machineries which using to control of the phenomenon ?. 7 - What is the future of the phenomenon?.To achieve these purpose the study depend on many approaches, historical, systematic, analytic, descriptive and futurism approaches. The study distributed on introduction, four sections and abstract. The first section deal with the theoretical and conceptual. While the second section deal with study of the nuclear proliferation and international powers relations in the cold war era. The third section concert by the nuclear proliferation and international powers relations after the cold war era.The fourth section study the scenario of the future of the international structure and the nuclear proliferation control. The thesis had been reached many conclusion we can summarized in the following : 1 - The change is a comprehensive operation on systems function and social relations, and its multilevel and multidimensional. The changeability as outcome don’t happened in the system forma alone but also in functions which system perform it. . 2 - The political changeability describe as general, permanent ,comprehensive ,complex ,infinity and time phenomenon (depend on time as mainly factor in changeability.3 - There are many theories had been explained the change operation, according to that the researchers looked to this operation as circler or linear development.4 - The international system had been passed in physical changes . 5 - The international system will not stable in one forma ,but will take many forms according to objective and selfish of the system ,its development and at systems structure according to structural theory.6 - There are many changes drivers ,the changeability of the international structure, and regard as a outcome of the change drivers push towards acting certain forma for concerning phenomenon. 7 - The changeability in international structure and its form will effect in all aspect of the nuclear proliferation operation, because the strategic and tactics which followed by the active powers in international system will changing according to its position in international structure or international system.8 - The nuclear proliferation basically will take two forms ,horizontal and vertical ,the international law and international agreement prevent the horizontal and regardless about the vertical .9 - There are many approaches to the nuclear proliferation, but the basic types are global and regional approaches ,and there are integrated relation between them.10 - The nuclear proliferation control concept differs from disarmament concept but that will not prevent studying the first concept as a part of the second.11 - There are strong relation between the nuclear abilities and nuclear weapons , but not necessity every state have nuclear abilities will industry and have nuclear weapons .12 - The international system regarded on of the most unstable type among anther of the political systems.13 - In spite of the state stay the main actor in international relations but it not unique actor, many actors become play important role by the nature of international political system.14 - The international political system depend on the interaction relation, any behavior of any actor will effect by the others, so that we will must to study these groups especially the radical groups which have political purpose.15 - There are may form take it by the international premedical such as unipolar, bipolar and multipolar .16 - The distribution of international nuclear power there are declared nuclear powers according to NPT, nuclear state by de facto,and the threshold state.17 - The nuclear proliferation in the cold war era according to international power relation, the ideological conflict and the distribution of power, the military forces played political objective more than military. 18 - The nuclear proliferation machineries passed in many stages , in some time two - party agreement or multiparty agreement 19 - The détente between the US and soviet union push the nuclear nonproliferation before the end of the cold war.20 - After the end of the cold war , the US dominated on the world, theories and vision explain the capitalism victory it began to reread the history to make a new history ,the neorelastic,the end of history and the clash of civilizations, the last warning from the American over - confidence, and to ready to the future.21 - The machineries of the nuclear proliferation control after the cold war according to American domination by the American system such as missile shield project, extend the NPT, and motivation and sanctions system.22 - In spite of the regional approach was not prefer by the USA, it plays important role in American nuclear policy, the connection so closed between the international and regional approaches.23 - After the events of 11 - september 2001 escalate which international terrorism phenomenon which had been changed the world vision to nuclear issue also the concept of the war changed, the preemptive war have been followed.24 - The double standers policy had been followed by USA with its treatment with the nuclear programs.25 - The international satisfaction was born by necessity of the change to control to the spread of nuclear weapons.26 - The international structure may be witness an significant changing, the type of the multi appear, the partnership type it must with American leadership, which reflects to the future of nuclear proliferation phenomenon may take two types : a - The nuclear proliferation out of the control.b - The nuclear proliferation under of the control.27 - We must to ensure the next danger to the humanities life is not in the nuclear proliferation, but in the international, regional nuclear technology, may using in changing world. And local conflict and its developing especially if based on it.

السياسة الخارجية الامريكية والمشرق العربي مابعد الحرب الباردة == The American Foreign Policy and The Eastern Arabian Countries : The period After The Cold War

Author name: مصطفى جاسم حسين
Supervisor name: فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: This dissertation is concerned with studying the foreign policy of the United States towards the Eastern Arab countries after the cold war. It consists five chapters with an introduction and a conclusion.The first chapter tackles the development of the American policy towards the Eastern Arab countries and its aims. It is obvious that it did not take a special feature only at the end of the second world war. From the end of 18th.century on , the American policy was concerned with some economic interests especially with oil and some other cultural and religious concerns like those made by some protestant missionaries in different Eastern Arab countries. After the second world war when there was a great need for oil, the region has captured the interest of the American decision maker gradually. In addition, the increasing of tension caused by the cold war was another reason that the region becomes of increasing value for the Americans. It is possible to say that the most important American aims in the region are economic and cultural in order to generalize the American type besides other strategic and security aims.The second chapter studies the important features effective in the American foreign policy towards the Eastern Arab countries. The deconstruction of the Soviet union appears to be the most distinguishable international feature that enables the United States to impose its policies on the region. With out having an opponent , the region suffers some kind of political submission in order to be re - formed. The Iraqi occupation of Kuwait in 2nd of August 1990 was among the most important regional features that helped in prevailing the American policy in the region more than ever. More over, this chapter concentrates on studying other regional factors " variables" that work to suppress the American policy in the region, like the Islamic extremism and spreading of the weapons of mass destruction and terrorism. It also studies the features that helped in the success of the American policy in the region like the strategic role played by Israel and the existing of non - democratic regimesThe third chapter discusses the units and the institutions responsible for the foreign political decision - making. It is divided into two sections. The first section studies the formal units represented by the president, the role played by both the ministry of defense and the state secretary, in addition to the CIA and the national security council and the congress in determining the American foreign policy. The second section is concerned with the non - formal institutions effective in foreign policy decision - making, like the political parties, the Zionist lobby, the economic - military factor, besides the important role played by the institutions of research and thought development" Think - Tanks".The fourth chapter tackles the American foreign political behavior towards the region. It is divided into five sections. The first studies the American foreign political behaviour towards Iraq. The second one specializes with studying the Arab - Israel conflict and the attitude of the United States towards the Palestinian Issue. The third section focuses on the American attitude towards Syria. The fourth one deals with the American behaviour towards the security of the Arab gulf states. The fifth section studies the American behaviour towards Egypt.The fifth chapter envisions the future of the American policy towards the Eastern Arab countries. It is divided into four sections. The first one studies the political scene. The second deals with the scene (scenario) of the continuing of the present American policy. The third section suggests the change of this policy in away that enables the Arab countries to move in a space larger than that found in the scene of the continuing of the same policy discussed in the previous section. The fourth one work to intermingle the two previous scenes.

المتغير الامريكي في سياسة تركيا حيال الاتحاد الاوروبي من 1993 - 2008 == American Variable in Turkey Policy Toward European Union From 1993 - 2008

Author name: محمـد ياس خضــير
Supervisor name: فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The Foreign Policy for any State had divided from an internal situation in order to formulating specific strategy to be dealing with another strategy on the international scene . Especially that unstable state internally made it unable to make and achieving foreign policy. In concerning with Turkey , we could consider it as prevailing state toward growth and development , because of it s capacity in exerting too much work to integrating with western world. So that since establishing a new state (Turkish Republic) in 1923 , it had been begun another an era by establisher of this state the president (Kamal Ataturk) for linking Turkey Completely with the western world , and cutting all thing which were being connecting with the secularism and Islamic past. After that , Turkey could Difficulty had been achieving kind of integration within region , especially after affimiliation in NATO Organization, in addition to that reaching all efforts to the hold an agreement which so - called (Ankara agreement) in 1963 , until inaugurating European Union in 1993 after signed Maastricht agreement. The aim of Turkey is to be member in an European union by inter within regional agglomeration. So that it became a part of several objectives in Turkish Foreign Policy. This Thesis has tried to tackle several questions methodologically, to reach into certain approach about what nature of Turkish Foreign Policy Toward European Union? and what is the impact of formal and informal institutions to make Turkey Policy toward European Union? what are motives of Turkish Policy against European Union? and what are obstacles of this Foreign Policy? In addition to that it answered about the an effect of American Variety in Turkish Foreign Policy toward European Union. This Study has divided into four parts. The First part is dealing the relations between turkey and European state during 1945 - 1993 , and knowing impulsive of these relations. In Second Part has tackled the Turkish role in America Strategy , then studying the perspective of Foreign Policy of Turkey to their relations with U.S.A. by partnership principle in the international Policy. Ether third chapter or part from this thesis has researching about the role of formal structures in making foreign policy of Turkey , and How to be application by all of that . Then exploring the effect of informal institutions within Turkey political system to formulate Foreign Policy toward European Union. The Fourth chapter has been dealing an impact of U.S.A. in Turkey Policy toward European Union by Knowing , The manner of Turkish Foreign Policy to be member inside European Union , In the Shadow of American Variety toward this Policy to limit the nature of motivations and obstructers for all of that within framework of American effect and handling the future of Turkish foreign Policy toward European Union by specific Three scenarios. At all end , We are making several conclusions which are being formed specific views about subject.

الاستراتيجية الشاملة للولايات المتحدة الامريكية ومستقبل التوازنات الجيواستراتيجية العالمية

General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Strategic Studies
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
Key words:
  • العلاقات التركية الاوربية
  • العلاقات التركية
  • الامريكية
  • تركيا والاستراتيجية الامريكية
  • الدور التركي في الاستراتيجية الامريكية
  • المنظور التركي للعلاقات مع الولايات المتحدة الامريكية
  • صنع القرار الخارجي التركي
  • دور المؤسسات الرسمية وغير الرسمية في عملية
First pages:
Abstract: Through the study of "the comprehensive strategy of the United States and the future of the global geostrategic balances" it becomes clear that the rapid developments and changes in the global environment are redefining the global geostrategic balances, with the dawn of the twenty - first century many indicators and variables that indicate the movement of global balances on the verge of moving into a new phase have accumulated to confirm the decline of the United States ability to control the direction the movement of balances individually, Although it is still the strongest but no longer the only party in the balance, Since the emergence of the world's major powers having the capacity, the will and active performance as well as and prowess to face or reduce the American capacity to control the movement of the soft power by means of balance and peaceful ascent or the so - called "fine balance" and to abide by the rules of international law and not to resort to military force in international crisis management and processing the objectives and interests depending on the basis of partnership, the United States looks forward with growing concern to the shrinking margin over military and economic capabilities compared to those of China and Russia and a range of powers Described as emerging, including India and Brazil, which will accelerate the end of the era of the so - called American Empire is progressing chronologically and with amazing speed, with global powers being able to join forces with geopolitical and geo - economic partnership frameworks as well as the military to stop the expanion of U S hegemony on the world.The international system has seen structural shifts made him go away slowly on the imbalances that were dominant in the international hierarchy since the end of the cold war, coincided with the relative decline of the economic strengths for most Western capitalist countries and especially the United States, as a result of the economic and financial crisis that began in 2008, global powers rising in Asia and Latin America continued to achieve high rates of economic growth despite the nature of the interdependence of the world economy, promoting the growing economic power inevitably strengthens the strategic power of the forces balancing with the United States, both with regard to the implementation of development plans drawn or military budgets or strategic capacities make it an active actor having formulating will in the future of the World geostrategic balances. Thus the polarization of international forces is moving towards the formation of groupings and international strategic partnerships between influential world powers active in regional and international policies, and in the geopolitical, economic, military, and technological areas, depending on their material and moral potential, as well as elements of the external environment and providing an incentive for future influential roles in the future of the global balances movements.The United States recognizes that the transition strategy is great, and it should adapt to the developments of the global system, witnessing the rise of new forces which have the power and ability to build partnerships and organizations with strong influence over some nation States, despite the fact that the United States is the largest military force in the world, we found it stumble in its wars of expansion, and the economy weakens more and more because of the stiff competition faced by the economies of other emerging powers And, if the U.S adapts to those changes, with better cooperation with world powers, we will see a smooth and peaceful transition to a pluralistic system and geo - strategic balances evenly without disasters and wars, the United States will become an important actor beside the other world powers.And by analyzing the extensive strategy of the United States and that of the world powers towards issues, crises and areas of influence dealt with by these forces, and knowing the main variables that affect the international environment, several conclusions were reached as follows : -  There is a relationship of mutual influence between the nature of the international system, its structure and its mechanisms and the existing global geostrategic balances, in the unipolar system in the case of imbalance the balances are under the control of a single pole and its allied forces, that Pole dominates on the interactions and strategies of its rival powers and deter them. Under the bipolar system the established geostrategic balances are closer to relative parity between the poles or the two blocs and often their relationship are with conflicting strategies rather than cooperative ones, which pushes the movement for change in balances more quickly. In the multi - polar system world balances are based on three or more poles, which makes them more stable. Geo - balances in That its more cooperative and partnership strategies that to compete and conflict and move towards a complementary relationship finding mechanisms to ensure the interests and objectives of all States and prohibit overtaking them. all strategic variables affect the change of states power positively or negatively, and accordingly, the global geostrategic balance change occurs, the State which possesses mechanisms to control and manipulate those variables, enable it to achieve the greatest impact in the movement of balances for achieving its objectives, this was evident in the achievements and performance of the extensive American strategy after World War II, and then after the collapse of the Soviet Union enabled by mechanisms of the capitalist system as well as its capabilities and potentials, employing events and strategic variables, To achieve strategic balance with the Soviet Union and continued superiority or maintaining control over balances after its collapse through the use of the soft power and hard or smart power that enabled it to achieve many of the benefits of preventing the emergence of rivals and winning the support of the largest possible number of States to its side, to control the movement of geostrategic balances for achieving its goals and its national security.  with the dawn of the twenty - first century the U.S strategic performance is witnessing change and decline in its influence and interests, at the level of the Middle East after the destruction and occupation of Iraq and supporting Arabic movements change, and perpetuating crises as the Syrian crisis, the United States withdrew from direct interaction settings depending on the strategy of driving from the back and giving active roles for regional and international powers it had put them in a list of enemies and rivals such as Iran, Russia and China, Which is reflected on their active roles to approach new areas of influence. After a series of U.S political and military failures, in Afghanistan and Iraq, and the global economic crisis and deflation and recession in the United States and Europe it, began looking for new alternatives to lead the world in a more stable and secure, less unique and unilateral domination, So some great powers found that it can influence worldwide reactions, and the participation of the United States to let the world stand on solid substrates, to become more balanced and stable. the emergence of global forces with strategies backed by strategic performance aimed at ending U.S. geostrategic balances Singularity in the world, especially in the areas of influence of the strong competition for the United States. In this chaos and the American decline globally, Russia and China have found their chance in pushing balances movement through the Syrian crisis especially as the Arab countries witness the Arab spring setbacks and uncertain future, Russia and China have also found that the EU suffers from economic crises hitting its members, and the United States is not better than the EU it is preoccupied with finding new opportunities to revive its collapsed economy, while Russia and China lead a role that rejects any American trends both toward Syria or Iran and Ukraine, As well as the rest of the spheres of influence which threaten national and energy security. the geostrategic balance theory derive from the basic assumption that, if States are not associated with each other in lasting relationships, but in the case of constant change driven by considerations of power, and seeking to increase investment of their capacity. components and reorganizing their relationships and the quality of their interactions to achieve balance with the United States. On that basis, China turned to a new strategy, which seeks to restore its former influence, through the initiative of the new Silk Road project, which integrates with waking up Russia and the presentations of dissertations Uras union integrated. with India's wishes, looking for new maps, here, the new formations and clusters, such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the community and the Group of 20 Bricks, become an objective and necessary response, to reproduce a new world, with multiplier balances, which provides a safe departure for human society, towards the prospects of cooperation and integration, and to get out of the crises, And thus came the international orientation of the strategic triangle (Russia, China and India) to lay the foundations of this world, through enhanced cooperation among the three countries and increased economic ties, forming a image of an Asian pole having its own system. No doubt, the bilateral and multilateral strategic partnerships formed between the forces of competition would have widespread impact in steering reactions and global geostrategic balances, since the movement of their own balances will be controlled by global trends in corporate strategy formation held with States converged in interests and goals, as well as its capabilities contributing to the success of strategic performance.  the future of the geostrategic equilibrium which started after the U.S downturn posed by features and confirmed by facts and events in international interactions and strategic partnerships formed by world powers competing with the United States indicate the direction of future balances movement towards equivalence in potential and capacities and resulting performance of strategic and global influence shared by world powers with a view to defending their interests and objectives of the powers allied with it

مكانة النفط في الاستراتيجية الامريكية للقرن الحادي والعشرين == Position of Oil in The American Strategy in Twenty - One Century

Author name: مالك دحام متعب الجميلي
Supervisor name: رفاه شهاب احمد الحمداني | عبد علي المعموري
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The study deals with the Oil variable in The American Strategy of the Twenty - One Century . It deals with the American strategic thought during the World War I and II, and channels of this thought and how this thought is turned in the era of neo conservatists for keeping the Capitalist System leading against the communist thought which led the Soviet Union .For Keeping The American United States as world ruling , it draws the basic features of world post - Cold War . It draws the Gulf War II the general features of American strategy represented by global ruling and Controlling upon the areas filled with oil after considers the certain truth whose basis is depletion of oil wells and for keeping its economic strategy , it follows states , blockading it , then weaking the structural frame for oil trade represented in OPEC organization and controlling over it via depending on some of states this organization .Without doubt , this movement has led to the appearance of rivalries for the American United States over oil areas 6 it goes in to American - Chanian rivalry , The American - Russian rivalry and Possibilities of developing this rivalry in to conflict between the important poles for controlling over oil wells .In the maltitude of these events , an important phenomena is appeared and it must be deat and taken in to consideration in this study which is the global financial crisis which effect noticeably on the capital global economics in particular .The American economy example has never been accepted after discovering deep negatives in this hard stage , in the one hand and motivates to search for anew system which over comes such negatives which may lead the global economics in to depression .As an example assures the importance of oil variables in the war and peace time , the importance of Iraqi oil in the American Strategy is studied and this variable is affected on determining the relations channels with Iraq whether occupation or destroying the infrastructure beginning with imposing oppressive rules on oil materials as an attempt to return the foreign companies for Controlling on oil production in terms of marketing and pricing and then the future of oil relation between Iraq and American United Nations

الحركات الاسلامية وعلاقتها بالنظام السياسي في جزائر

Author name: علي سلمان صايل السلامي
Supervisor name: اكرم عبد الله الجميلي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: Up to this page we have turned over a long chapters that dealt with the links between the Islamic movements and the political regime in Algeria, we have been put before many events in which a tiny one was simply a main cause for next pace , and some large one gave rise to a wider and a more important one . A midst events we found that a geopolitically important country such as Algeria struggle for his objectives and interest facing European and American influence and hegemony . From page to page, we were, committed to draw the issues openly and objectively, by which scientific aims over ride any other obsessions . A cross these & chapters the researcher reached many contents that expressed the relation between the Islamic movement and the Algerian political regime. in many fields . formost among them was the nature of the political orientation of the regime as a loosing and tighting for Islamic movement and their attitudes in the process of change, especially after a wide sector came to a full consent in a peaceful approach to reach the power through the political process which lie in the centre of the process of democracy . Any way Where dose this analysis lead us ? What is the outcomes that may be incurred on the logic aspect of this study in five chapters : - We had set forth the development of domestic political relations between Algerian regime and the political parties ( seculia , and religious ), especially the Islamic powers , headed by Islamic front for rescue, and we focused on the nature of Algerian regime in connection with inner limits and type of reactions, As this regime along the period from 1991 - 2006 do not permit total multiplity, despite the existing parties law, where depriving the Islamic front for rescue and canceling legislation elections this is simply represents the weakness of the regime, and the unwillingness to achieve the democracy with its multiple shape , whether the winner parry in election is secular on Islamic the Islamic front for rescue sees that Algeria is connected with the Islamic world firmly . and thinks that the Islam is the most sign ficant pillar in Arab nationality Hence , it believes that the unopeness of the Algeria regime is relative and not indefinite over the surrounding Islamic and Arabic world . and its openness globally toward Eastern counties . This has turned the educational balance of the Algerian people Eventually these has been changed the Arab nationality to become slender specialty in Algeria Based on this, the Islamic front for rescue and all other Islamic movements see that the power generated from joining is nothing but a great will that can bestow and prohibit, it can also ( remonstrate) the resources of Arab ( wealth) . Which can be a strong credit (reserve) that can be seen globally by their friends, so the policy of the Algerian ragtime has been focused on what the front believes in cooperation with the great state policies especially france and USA , on a raving plans and taccs that ensure encountering the Islamic current in Algeria attempting to contain them one time and strike them by military force another time . there is no difference the vitality the Algerian regime favored has based on great degree of legitimacy as an election outcome that lead the President Bo tafliqa to the power rein for two turns . we can say that the present period in the development of the political regime in Algeria and the inner connection with the other political and Islamic powers especially after the referendum on constitution 29/9/2005 , would be the true streak of the regime capability to achieve the full political participation and continuing in applying democratic approaches in harmony with pietism plurality required . this phase the regime ensure the major consent or deprived of then if the major consent has not been acquired the regime would reach the fragmentation period in which it can witnesses its gradual collapse . It seems that the new Algerian regime has achieved some now a major consent and acceptance especially after a larg number of rescues leader announced in exile their approval for national accord and their support to the referendum , urging the armed groups in the mountains to abandon their weapons and came into a dialoge with the authority . therefore , it would beachange to say that the Algerian regime has truly succeeded to get over the sharp crisis that the country faced through several years , their regime political decisions that is being issued would give its results for next long years . Hence the Islamic front for resue should not gain its legitimacy and the justification for their existence that based on past consideration only , but basically on the necessity of the present situation and the future needs therefore it should see the future form viewing full cooperation and dialogues with regime plus several dialoges to get rid of and finalise the political isolation , moreover to get back their role in the required political participation .

مكانة اليابان في النظام السياسي الدولي الواقع والمستقبل == Japan's stAtus in the international political system : Present and Future

Author name: علي رسول حسين المسعودي
Supervisor name: فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

مستقبل الامن الاقتصادي العربي في ضوء المتغيرات الاقليمية الراهنة == The Security Future of The Arab Economy in The Light of The Current Regional Variables

Author name: احمد باهض تقي الحميداوي
Supervisor name: سرمد زكي الجادر | عماد عبد اللطيف سالم
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: This study is among the studies which are concerned with the future .It discuss significant issue i.e. the Arab Economic Security, the methods of achieving it, and the problems that impede realizing it in our times. The difficulty of the study emanates from the difference in vision for the topic(National Security) in general and the economic security in particular among the Arab countries depending upon the political system prevailing there and its Arab,Regional,and international orientation.There are some Arab political systems that do not put among its priorities the process of building and achieving the Arab economic security while some non - Arab political systems do have orientations towards working within the national frame so as to achieve that goal. This study works from the premise that the deterioration of indicators expressing the influential variables of Arab economic security will pave the way towards the demolition of the Arab economic security under regional variables which do not work for the interest of consolidating that security,therefore the study aims at either proving or disproving that hypothesis. The study falls into six chapters. Chapter one is an introduction into the economic security through the theorization on some concepts. Chapter two discusses the political variables affecting the Arab economic security. Chapter three handles the economic variables affecting the Arab economic security.Chapter four is about is scientific variables influencing the Arab Economic Security Chapter five discusses the current regional variables(The Iraqi variable and the joint Arab economic cooperation) and their reflections on the Arab Economic Security Chapter six discusses the future visions which are likely to happen to the Arab Economic Security. The Dissertation concludes in an ending, conclusion and recommendations

الادراك الامريكي للعلاقات الاقتصادية مع دول مجلس التعاون الخليجي في ظل المتغيرات الاقليمية والدولية == THE AMERICAN PERCEPTION TO THE ECONOMIC RELATIONS WITH COUNCIL CO - OPERATION GULF COUNTRIES UNDER AND INTERNATIONAL THE REGIONAL VARIABLES

Author name: عبد الصمد سعدون عبد الله الشمري
Supervisor name: فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني | عماد عبد اللطيف السامرائي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The American Perception of the economic relations with the Arab Gulf Coopration Countries is at the essence of the American strategic thought, expressed as strategies and objectives towards the Arab Gulf area as a whole. Such relations, in turn, represent the American superior in such territory of the World. Further, various tools and justifications involved in these relations have been distinguished by security cover with in a wide American security strategy in the Arab Gulf from the mid - 1970 an beginning of the 1980. This issue was clearly stated in the political sequent speeches of the U.S Presidents at such period The present study aims to analyze, according to the systematic approach the structure of the aspects of the behavioral and dynamic variable of both the Gulf and American societies, as well. Some of such variables conduct as motivating and some are for the American realization towards these relations. Hence, to reach the implied concept for such realization. On the other hand , present study includes also aspects of the regional and international variables tackled in the Arab Gulf area which, these variables, are considered to be external impacts, pratising directly or in directly to fix the above realization inconformity with the American objectives or aims achieving the Imperial project in the middle east, taking the Arabian Gulf as a launching point. This is due to the fact that the Arabian Gulf is the wealthiest area in the world in the new millennium. For the above reasons, the U.S have under taken New inter national system formation from the beginning of the 1990s in line with the fall the Russian union in the end of the 1991.The New Inter national system is the neo - Liberal substitution to support the American trends in such anew project, enhanced by firstly the superior military technical of the U.S in the world, and secondly by guan teed all the political and economic efforts of both the U.S western and Gulf a llies for accomplishing the American aims and plans in this area of the world. From the events of September /2001 and beyond, the American imperial ambitions in the A rabian Gulf area have become more recognized, yet such period has correlated with has become to known as concept of terrorism which has been set according to the American view. Consequently, the U.S has guided the so called A nti - terrorism War,starting from A fghanston, along With the occupation of Iraq in 2oo3. In such war, the U.S has utilized the military power as the sole an ideal means to achieve the objectives set behand such a strategy for rest,ucturing the middle east in conformity with the American model . This new coure of the conducted by the U.S is an indication that it has become , the first super power which has become, in turn ,the leader of the world with in the New International system. But in contract ,violence and op - violence will be the main feature and the ongoing thretening of the furtural scane fasing the American project in the Arabian Gulf . Hence, the U.S has no more need for an international legislation for implementing its plans in such an area, since it relies highly on the American legislation to establish the economic realization on reality.

السياسة التركية تجاه سوريا بعد 2002 == Turkish policy toward Syria after 2002

Author name: عباس سعـدون رفعــت
Supervisor name: محمد كريم كاظم
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: he subject thesis deals with international politics issue and it is useful because it clarifies how to deal with foreign regional and international environment and how to arrange it to serve a state interest in general as far as in understudy interest to make use of its results in national issues. The subject of this thesis (Turkish policy toward Syria) is very important due to the several variables like Turkish and Syrian policies and their mutual effects on Iraq. Studying Turkish foreign policy toward Arabic region in general and Syria specifically clarifies its change from being stable then dropping Arabs and Syria as a choice before 2002 then act intensively with the issues of Arabs including Syria since 2002 while in 2011 Turkey left its neutrality and non - interference in internal Arabic issues as Arabic revolutions broke up and started interfering to express its existing power with points of view to what happening in its neighborhood. As the Syrian condition specially after 2011 regarded as a special case, studying the Turkish dealing with it is important because it gives us evidences about what Turkey plans for coming years depending on the development scale of its policies in the past years in general and toward Syria specially. The Turkish policy toward Syria as we clarify in this thesis, passed several stages of development as it started with a revolution and multi - contents struggles but it turned to stability after 1998 then started cooperation specially after 2004 till 2011 when it was turned hard down then the struggle indications begun between the two countries with strong clashes and high level interference. The conflict of this thesis is linked to the following question : Why the Turkish policy toward Syria figured in this way since 2002 and the answer of this question as it was shown in this thesis refers to the wide effect of Justice & Development Party on the Turkish policy that push Turkey to play its role in accomplishing changes in the Arabic and regional countries including Syria as a result of the international changes and pressure. In other meaning, Turkey designs its foreign policy in depending on two factors : The first one is related to its commitments with NATO and western relationships which is the main factor pressing on all circles of interests. As western countries represent the main circle of interest and all the roles of turkey are as a results of the NATO and west demands. The second factor is related to its power and historical reasons which were aroused toward Arab region in 1970s rationally when the western countries ignored Turkish interests in Cyprus and also because Turkey as an industrial country in need for energy, markets and capitals was influenced by Arabs oil ban and also because Arab region is encouraging to open chances to turkey. Within 1990s, several controversial issues appeared in Turkey - Arabs relationships generally and with Syria specifically like : - Water issue, Turkey has plenty of water resources with ambitious economic trends but also has problems with Kurds. So turkey used water to have several aims for instance to develop Kurdish areas to push them to leave politics to production and also used water in making peace in middle east to have central statue in the regional relations but that thing caused crises with Syria and Iraq because it lowered water level in the two countries. - Kurdish issue, Turkey does not admit about the Kurdish existence in turkey while it helps Iraqi Kurds by giving them facilities to world via Turkey that revealed the Turkish dual standards in dealing with Kurds problem for its cooperation with Kurds in other countries as a pressure method while all rights of Kurds in turkey are forbidden. Syria made use of that to gain benefits in its relationship with turkey from 1995 to 1998. - Border issue, Mosul and Iskenderun are the main problems. Turkey demands to take Mosul because it was not under the alien's occupation in the First World War in the time of signing peace agreement between fighting countries while Turkey kept its control over Iskenderun as a result of its agreement with France when turkey agreed to participate in the Second World War beside the aliens. From time to time, that subject is aroused and influences on the two countries relations. As a result of the two factors activity (west and Turkish trends) we found that turkey started to take part in Arab countries generally and toward Syria specifically after the demonstrations begun as it was related to internal factors interaction (related to the public desire to end political introversion) and also related to external factors ( the American desire to rearrange the political map in Arab countries in general through chaos and inner struggle in Arab societies). So, turkey involved in internal roles and its policy was implementing in accordance with west countries desires for example, Turkey threatens use military power to protect civilians but stop going further because the western countries do not like that. On the light of what presented before, the conclusions are : 1. Turkish policy is influenced by several internal, regional and international factors and the most important one is its links with west to do what they like turkey to do in its region as changes occurred after cold war.2. The Turkish policy toward Arabs is not stable for its link to the west because the economic reasons and (energy, water and Kurds) are pushing to make bilateral relations not confronting while we find out how turkey gives high importance to its relations with Israel (in spite of what happened in Lebanon in 2006, what happened in Gaza in 2008 and also the freedom fleet in 2010). In other meaning, the Turkish will is under the west control.3. The Turkish policy toward Syria moved from clash and difference before 2002 to cooperation after2004which refers to bilateral readiness of cooperation in spite of difference issues in Turkish - Arabs relations. Turkey is aware of the stress that Arabs can use against it just like Kurds issue. So if Arabs lack legitimate in govern, turkey did not decide yet the identity of state and the future of Kurds in turkey.4. The link between Justice & Development Party and Islam might produce some Turkish attitudes toward Arabs including Syria but the type of the Turkish interference in the Syrian event after 2011 showed that the Islamic factor is not active among Turkish government and its trends as strong as the link with the west. 5. Future suggests that turkey will have more interference in Arabs region issues because of its link to the west and also due to the continuous western efforts to push turkey to play roles in Arab countries that gave turkey significant statue after 2002, so turkey won’t sacrifices what gained as it inherits the Ottoman State and the regional change (the rise of Iran and also the rise of sectarianism in regional treatments for several reasons). None of that will make Turkey withdraw from interference in Arabs issues especially in the Syrian developments.Finally recommendations are : 1. Making importance to study all aspects of Turkish policy because it has developing trends, interests, issues to deal with and participating powers.2. Giving importance to studying all regional policies because studying Turkish policy toward Syria showed how regional implement its plans at the expense of other region states and people interests including Iraq. Therefore, it is important to make all that studies to help the Iraqi decision maker to take decisions and act in accordance with scientific and theoretic visions.3. Paying attention to the interconnectedness regional relations and interests. The Syrian crisis and its results presented that interconnectedness between regional countries in historical, geographical, political, ethnic and religion while ignoring that cause chaos in all countries.4. Making importance to study all the ways that lead to enhance Iraqi interest in regional relations as serving Iraq is the final aim of every thesis. Then making that studies deep to enable Iraq in accomplishing regional balance and achieve his interests in the region. What is related to this thesis we have to as a recommendation encourage building full regional security system to prevent some powers to possess alone the regional actions to fulfill its or another international interests.

دور مؤسسة الرئاسة في صنع الاستراتيجية الامريكية الشاملة بعد الحرب الباردة == Role of the Presidsncy Office in making General U. S. Strategy after the Cold War Era

Author name: عامر هاشم عواد
Supervisor name: منعم العمار
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Strategic Studies
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

سياسة الاتحاد الاوربي حيال المشرق العربي == Policy of the European Union Towards the Eastern Arabic Region

Author name: صباح صاحب العريض
Supervisor name: نادية عبد القادر المختار | فكرت نامق العاني
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: اشارت الكثير من الدراسات والاراء الى الفرص المتوافرة امام الاتحاد الاوربي للبروز ولاداء ادوار دولية مهمة كاحد ابرز القوى الدولية الصاعدة والتي لها حظوظ كبيرة في تبوء مركز دولي بارز يضعه في مجال الندية لقوى ودول كبرى اخرى، خاصة في ميدان التنافس الدولي على اقاليم العالم ودوله المهمة ذات الثقل الاستراتيجي الكبير والتي تتقدمها منطقة المشرق العربي، بما تمثله من كم هائل من الموارد المختلفة ومصادر الطاقة المتعددة، وعناصر الاستثمارات الدولية، بشكل خاص بعد بروز عدة متغيرات دولية منها نهاية الحرب الباردة وتفكك الاتحاد السوفيتي ومن ثم تشكل الاتحاد الاوربي بصيغته الحالية وتوسيعه المستمر اضافة الى المنافسة الامريكية المحمومة على النفوذ والهيمنة على هذه المنطقة والتي افرزت غزو العراق واطلاق مشروع (الشرق الاوسط الكبير)، مع ترافق كل ذلك وومتغيرات دولية اثرت في صيغ التفاعل الدولي واليات التفكير المرتبطة بها، وخاصة في المدة التي تلت الحادي عشر من ايلول (2001) وما سبقه من الترويج لفكرة العولمة والعمل على تعميم الفكر الراسمالي ليشمل كافة دول العالم على وفق اليات التوحيد الاقتصادي، وهذا منعكس تداعياته على اعادة بناء وتشكيل العلاقات الدولية بين دول العالم واقاليمه المتباينة، تلك التداعيات التي ساهمت في تعميق انقسام العالم بين شمال وجنوب، وصراع محتدم بين الحضارات التي تسعى الى رفض ومقاومة اطروحات ذلك الفكر الراسمالي المتسلط.وهذا كله ياتي في سياق جدل واسع يدور ـ خصوصا بعد تفكك النظام الدولي القديم ـ حول القوى التي تشكل النظام الدولي (الجديد)، والتي ترى كثير من الاراء الى ان الاوضاع الجديدة تتجه بالاتحاد الاوربي صعوده وزيادة دوره السياسي والاقتصادي وهذا بدوره سينعكس بشكل تلقائي على السياسة التي سيعتمدها الاتحاد الاوربي تجاه باقي دول العالم واقاليمه والتي تاتي منطقة المشرق العربي في المقدمة منها، وهذا ما سيؤدي ـ بالنتيجة ـ الى توافق مساحة لا باس بها امام بلدان هذه المنطقة لاستغلال التنافس الدولي الواقع في نطاقها، والافادة من التحالفات الدولية لخدمة قضاياها، خاصة مع تصاعد مستوى حرص الاتحاد الاوربي على ابقاء معظم مناطق (الشرق الاوسط) وشمال افريقيا ضمن دائرة النفوذ الاوربي المباشر.يشير البعد التاريخي لسياسية الاتحاد الاوربي حيال منطقة المشرق العربي الى عدد من النقاط الرئيسة تاتي في مقدمتها الرغبة الواضحة من قبل دول الاتحاد ـ وهو ما انعكس على مؤسساته ذاتها في السياق نفسه ـ في تفعيل الجوانب الاقتصادية المختلفة في تلك السياسة وتطويرها بالشكل الذي يحقق لها اكبر قدر من الفائدة، وبالمقابل تعمل على عدم الاغراق في البعد السياسي الا بالقدر الذي يتطلبه البعد الاقتصادي نفسه، او بقدر لا يزيد عليه، وقد استمرت تلك السياسة قائمة على هذه الرؤية لمدة من الزمن ولم تشهد تغيرا الا بعد تغيير الترتيبات الدولية على اثر تفكك الاتحاد السوفيتي، حيث حاول الاتحاد ـ كغيره من الفاعلين الدوليين ـ على زيادة حجم التواجد على الساحة المشرقية بسبب الاعتقاد الذي ساد في تلك المدة والذي مفاده توافر فرص اكبر بعد نهاية الحرب الباردة، وهامش اوسع من الحركة والذي كان محكوم سابقا بالمعادلة ذات الطرفين او القطبين، الا ان الواقع السياسي لمنطقة المشرق العربي لم يتحول على وفق هذا السيناريو بل تم وضعه في اطار سيناريو الفاعلية الامريكية واضحة التاثير والنفوذ فاصبح كغيره من اقاليم العالم الهامة يتحرك بشكل او باخر وفق سياقات معينة حاولت الادارة من تطبيقها على دوله، وهذا ما جعل الاتحاد الاوربي يدخل في زاوية حرجة واظهر في الوقت ذاته الدرجة غير المتكافئة ما بين الطرفين فيما يتعلق بمدى التاثير في مسارات المنطقة وسياساتها.لقد بدا واضحا من خلال فصول ومباحث الاطروحة ان السياسة الخارجية للاتحاد الاوربي الموجهة حيال منطقة المشرق العربي انما تعاني من عدة اشكالات تعوقها عن ابداء الفاعلية المطلوبة منها ازاء شؤون وقضايا المنطقة، ومن ابرز تلك الاشكالات سيادة السياسات الخارجية للدول الاعضاء في الاتحاد الاوربي وفي كثير من الاحيان على السياسات الموحدة له، وهو ما يعني اضافة الى بقاء فكرة تغليب المصلحة الذاتية لكل دولة عضو في الاتحاد، فانها تعني تعدد وجهات النظر بل واختلافها وتقاطعها في احيان اخرى تجاه المتغيرات الحاصلة في المنطقة المشرقية وهو ما يؤثر بالنتيجة في نجاح السياسة المشتركة، ومن هنا نستطيع ان نعلل عدم الحضور الفاعل والمؤثر للاتحاد الاوربي في الساحة الاقليمية وعدم التناسب في ما بين الحجم الاقتصادي الهائل والاخذ بالنمو له وما بين الدور السياسي ذي الاطر المحدودة والذي لا يرتقي الى ذلك الحجم الاقتصادي، خاصة وان الاتحاد يسعى من خلال اهتمامه بدول المنطقة الى حماية مصالحه الاستراتيجية وتعزيزها والمحافظة على الاستقرار والامن في الضفة الجنوبية للمتوسط التي تشكل امتدادا جغرافيا لحدود دوله المتوسطية، هذا فضلا عن ان البلدان في المشرق العربي تشكل سوقا واسعة واساسية لصادراته المختلفة، الامر الذي ادى بدوره الى جعل هذه المنطقة شديدة التعرض للضغط الاقتصادي الذي قد يستخدمه الاتحاد تجاهها وبالتالي فان اي مشروع يوضع من قبل الولايات المتحدة الامريكية لدول المنطقة، من دون ان يكون لاوربا دور فيه، هو بمنزلة خطر على مصالحها وامنها، وبخاصة في ظل التنافس الذي تشهده العلاقات الاقتصادية والسياسية بين دول الاتحاد الاوربي والولايات المتحدة الامريكية.ومن هنا، وفي ضوء جملة المعطيات السابقة، فانه يتوجب على الاتحاد الاوربي الذي يسعى الى تعزيز دوره السياسي في المنطقة، ادراك ان اي خطوة في اتجاه الامن المشترك في منطقة المشرق العربي وما يجاورها من الدول لا يمكن ان يتحقق الا بالتزامن مع حصول تقدم في العملية السلمية، وعليه، فان على الاتحاد ان يضطلع بمسؤولية اكبر في تسوية الصراع العربي ـ الصهيوني وحل القضية الفلسطينية، وان على سياسات الاتحاد عدم الاكتفاء بالدور الثاني الذي يكمل الدور الامريكي وان لا تقتصر المسؤولية الاوربية تجاه الصراع العربي ـ الصهيوني على المستوى المالي والاقتصادي فقط، بل ينبغي ان تمتد هذه المسؤولية لتشمل المستوى السياسي، كما يترتب على الاتحاد ان لا يكتفي بالطلب من الولايات المتحدة الامريكية ان تحدد له فصلا سياسيا معينا يضطلع بدوره من خلاله، بل يجب عليه ان يحدد هذا الدور بنفسه تماما، كما فعل سابقا ازاء بعض القضايا والمواضيع الهامة، كاعلان تاييد لقيام المؤسسات الفلسطينية مثلا، وعليه يمكن القول ان عدم تسوية الصراع العربي ـ الصهيوني، سوف يبقى يلقي بضلاله السلبية على السياسة الخارجية للاتحاد حيال دول المشرق العربي وعموم العلاقات العربية مع الاتحاد الاوربي.وان من المتوقع ان يشهد المستقبل القريب زيادة واضحة في قوة الاتحاد الاوربي على الصعيد الدولي، بحيث يؤدي ذلك الى خلق واقع جديد في النظام الدولي يرتكز على سياسة التوازنات وليس على نظام القطبية الثنائية او المنفردة، كما كان عليه الامر قبل تفكك الاتحاد السوفيتي وما تلاه، فالعصر القادم هو عصر التكتلات والتجمعات الاقليمية، اذ ان لكل تجمع او تكتل قوة تاثير تختلف عن قوة الاخر في معالجته للقضايا الاقليمية والدولية، وبالتالي فان الاتحاد الاوربي الذي قد يشكل ابرز القوى الدولية الجديدة المؤثرة على الصعيدين الاقليمي والدولي، يتحفز لمواجهة التحديات التي تعترض تقدمه، بخاصة العقبات التي تضعها الولايات المتحدة الامريكية للحد من اي دور سياسي له على الصعيد الاقليمي وخاصة في منطقة المشرق العربي، بكثير من المسؤولية والوعي، لكن ذلك لا يستطيع ان يمنع تلك التحولات الهامة التي ستغير معادلة القوى على المستويين الدولي والاقليمي غير ان تلك التحولات لمراكز القوى العالمية ستكون في اطار تدريجي، وبخاصة ان هناك عددا من العوامل التي قد تكون مساعدة او معطلة لاي تقدم او تراجع لاحدى القوى الدولية الموجودة او التي تسعى للظهور كقوة دولية مؤثرة، وهذا كله سيترك اثارا واضحة وهامة على مستقبل سياسة الاتحاد حيال منطقة المشرق العربي ودولها التي من الواجب ان تكون قادرة على استيعاب طبيعة تلك التغيرات والتعامل معها بدقة وسرعة مما يجعلها لا تفوت الفرصة التي قد تتاح لها واستثمار ذلك التغيير لصالح قضايا المنطقة المصيرية. | European Union is considered today as one of the most influential units on the International political arena. It is expected that its power and size will eventually increase among the other powerful unions in the world. Thereby, its effect is great on the Eastern Arab region and countries. Its policy towards this area is one of the most important policies.The European unity has its effect on the paths of work there since it has first initiated in (1957). It has effect on many urgent issues and problems in the Middle East; and this effect has increased clearly after the October War1973 because Europe had undergone the negative side of the stoppage of oil supplies from the Arab countries. Then the relations and interests between the eastern Arab countries and Europe began to increase excessively and to become more complicated until the European Union was founded in its final structure.When the European Union began to get enlarged horizontally and vertically, its relations with Arab eastern countries also began to enlarge. So this has been reflected on its external policy towards our region. Also there have been a kind of some intensive and huge pressures from the United States of America on Europe to make it change its attitudes in the area and to build new strategies which will not affect the American interests here. America, of course, will not change its policy; it has a lot of vital interests and it will never think of changing its attitude in any circumstances. This thesis will give answers to these inquiries us follows:1. What is the historical range of the European policy (in general) towards the Arabic eastern region?2. What are the most important issues that have unified state in the European policy towards the Arabic eastern region? 3. What are the European policy motives now towards the Arabic eastern region? 4. What are the structures and frames of taking political decisions (the external attitudes in particular) towards the Arabic eastern region? 5. What is the political behavior of the European Union towards the most important issues in the Arabic eastern region? To have clear answers to these critical inquiries in this thesis, and the additional scientific difficulties inquiries that might rise, and to accomplish most accurate answers to the nature of the European policy towards the eastern Arabic region, we have followed scientific investigations and scientific logical steps that allow the researcher fulfill his goal. We have followed the (historical origin) in studying the (joint) European policy since 1973 till the date of initiating the European Union in 1993. We focused on some important issues of that era, and we will depend on the (descriptive method) in the second chapter of this thesis in order to describe the strategic importance of the eastern Arabic region with regard to the potentials of natural raw materials of power in addition to the critical strategic position. We will also depend on (organizational method) in collecting facts and information about the subject of the thesis (the entries), then apply (operational method) to enrich tools and methods of the scientific research. Later - and as a result- reach scientific outcomes and facts (outlets) which supposed to be part of new entries for the information circle; and this is (reversal feeding). In order to deal with the circular inquiries about the thesis subject and its numerical points arisen, we have taken a scientific method of categorizing the thesis into main chapters and researches has been depended on. This thesis is composed of: • Introduction• The first chapter: (Europe policy towards some issues of the eastern Arabic region).• The second chapter (Motives of the European Union towards the eastern Arabic region).• The third chapter: (frames and ways of formulation the European Union policy towards the eastern Arabic region).• The fourth chapter: (the political behavior of the European Union towards the issues of the eastern Arabic region); • Finally, the abstract in which we stated the most important conclusions we have reached. This thesis has shown the nature of the policy regarding the eastern Arabic region which the European Union depends on during a very complicated and important period simultaneously; and during changeable and unstable circumstances which impose many difficult potentials and substitutions. This kind of circumstances resulted in many obvious failures, and have created a status of disability in dealing with them in the right way. We have tried to throw light on the largest scope of the political work of the European Union in the eastern Arabic region clear way, and we have focused on the most important complicated issues not only in this critical area but also in the whole world.

تطور ظاهرة تدويل النشاط الاقتصادي وانعكاساته السياسية والاقتصادية على البلدان النامية : مصر انموذجا == The Evolution of Internationalization Economy Active Phenomenon and Reflex on Developing countries (Egypt Case Study)

Author name: سلام جبار شهاب
Supervisor name: عبد علي كاظم المعموري
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: …. The Internationalization is wide term, so the study began in definition the Phenomenon the mean of Internationalization, Economy Internationalization, Political Internationalization, and differences between the Internationalization and the Globalization. (ch.1). the beginning this Phenomenon in old civilization, and the vision of economic systems (Islamic, Capitalism, Socialist systems) (ch.1).The Internationalization theories wall taken for important, (International trade theories, Foreign Investment theories). (ch.1)…. There are many motives for this Phenomenon which differentiates between political and economical motives, (ch.2). What forms of this Phenomenon, (ch.2), and determine the machine that organized the Internationalization. (ch.2)…. In last chapter, this phenomenon lead to many of effects, in political and economical sides, that taken about Egypt state. (ch.3)For that, what is the future of this Phenomenon? The researcher put three visions for the future, first, the Americanization, second, the transnational corporation, third, the international integration. (ch.3) …. Finally, A number of important conclusions emerge from our analysis of the (Internationalization Phenomenon).

المحددات السياسية والاقتصادية لسلوك الدولة في العالم الثالث : الدولة النفطية انموذجا == POLITICAL & ECONOMICAL LIMITATIONS ON BEHAVIOR OF THE STATE IN THE THIRD WORLD : OIL COUNTRIES AS SAMPLES

Author name: سعد صالح عيسى علي الجبوري
Supervisor name: وصال نجيب عارف العزاوي | علي كاظم المعموري
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: تتكون الاطروحة من مقدمة وفصل تمهيدي وثلاثة فصول اخرى لتغطي عنوان الاطروحة الذي هو : المحددات السياسية والاقتصادية لسلوك الدولة في الجنوب : الدول النفطية انموذجا ( السعودية ، فنزولا ، نيجيريا ) . وهي متوزعة على الشكل التالي : الفصل الاول : وجاء في ثلاث مباحث ، الاول ويتضمن الاطار النظري والتاريخي لنشوء الدولة في العالم ، حيث يتضمن تعريف الدولة مفهوما وخلفية تاريخية مع النظريات المفسرة لنشوء الدولة ، ونشاة الدولة في ظل الاستعمار ومفهوم الدولة في المدارس الفكرية المختلفة ، ومنها الفكر الغربي ، ولدى مفكري العالم الثالث والفكر العربي الاسلامي ومفكري عصر النهضة ، والفكر العربي المعاصر 0 في حين يتناول المبحث الثاني نشوء وتكون الدولة في عالم الجنوب من حيث خصائص الدولة حديثة السيادة والتكوين الاقتصادي والاجتماعي لدولة الجنوب وكيفية تكون الدولة في ظل علاقات السيطرة ( التبعية ) 0 اما المبحث الثالث فقد ذهب لبيان خصوصية الدولة في عالم الجنوب من حيث وظائف الدولة وخصائصها0 وياخذ الفصل الثاني في تحليل المحددات الفوقية ( الخارجية ) والتحتية ( الداخلية ) لسلوك الدولة في الجنوب ، حيث يتطرق للمحددات السياسية والاقتصادية والمجتمعية خارجيا وداخليا ، وانعكاس هذه المحددات على نمط سلوك الدولة في الجنوب 0 اما الفصل الثالث فياخذ منحا فكريا متضمنا اتجاها تحليليا للعوامل المحددة لطبيعة الدولة النفطية الريعية / نموذج الدولة في الجنوب ، وواقع وطبيعة الاقتصاديات الريعية من حيث البنى الاقتصادية والاجتماعية والسياسية لدولة الجنوب الريعية ، وعلاقة النفط والريع النفطي بالتنمية والتحديث واتجاهاتها في الجنوب ، واهمية النفط والريع النفطي وطبيعة السياسات المرتبطة به في هذه الدول على الصعيد الاجتماعي والاقتصادي والسياسي والاثار السلبية للريع النفطي 0 في حين خصص الفصل الرابع لعرض انماط السلوك السياسي والاقتصادي والمجتمعي لانموذجات مختارة من دول الريع النفطي ، فمن الدول النفطية الاسيوية تم اختيار ( المملكة العربية السعودية ) ، ومن افريقيا ( نايجيريا ) ومن امريكا اللاتينية ( فنزويلا ) ، اذ يتناول المبحث الاول السلوك السياسي بمؤثراته الخارجية والداخلية ، وفي المبحث الثاني السلوك المجتمعي ( الاجتماعي ) ، اما المبحث الثالث فيتناول السياسات الاقتصادية في دول الجنوب ( المالية والنقدية والانفاقية والاستثمارية وتوزيع الدخل ) ، وفي المبحث الرابع تتناول الرسالة تحليل لانماط السلوك السياسي والاقتصادي والمجتمعي لكل من العربية السعودية ، نايجيريا وفنزويلا ) ، من حيث امكانياتها المادية والبشرية والمالية والسياسات الاقتصادية والاجتماعية ودور الريع في هذه السياسات لهذه الدول 0 فيما جاءت خواتيم هذه الاطروحة بجملة من الاستنتاجات والتوصيات ، متبوعة بالمصادر العربية والانكليزية والملخص باللغة الانكليزية . | The thesis is entiteld “ Political and Economical limitations on behavior of the state in the third word : oil countries as samples ” The thesis is composed of an intrduction ,the more three introductory chapters and other three chapters . The researcher has hypothesized that the more as much you explain the impact of political , econimical , and social determiners with globalization towrds increase of its activity and its reactive impact on the behaviour of a state in the Third World , these states or countries will be margined more and its activity will decrease to the benefit of the international capitalistic system and globalization mechanism represented through the international organizations and multi - national companies through the study of Venezuela , Saudi Arabia and Nigeria and those countries under control compulsorily or optionally to globalization and internationalization and continuous exposition to regional enviromental challenges . The study aims at : 1. Defining the country in general in terms of its theoretical and historical foundation and its privacy in the Third World . 2. Country stereotypes and its concepts in the south countries and how to form a national country . 3. Self - independece of a country in the south and the traditional charactersitics of the contemporary country . 4. Revealing the role of globalization and other external factors and changes in the international environment and global balances and its impacts on the degree of the country development in the countries of the south in specfic . 5. Comprehension of variance in the attitudes of the Third World countries in general and countries of petroleum rent especially concerning changes in the economic world and growth of multi - national companies’ role over the role of national governments . 6. The impact of political , economic , and social limitations in the country conduct in the south countries in general and countries of petroleum rent in specific . The thesis consists of an introduction and an intrductory chapter and other three chapters . The chapters were were dealt with as follows : Chapter 1 consists of three sections ; first section includes the theoretical and historical frame of the foundation of the country in the world . It also includes definition of the country conceptually and a historcal background with the interpretive theories of the foundation of the country under occupation and the concept of country in the various cognitive schools , of them the Western thinking , and by the world thinkers and the arabic islamic thinking and renaissance period thinkers and the arabic contemporary thinking Section 2 deals with the foundation and creation of the country in the south having the characterstics of the modern country , and the economical and social creation of the southern country and how the country is created under control relations Section three deals with the privacy of the country in the south world in terms of the country and its traits in the south world Chapter 2 analyses the upper determiners (external) and lower (internal) of the country conduct in the south . It exposes the social , political , and economic dterminers internally and externally , and reflection of these determiners on the conduct sterotype of the country in the south . Chapter 3 analyzes the thinking frame and the determining factors to the nature of the petroleum rent state /sample of the country in the south . Also it shows the situation and the nature of petroleum rent economies in terms of the economic , social , and political infrastructures of the southern countries and the relation of petrol and the petroleum rent with development and modernization and their decisions towards the south . Also the importance of petrol and petroleum rent nature of the policies related to these countries socially , economically , and politically and the side effects of petroleum rent . Chapter 4 deals with the political , economic , and social conduct of samples chosen from the countries of petroleum rent (Saudi Arabia , Nigeria and Venezuela) . Section 1 deals with the political behavior with its impact externally and internally . Section 2 deals with the social conduct . While section three deals with the economic policies in the southern countries (financial , monetry , expenditure , investmental , and distribution of rent ) . Section 4 deals with an analysis of the political , economic , and social conduct of each of Saudi Arabia , Nigeria , Venezuela) in terms of their financial , human , monetry , political , economic , and social abilities and the role of petroleum rent in the policies of these countries . The final chapter of thethesis exposes the conclusions drawn , and recommendations supported by a number of statistical tables related to the topic .

علاقة المجتمع المدني بالنظام السياسي التاثير والتاثر : دراسة حالة مصر والاردن == The Relationship of Civil Society With the Political System Influence and Effect - Jordan and Egypt as Case in Study

Author name: ســداد مــولــود ســبــع
Supervisor name: وصال نجيب عارف العزاوي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: This study tackles a very important subject not for being the subject of debate and argument by the politicians and researchers , but it comes in period that witnesses an increasing calls and pressures for applying the democratic approach in ruling and these pressures come in time that many of the Third World countries submit to the despotic and dictatorial systems that raising democratic slogans without applying this approach .Here , to study the mechanism of modernization and developing these systems , We should study the role of civil society in these systems which represented by alleviating the burden thrown on the state through social , economic and cultural functions of these systems in addition to the political one .The study of the relationship of society with the political system , requires the search in the theoretical fram for main reason and that is development happened on the human science especially , political science . These developments led to the emergence of new concepts , some are disappeared and the other are developed and expanded which requires the study of these developments to understand the public frams of each concept and then apply it on the Arab situation and the study patterns . And this what we tried to do through studying the developments that happened on the political system . more over the rapid development of civil society in the western states and does it reach to our Arab societies .But , the existence of civil society in some our societies evoked an intellectual political debate for being one of the concepts that there is no agree on it's historical background in the Islamic political thought , and some definetly refuse it's existence not only in the Islamic Political thought , but also in the institutions of Arab contemporary state and they do assert that what is existing is traditional institutions took the form of civil society institutions in the west , but the indication is a mere traditional society that devotes the tribal fanatic and this clear in Jordan .This extremist opinion is considered denial of many efforts and activities of civil society institutions , because some could break the barrier of central despotisim of political system in order to explain his opinion and demands freely , as Egypt that has the pioneer role in this respect .The civil society characterized by effectiveness and motion which supported by great powers on purpose or non , these great powers promoted Egypt to appear in a nominal democracy not the real one , because they realize that the real democracy means the choice of Egypt society and this is appropriate with the regional Function of Egypt by the great powers .There is a fact hatcould not be deny that Egypt is considered institutions state , in spite of the domination of decision maker on the political life and puplic life in Egypt , and this domination is one of the problems of Arab states , Thus some systems justified it by using many means one of these is the belonging to the messenger of God ( pray and peace be upon him ) and this indeed what happened in the Jordanian political system which has a little freedom according freedom measurements . This political system a doped multiplicity as the Egyption … , but dealt with it cautiously and this matter left it . clear hard influence especially and civil society and the society generally on here the ability of civil society influence on the political system is very hard that we find some of it's indications in Egypt through its participation beside the government and private sector in commen development programs among the three seetors .After the explanation of this short brief about the subject significant , we must explain the structure of this subject which consisted of four chapter , introduction and conclusion .The first chapter tackles the conceptual fram of each civil and political society with all developments took place in this respect , more over studying the relationship between the two variables after the assumption that the strength and effectivness of the first political system is taken from the effectiveness of civil society ( second ) and revers is true .The second chapter studies the lawful , political , economic and social features through studying the accompanianed problematic of political parties action and the administration of head of state and king for the political process which reflected directly process whether in elections or through political process .While , the third chapter tackles of great interest the accompanianed problematic of concept using by enhance or limit concept borders and also the problematic of civil society existence in Egypt and Jordan but according to the Arab peculiarity and then the main characteristic of Egypt and Jordan .Where as , the fourth chapter tackles the influence of the political system on the civil society through affected the later by the first , but this will not abolish the influence of civil society on the political system , because of the need of political system for civil society or part of it's components to perform development programs and this is clear in Egypt . Finally , the conclusion represents a summary of the main ideas in this study and the conclusions that resulted from this study

الدور الاقتصادي والسياسي للعملة الاحتياطية : الدولار انموذجا == The economic and political role of the reserve currency - American’s dollar

Author name: زينب سعد شمس الدين الشيشاني
Supervisor name: هجير عدنان زكي امين
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: ان الاساس المؤثر في النظام النقدي الدولي هي العملة الاحتياطية او العملة القائدة كماهو متعارف عليه، وهي التي تعمل عمل المحرك لهذا النظام وان اي دولة قائمة على نظام اقتصادي مستقر قادرة بذلك على تحقيق النمو والاستقرار وبذلك هي تضمن علاقات تجارية مزدهرة مع دول اخرى، ذلك النظام الاقتصادي الذي بدوره يضمن توفير السيولة من خلال نظام المدفوعات الدولية والاشراف على تنظيم المعاملات الدولية، ومن المتعارف عليه ايضا حسب اراء بعض الادبيات الاقتصادية والنقدية ان العملة الاحتياطية هي عبارة عن عملة وطنية تقوم بوظائف النقود الدولية، ويدعمها اقتصاد قوي متنوع، وتؤهلها العديد من الميزات لتؤدي دور الوساطة في تسوية المدفوعات وسداد الديون، ولتكون ايضا وسيلة فعالة في تحقيق التسويات مما يؤهلها تلقائيا لتقوم بمهام النقد الدولي. ومن اجل ان تبقى هذه العملة محل ثقة واستخدام المجتمع الدولي، فمن المفروض ان تحقق توازن لمصالحها الوطنية والدولية في ان معا دون ان تاثر احداهما على الاخرى، ومع ان النظام النقدي قد انفصل بعض الشيء عن علاقته الوطنية، فاصبح التاثير الاكبر عليه ناتج عما يحدث في مجموع العلاقات الدولية، وان تفاوتت نسب تاثير الدول في تلك العلاقات. وتخضع العملة الاحتياطية الى العديد من التاثيرات، رافقتها منذ قدم تاريخها حتى يومنا هذا، فهي خاضعة لمؤثرات ناتجة من العوامل الاقتصادية والسياسية والقانونية والاجتماعية ترافقها في كل حقبة تاريخية، وبذلك نذكر ان النظام الدولي يعود الى جذور اوربية وتحديدا القرون الوسطى التي شهدت احتدادا للتنافس بين الكنيسة، المسيطر الروحي ذلك الوقت، وبين اصحاب الشان الرفيع لتاتي النتيجة لصالحهم، وبذلك يكون منتصف القرن التاسع عشر هو بداية انشاء الدول القومية في اوروبا. وبتتابع التطور التاريخي للنظام النقدي الدولي، وتحديدا بعد نظام بريتون وودز انتهى شكله الاخير باعتماد العملات الاحتياطية الرئيسة ياتي الدولار الامريكي بالدرجة الاولى على راس هذا العملات. ويحتم علينا القول بان نظام بريتون وودز مهد الطريق امام الدولار ليحتل مكانته كعملة احتياطية اولى ذلك عن طريق منحه امتياز خلق السيولة الدولية من خلال عجز ميزان المدفوعات الدولية، وهذا مايعنى بالامتياز الفائق او المفرط، وهو مصطلح اطلقه الفرنسيين عندما انتقدوا نظام النقد الدولي باعتماد الدولار كعملة دولية, لانه بذلك يعفي الولايات المتحدة الامريكية من العديد من الالتزامات تجاه الدول، ناهيك عن المكاسب الجمة التي تحصل عليها الولايات المتحدة الامريكية باعتبار عملتها عملة احتياطية دولية اولى. ان تمتع الولايات المتحدة الامريكية باقتصاد قوي وقوة نفوذ الدولار الامريكي سياسيا وعسكريا، وذلك كون عملتها عملة احتياطية اولى في العالم، قد منح الولايات المتحدة الامريكية امتيازات فائقة، ومن هذا المنطلق انتهجت الولايات المتحدة الامريكية منهجا خاصا في صنع سياستها الخارجية واقعة بذلك تحت تاثير جهات ضاغطة مثل اللوبيات والشركات متعددة الجنسية او الشركات العملاقة ومن اهمها شركات السلاح وشركات النفط. ان هذه الامتيازات التي تتمتع بها الولايات المتحدة الامريكية، والناتجة من كون عملتها عملة احتياطية اولى في العالم، ساهمت كثيرا في دعم القوة العسكرية الامريكية في سبيل تحقيق اهداف الامن القومي الامريكي، وتمثل ذلك في عسكرة الاقتصاد الامريكي على مدى اكثر من نصف قرن وتمويل الحروب بطرق متعددة، وان كانت الولايات المتحدة الامريكية تعاني من مشاكل اقتصادية لعل ابرزها العجز التجاري القائم في ميزان مدفوعاتها، وذلك نتيجة العديد من الاسباب منها الحروب المكلفة التي خاضت غمارها الولايات المتحدة الامريكية، ولعل ابرزها الحرب الامريكية على فيتنام والحرب الامريكية على العراق، وقد انعكست هذه المتغيرات على طبيعة وسياسة الادارة الامريكية الحالية التي تتبوا مركز القيادة والزعامة في العالم مما اعطى ملامح واضحة للدور السياسي للدولار الامريكي. | The growth and economic stability to any state does not take place only when the availability of the monetary system is capable of providing the necessary liquidity to the economy, monitoring and controlling the various indicators which reflect the economic performance. As well as the international level does not represent a booming trade and economic relations between States unless there is a monetary system including rules and mechanisms to stabilize the international monetary and provide liquidity to the international payments and supervising the organization of international transaction. Probably one of the main components of international liquidity is what is known conventionally currency reserves and the task of leading the international monetary system. Throughout the nineteenth - century and until the beginning of the First World War transactions States were according to the gold standard system, and its banknotes issued by central banks, it's used in state of gold, a cover 100%, The pound sterling, as well as gold, were treated at the international level, and ranks first among reserved currencies. That the power enjoyed by the pound sterling before the First World War was a reflection of the political and economic power and military encamping in that period and was practiced in the field of international trade. The dollar did not play any role at the international level in this period. Since the First World War began, and expanded the requirements of war efforts and military expenditures, it's went out, states began to issue massive amounts of paper money to equal the size of military expenditures, collapse the international monetary system of gold standard, and continued system of international monetary system suffers from many crises since the end of the First World War until the Second World War. The dollar at the beginning of the year 1945, it work began (the Convention on the Breton Woods) and it is covered with gold by 100%, and become the first currency reserved in the world, was awarded the international monetary system concession to U. S. A, and it is a possibility to create the international liquidity through the U.S.A balance of payments deficit. This is what we mean by the word exorbitant privilege. We discussed the associated political and economic side of what is known to privilege, a term reportedly at the France when it blames the adoption of the international monetary system, the dollar as an international currency and providing state - exporting to it, the U.S.A, a privilege exempting them from the real commitment to other countries. The fact that the U.S.A. dollar, supported by a strong economy with high productivity, control over global trade, access to foreign markets, the ability to increase exports, military power and political influence is clear, making it the first reserved currency in the world. The American dollar is supported by strong economics that has high productivity and controls on the world trade and has an access to the foreign markets and it is able to increase the exports , clear military power and political influence making it the first reserved currency in the world that currency which has political dimensions.The international reserved currency through the dollar experience assures the political effects and dimensions of that leading currency through the American foreign policy and demands of the American the national security before and after the events of Sep.2001 and it explains that the most effected sides of making the American foreign policy is the lobbies or the pressure groups and also the multinational companies or the giant companies .The most important ones are the weapons companies and oil companies. The economic momentum supporting the military power in achieving the goals of the American national security represents encamping the American economics more than half century and supporting the wars in multi ways ,the most important ones are taxes , Treasury bills that the American government presents ; the citizens and the foreign people that finances wars that it is engaged in that it suffers from the economic problems ,the most important ones is the deficit in the trading balance.The most prominent American wars that they have high economic and financial costs ,the American - Vietnam wars and the American war on Iraq and it reflects the variables on the nature of the current American administration and the policy of the United states that predicts the leading centre that it gives clear features for the political role of the international reserved currency - the American dollar as sample - that it deals with through the chapters of the research.The Framework of ResearchThis research is divided after the introduction into four chapters ,it deals with the variables concerning with that chapter ,the subject of the first chapter is a conceptual access dealing with the reserved currency in the international currency system through two researches, the first sections deals with the concept of the concept of reserved currency and its contents ,section two deals with the functional role of the reserved currency in the international currency system.Chapter two deals with the international reserved currency during the historical development and its current reality through three sections. Section One deals with the development of the international reserved currency ,section two deals with the dollar as an international reserved currency in the international reserved system and section three deals with the role of the other currencies in the current international system. Chapter three that discuses the economic role of the reserved currency(dollar as a sample)through three sections, section one deals with the financial sides for the economic dominance on the international level, section two deals with advantages and the arranged costs on the American national currency (dollar)as a tool in settling the debts and section three deals with the political economics of the international currency. Chapter four of the research studies the political role of the international reserved currency (dollar experience)through three sections, section one discusses the American foreign policy and interests of the national security and the partners that have an effect on the operation of the American decision making, section two the role of the economic momentum supporting the American military power, that power which is used for achieving the American political goals, the American military factorial community that the United States of America, section three studies the American military power and the most prominent wars of the United states of America and what has happened in the current American policy.

التنمية السياسية العربية بين الاصلاح السياسي ودعوة التغيير الخارجي == Arabian Political Development Between Political Reform & External Change invitation

Author name: زيد عدنان محسن العكيلي
Supervisor name: لبنان هاتف الشامي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: مع نهاية القرن العشرين واطلالة القرن الحادي والعشرين شهد العالم ولادة نظام دولي جديد ، اطلق بداياته بحرب الخليج الثانية التي قادتها الولايات المتحدة الامريكية في منطقة من اهم المناطق الاستراتيجية في العالم الا وهي منطقة الوطن العربي حيث شهدت هذه المنطقة حربا اقليمية التمسية ، دولية التاثير ، عالمية الابعاد ، لتعلن ميلاد حقبة دولية جديدة . تمتاز بهيمنة القطب الامريكي الذي اخذ يفرض مفاهيمه على العالم في اطار ظاهرة تحركها قوى المال والاعلام الا وهي " العولمة " واحيانا تستخدم القوة العسكرية لـ(مكافحة الارهاب ، الحد من اسلحة الدمارالشامل) هذه الظاهرة هي التي حملت شعارات الديمقراطية وحقوق الانسان والحريات العامة لتجعل منها معيارا للثواب والعقاب فمن يرفع هذه الشعارات وينفتح على النظام العالمي الجديد يحظى بالثواب ، ومن يعرض عن الديمقراطية وحقوق الانسان والحريات العامة يتعرض لخطر العقاب ، وبذلك وجدت الانظمة السياسية العربية نفسها امام عملية اصلاح ديمقراطي عالمية تقودها الولايات المتحدة مفروضة عليها من الخارج ، وهذه العملية العالمية انتخبت وانتقت مواقع ذات اهمية استراتيجية لتطل من خلالها على العالم . لذا فان الدول العربية امام عملية تغريب سياسي عالمي (الغربنة) من خلال فرض ايديولوجية الغرب الراسمالي ضمن موجة الديمقراطية التي جاءت كرد فعل للمتغيرات الدولية وقد سميت هذه المرحلة بـ(التحرر السياسي) ، لكن نتائج هذا التحول كانت قد اخذت شكل تناقضات شهدها العالم العربي ضمن هذه الايديولوجية المفروضة او الوافدة . اذ ليس بمقدور كل دول العالم النامي بصورة عامة والدول العربية بصورة خاصة ان تطبق هذه التجربة بمناى عن اي تخبطات او تعثرات ، لان بعض هذه الدول غير مهيا اساسا للاصلاح السياسي وبالتالي تنمية سياسية حقيقية ديمقراطية . اذ ان الشعارات والدعوات التي تطلق في ميدان حقوق الانسان والتعددية من قبل دعاة " النظام الدولي الجديد " ، لاتزال تخاطب مجتمعات - هشة - وتستغل الاوضاع المتردية لحقوق الانسان هذه ، لتدغدغ امال الشعوب والمجموعات والجماعات التي تعاني من القمع ، وتظهر وكانها هي المنقذ لها . كما ان الدعوات لملاحقة المسؤولين عن انتهاكات حقوق الانسان بصفتهم الفردية امام القضاء تمهد الطريق نفسيا لتقبل هذه الدعوات والترحيب بها والترويج لها واللجوء الى القوى الخارجية ، فاذا اظهرت الديمقراطية الليبرالية نظما غير متوائمة مع مصالح الغرب فليس هناك اي مانع من اجهاض هذه التجربة على الرغم من الشعارات التي ترفعها . لقد اصبح الفراغ الذي تعانيه المنطقة العربية بسبب غياب مشروع اصلاحي تنموي سياسي ديمقراطي يشكل فرصة سانحة للقوى الدولية التي تمتلك مصالح استراتيجية في المنطقة لتقديم مشاريع (اصلاحية) للانظمة التسلطية في المنطقة هذه الانظمة التي كانت تحظى في السابق بدعم نفس القوى التي بادرت لتقديم هذه المشاريع (الاصلاحية) . حيث ساد الاعتقاد ان الاخذ بالانظمة الراسية وهيمنة الحزب الواحد (الوحيد) سيقود الدول العربية الى الاستقرار السياسي على اساس ان التعددية قد تخلق حالة من الفوضى بسبب الصراع على السلطة بين الاحزاب ، ذلك فضلا عن ان نظام الحزب الواحد سيقود الى انجاز مهم هو بناء الوحدة الوطنية ، والنهوض باعباء تحقيق التنمية الشاملة ، التي تحتاج الى سلطة قوية لاتتوفر في الانظمة البرلمانية التعددية ، لان التعددية تعني الفرقة والتنافر ، فضلا عن كل ذلك فان نظام الحزب الواحد قد حقق واحدا من اهم اهدافه وهو ضمان الاستمرار للنخب السياسية الحاكمة دون مضايقات القوى المعارضة لها ، بهذه القناعة حكمت الانظمة السلطوية العربية ، حيث حظيت هذه الانظمة بدعم احد المعسكرين ابان الحرب العالمية الثانية لابقاء نظام سلطوي يقمع المعارضة ويحول دون انتقال الدولة الى منطقة نفوذ المعسكر الاخر . ولهذا فان المطالبة بالتنمية والاصلاح تقع في صلب المعركة من اجل الوطن الحر السيد الموحد . وهذا الهدف لايتحقق الا في ظل انظمة شرعية تكفل حقوق المواطنين وتحظى بدعمهم وتكسب ثقتهم التي تشكك في المشاريع الاصلاحية المقدمة من قبل الحكومات بسبب خبرتها معها . اذن الاصلاح السياسي الديمقراطي ضرورة يفرضها واقع المجتمع العربي في الوطن العربي ، لخلق حالة من الاستقرار والعدالة داخل هذا المجتمع الكبير الذي اصبحت تنطوي بين جنباته على متغيرات الرفض للانظمة السياسية القائمة والرغبة بالتغيير والاصلاح ، وهذه المتغيرات اذ لم يتم استيعابها في اطار عملية سلمية فانها ستولد انفجار تعجز الانظمة السياسية القائمة على استيعابه ، اذن لايمكن الخروج من الازمة التي تتعرض لها الانظمة السياسية العربية من دون وجود عملية اصلاح شاملة وحقيقية ، تاخذ في اعتباراتها التطورات الدولية ومواثيق حقوق الانسان ، هذا لان نجاح العملية الاصلاحية العربية يتطلب العودة الى الاصول من اجل هضمها وغربلتها واستخراج شيء جديد منها اصيل كاصالتها ، لا ان يعتمد الاصلاح على هوامش الفكر الغربي او يكتفي بالتراث فالاصلاح لايمكن ان يؤسس على هوامش او جزئيات . بل هو كل متفاعل بين معطيات التراث التي تشكل خصوصية المشروع ، والاعتبارات الدولية التي تنطوي على الحداثة ، حتى ينجح المشروع التنموي الاصلاحي فانه يتطلب اذن ثقافة سياسية جديدة تعمل على احلال النزعة النسبية في الوعي السياسي محل النزعة الشمولية ، وتحل التوافق والتراضي والتعاقد محل قواعد التسلط والاحتكار والالغاء . لايمكن لاي مشروع اصلاح سياسي ديمقراطي في الوطن العربي النجاح دون وجود مجتمع مدني نشيط وحيوي يسهم بفاعلية لبلورة مشروع اصلاح سياسي ديمقراطي يناسب خصوصية كل دولة ويستوعب القوى المجتمعية ، وادت حالة التردي التي تعتصر الكيانات العربية وتحايل الحكومات على مشاريع الاصلاح الفرصة لتدخل الاجنبي لاجراء التغيير بعدما فشلت الانظمة السياسية العربية بتغيير نفسها ، اذن الاصلاح امر ضروري وعاجل ، ينبع من داخل مجتمعاتنا ذاتها ويستجيب الى تطلعات الجماهير في بلورة مشروع شامل للاصلاح ، يضم الجوانب السياسية والاقتصادية والاجتماعية والثقافية...الخ ، فالديمقراطية ليست مؤسسات فقط وانما هي ثقافة سياسية وسياسات اقتصادية واجتماعية وثقافية ...الخ ، متفاعلة مع بعضها البعض ، اذن اي مشروع للاصلاح الديمقراطي في الشرق الاوسط حتى يكتب له النجاح لابد ان يميز الوطن العربي عن سواه ، بسبب الخصوصية التي تمتع بها الدول العربية بحيث يسمح المشروع الاصلاحي بالتعامل مع كل دولة على حده ، وينتظم في نسق عام مع القواسم العربية المشتركة الاخرى ، بينما يتيح لكل مجتمع عربي كي يدفع خطوات الاصلاح الخاصة به الى الامام ، ويفعل من الوجود العربي على الساحة الدولية والاقليمية ، ويبعده عن التقوقع والتمحورعلى الذات . | With the end of the 20th century and the outset of the 21st century, the world witnessed the birth of a new world order. It began with the 2nd Gulf War led by the United States of America (USA) in one of the most important strategic regions the world - the Arab Homeland. This Region witnessed a regional and afflictive war marked with international dimensions and impacts announcing the birth of a new international era. This era is branded with the domination of the American pole that started imposing its concepts on the world in the framework of a phenomenon driven by money and media, i.e.," globalization". Sometimes the military force is used for (fighting terrorism or banning the proliferation of the weapons of mass destruction). This phenomenon raised the slogans of democracy, human rights and general freedoms to be used as the criterion for reward and punishment. Those who adopt these slogans and welcome the new world order will be rewarded, and those who reject democracy, human rights and general freedoms will be punished. Therefore, the Arab political systems found themselves facing a world democratic reformation process led by the USA. This process selected strategically important locations to dominate from these locations on the world. Consequently, the Arab states are facing a westernization process through the imposition of the ideology of the capitalistic western world within the wave of democracy that came as a reaction fro the international changes. This stage is called as (political liberation). However, the results of this alteration took the form of contradictions witnessed by the Arab world within the incoming or imposed ideology. Generally, all the developing and Arab countries cannot implement this experiment without stumbling and floundering. That is because some of these countries are not prepared for political reformation and hence a real democratic and political development. The claims and slogans raised in the arena of human rights and pluralism by the heralds of the "new world order", still addressing - fragile - communities and utilizing the bad situation of human rights there to titillate the hopes of the oppressed peoples and groups. They want to look as their saviors. The calls for hunting down those who are responsible for the violations of human rights, in persons, before courts, pave the way psychologically to accept, welcome and promulgate for these calls and resort to the outside powers. So, if the liberal democracy generates systems that are not inline with western interests, then there is no obstacle to abort this experiment despite the slogans it may raise. The vacuity from which the Arab region suffers due to the absence of democratic, political, developmental and reforming project gives a an easy chance to the international powers that have strategic interests in the region to provide (reformation) projects for the dictatorship regimes in the region. In the past, these regimes were backed by same powers that took the initiative of the provision of such reformation projects. There has been a tenet saying that the adoption of hierarchical regimes and the hegemony of one party (the only one) will lead the Arab states to political stability. That was based on the idea that pluralism or (a multi - party - state system) could result in disorder originated from the dispute on authority between the parties. This is in addition to the belief that a single - party - state system will leads to a significant accomplishment, i.e., building the national unity and upholding the extensive development that needs a powerful authority which the multi - party parliamentary systems lack. This is because the multi - party system means disunity and discord. Aside from that, the single - party system has achieved one of its biggest aims - insuring the persistence of the political elites in power without being annoyed by their opposing powers. According to this belief the totalitarian Arab regimes ruled their peoples. These regimes were supported by one of the two camps during the 2nd World War for preserving a totalitarian regime that oppresses the opposition and stands against the transition of the state to the influence of the other camp. Therefore, the call for reformation and development lies at the heart of the battle for a unified, sovereign and free country. This goal cannot be achieved unless there are legal systems that guarantee the rights of the citizens and enjoys their support and credit which suspiciously regards the reformation projects offered by the governments due to their experiences with them. It became clear that the democratic political reformation is a necessity dictated by the nature of the Arab community in the Arab Homeland. And that is to create a state of stability and justice inside the big community which is folding and encompassing the new conditions of rejecting the existing political regimes and the desire for change and reformation. These new conditions or variables, if they were not contained in the framework of a peaceful process, it will generate an explosion which cannot be contained by the existing political systems. Therefore, there is no way out of the crisis which the Arab political regimes face now unless there is real and extensive reformation process that take into its consideration the international developments and the human rights charts. This is because the success of the Arab reformation process requires from us to go to the origins in order to comprehend and sift them to extract something as a new and genuine as it is. Reformation should not depend on the margins of the western thinking or be limited to heritage. It cannot be based on margins and partialities. Yet, it represents the interaction between the given facts of the heritage that formulates the features of the project on the one hand, and the international consideration branded with modernity. In order that the reformation and developmental project succeeds, it requires a new political culture that works on replacing the relativism whim in the political perception with the comprehensive whim. Similarly, harmony and accord replaces the rules of hegemony, monopoly and revocation. No democratic reformation project in the Arab Homeland can succeed unless there is an active civil society that contributes vitally in the building of a democratic political reformation project that fits the specialties of each country and contains the powers of its community. The deterioration that is pressing out the Arab entities and the deception organized by the governments against the reformation projects, gave the opportunity for the foreign intervention to carry out the changing process after the Arab political systems failed to change itself. Reformation therefore is a necessity in our communities and it responds to the expectations of the peoples for the building of an extensive reformation project. This project includes all the political, economic, social and cultural aspects. These aspects react with each other. Therefore, if there is any project for democratic reformation to be successful in the Middle East, it should differentiate the Arab Homeland from the other regions due to features which the Arab countries enjoy. Such a project should give the chance of treating each state alone. It should have a general order with the things that the Arab countries have in - common. It also give the chance for each Arab society to push forward its own reformation steps and invigorates the Arab presence both on the regional and international levels and keep it off from confinement and introversion

القوى الكبرى واعادة تشكيل النظام الدولي : دراسة في فرضيات الصعود والافول == Great Powers And Reforming International System A Study In The Assumptions Of Ascendancy And Decline

Author name: علي بشار بكر اغوان
Supervisor name: محمد ياس خضير
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: Constitute the rotation exponential relationship dimensions positive and negative between the international system over the different stages of the major powers in various manifestations, argumentative and extensive research and one of the main gates of understanding of international relations at the contemporary stage, this relationship has opened ample room for endoscopy and research in but the international system and major powers dramatically, impact, vulnerability and nutrition, nutrition reverse dual between the international system and major powers relationship has alternated according to each stage and this relationship is the main problem of the balance of power in several stages, and when he was urgently needed because of the international system is to be the foundation standard for classification of power arrogance in the world, we became our international system stable and clearly defined in terms of the formation of systemic in different structural dimensions, that the international system is established the concept of structural and quality of states and impose the rhythm of movement for many reasons, notably that the nature of the regime often imposes itself a great obligation for these forces because adopted for fear of imbalance or break up of certain international situation or threat to the status of this or that country. While it is possible that just the opposite is happening as they become the major powers in the zenith of its power is granted international system and give it structure and posed or change the balance, that is, the major powers here are the ruler and the clutch on the decision to change within the system and not vice versa.Of course, and as far as what the major powers and the international system and the issues of restructuring strategy and the required strategic supplies, it became clear manner that does not accept the argument that the concept of power and public and private as has changed helped broadly to re - read the beliefs of the strategic countries in terms of the ups and build self - mechanisms .Importance of the study : Centric importance of the study of it represents an attempt research earnest to form a new theory to explain how they can through the major powers arise strategic detail the destruction, they also offer hypotheses second supplement to the theory of looking at the mechanics of the fading of states and their tracks and provide detailed explanations of the forms of collapse and form, in the sense that the subject of major powers and reshape the international system based on the assumptions of ascent and decline, it represents an attempt to re - read international relations in general and major powers and the international system, in particular in the pot research focuses on the scientific methodology of the measurement, audit and observation and select the tracks.The problem of the study : The study generally runs from the two problems main ways : the first, which is problematic conceptual theory relating to the characterization of and what the big powers and the international system and the nature of the dialectical relationship rotating between the two, the second is problematic current major powers characterization and put it in its proper place according to the hypothesis of ascent and decline and the compatibility of all the power with these hypotheses.The dilemma conceptual first, since the study is trying through, and over the detective and three chapters, the first - the first, second and third - explain what the clash incident between the international system and major powers, as it is trying to study here and across this part of the dilemma that the disintegration of the complex Association about the presence of overlapping relationship is a clear path between the evolution of the international system on the one hand and major powers on the other hand, due to the complexity of the actors and their diversity and change the concept of power and its vocabulary, this relationship appears frequently as a rotational (ie, when they vibrate and weaken the international system, is restored and fed through strategic reaction of major powers on the form of finding a new strategic balance or maintain the strategic balance as and when it weakens the major powers, the system modifying itself in line with the size of the weakness incident to correspond to the requirements and elements of modernization that has occurred in the international environment and gives the stream additional to those strengths that have benefited from the decline in single actors function or polar strategic act also shall be either by maintaining a balance or modify it identifies with the size and manage change).While Applied dilemma second focuses on practical models of major powers and try to determine its position in the international system based on key assumptions that have been developed and adopted a basic criteria for the rise of the big powers and the eclipse, as it dealt with the last three chapters (IV, V and VI) the issue of the status of all power in the international system - models selected - based on the extent of approaching and distancing itself from the hypotheses that have been put forward both in terms of climb or, moreover study focuses in this part of the dilemma defines the shape of the future of the international order based on the data and the reality of the big powers. It is through this dilemma offers a number of central research questions that the study will try to answer them through the next research context, the most important of these questions are : 1. What is the fundamental nature of the relationship between the international system and major powers?2. How can identify the key ingredients that require their presence in the power of any wish to become a major international scope of the system?3. What are the main forms of balance known to international relations throughout history, the nation - state?4. Who are the actors function capable of control in the international system and restructuring?5. How can identify the entrances of change within the international system and who knows this change?6. What is the most important hypotheses that can be through to become a major force on the international scope of the system?7. How can identify the most important hypotheses decline that lead them to collapse?8. Do not slip United States a world power?9. Is Russia today is on its way toward building the same to you mean by itself as one of the poles of the future world again?10. Is China really able to replace the United States? And how?11. What is Japan's new site in the international system?12. What is the future of the international system in the light of data the rise and fall of great powers?Hypothesis of the study : Consistent with the dilemma that have been submitted and research questions that have been submitted and as well as the main hypotheses that have been adopted by the study systematically through the third quarter in an attempt to form a comprehensive theory, the study starts from the assumption president of that on the basis of (that there is a direct correlation "positive + negative" between the regime the one hand and major powers on the other hand. The more major powers more coherent and stronger the more you process the formation of the international system more discipline, and vice versa, the more the international system more solid whenever the major powers to maintain more balance and less likely to change. And branching out from this hypothesis President, two assumptions in two basic subgroups : The first hypothesis : Whenever any major international force backed away from its position, as it was an opportunity to push a new force to fill the vacuum, and this is a dialectical ascent and decline.The second hypothesis : Whenever a major international force backed away from its position as it was an opportunity to reshape the international system according to the new balance of power. This is the dialectical relationship between the international system and major powers.Curricula : The study used the six - round main chapters range of approaches that are used in scientific research on the scope of political science were as follows : 1. The historical approach, which sought the study through used to display the most prominent of the relevant idea of historical experiences and the subject that the researcher wants to clarify, this has been the approach one of the main approaches that have been through it to identify the mechanisms of the fading of the major powers and the conclusion of which many hypotheses have been one of the most important pillars of the study at various stages.2. Analytical Approach : The study used the analytical approach to the study of various plants for several purposes, the most important cases of the dismantling and re - installed in accordance with the main theme of her service, and the support of the conclusions of this approach is based on the basis of scrutiny of reality and studied extensively studied through strategic insight.3. Approach the international system Analysis : It is one of the most major and modern approaches that study sought to focus on it through international structural analysis and situations experienced by the international system and the dismantling of his limbs and its impact, the study was able bumpy this approach to reach many conclusions based on what provided by this approach of the mechanics to understand the phenomenon and absorbed significantly.4. Approach to measure the strength of nations : one of the most important approaches and, most recently that for its research tools have enabled the study to identify the most prominent features of the strength and the weakness of the major powers and greatly helped to explain many of the phenomena and dismantled as it should.5. Future Approach : It is one of the most important methods you used for the purposes of study, the most important of several identifying features scenes of the future of the international system according to the scene forward - looking unconditional. Structural study : As well as the introduction to the study and details and the conclusion and findings, the study contained two doors presidents by six central chapters, the first section by three chapters titled (conceptual framework and theoretical), while Part II came with three other chapters supplement entitled (Applied and future frame).Ensure that the first chapter of the study, which came under the title (the major powers and the international system), the two main two sections (Section I : what the major powers and the international system) while the second part, titled (forms of power in the international system balance).On the other hand Chapter II of the study, which was titled contained (actors in international relations and the entrances to change) on two sections two main (Section I : actors function traditional and new actors function of non - State actors in international relations), while the second section under the title (the entrances to the change in the system international).Also a third chapter of the study, which was titled (hypotheses rise and fall of great powers) of the two main two sections (Section I : hypotheses rise of major powers) while the second part, titled (hypotheses fading major powers).Chapter IV of the study contains two sections and two presidents, who came under the title (the major powers "core" and measuring hypotheses ascent and decline), was the first topic title (the United States) while the second section title (Russian Federation).On the other hand, Chapter V of the study complements the above by two sections presidents under the title of president of the chapter came a (major powers "emerging" and measuring hypotheses ascent and decline), was the first section of the chapter entitled (China), while the second part, titled (Japan) .

النخبة السياسية في العراق 1958 - 2014 : دراسة في التوجيهات والاهداف == The political elites that ruled Iraq (1958 - 2014) studies in trends and goals

Author name: سعدي ابراهيم حسين
Supervisor name: ليث عبد الحسن جواد الزبيدي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The present dissertation consists of four chapters preceeded by an introduction and followed by a conclusion . It sets out from questioning and if the political elites henceforth (P.Es) successivly ruled Iraq for the period (1958 - 2014) are and the same trends and gools ?The dissertation replies This inquiry by hypothesising that the (P.Es) successively ruled Iraq vary in their trends and goals , as each has its own ones . The trends and goals mainle of (P.E) ruled for (1958 - 1963) concentrated on constructing Iraqi state . The (P.E) of (1963 - 2003) was of Arabic national trends and goals . As for the (P.E) came to power in Iraq after 2003 , they are of no clear trends and goals , considering their different national , religions and sectarian trends and goals .To verity of valility of this Aypothesis , Ch1 studies the (P.E) ruled Iraq (1958 - 1963) . Ch2 studies the (P.E) ruled for the period (1963 - 1968) . Ch3 studies the (P.E) ruled Iraq (1968 - 2003) . while Che4 concerns the study for the (P.E) ruled since 2003 till 2014 .The disser tation has come to the following conclusions : First : - the ruling(P.E) of (1958 - 2003) are of persons mostly come from military establishment , with an important exceptions when these elites by headed by civil leaders , as the case with the political (Abdulrhman Al - Bazaz) who became prime minster , and the former Iraqi president (Saddam Hussein) came to power in 1979 as a president. the later , in spite driving himself to the military establish meant by seizing the biggest military rank , he still being actually a civilian .Second : - The (P.E) ruled Iraq before 2003 depended on their own capacities to take the power by making revolutions coups . While the (P.E) came to power after 2003 till the time of concluding this dissertation , depended on external factor represented by USA support to expel the previous (P.E) and substitute it by recent (P.Es) .Third : - The (P.Es) ruled Iraq all over the period specified for the purpose of the present study didn't succeed to a achieve their trends and goals , moreover , they encountered by internal obstacles and the (P.Es) themselves , as well as home and external (regional and international) obstacles .So , we could say the trends and goals that helped (P.Es) to take power , were at the same time reasons behind losing the power , especially before 2003 .After 2003 , the (P.Es) national and sectarian trends and goals were negative factors led rulling system specially and the whole country in general to many economical , political and security problem and crises . the most prominent one is the national and communal political share in rulling Iraq .Finally , the dissertation comes to a list and suggestion , including : - 1 - concerning the future (P.Es) trends and goals it is suggested that the new (P.E) have to adopt popular national trends and goals of all Iraqi people suitable for Iraqi situation , which promots and at the same time supported by the a general unified national identity . the best possible suggested strategy to achieve this to follow the steps and rebuilt state resemble that and ancient Iraqi empires since it unified all Iraqi nation under their title , as no Iraqi Arabs , Kurds and other could deny his Hondo our to be belong to those civilizations .So , we could keep Iraq away from the risk of national and sectarian trends and goals .2 - concerning the mechanism to take the power : - The study suggests that the peaceful exchang of power is that best way must be adapted by the future(P.E) as it is founded by USA in Iraq after 2003, and they must leave the second alternative , i.e the violence to take the power which was the only way the past since 1958 .3 - concerning the political performance , the study concentrates the necessity of correspondence between trends and goals on one hand , and the (P.Es) , performance on the other hand . this could be achieved by adopting reviewing trends and goals periodically by the (P.Es) and reforming these trends and goals to be realistic of applicable within a reasonable and useful period for Iraqi people , not imaginary and Uri realistic like establishing national state , while the existed Arab countries are under the risk of partioning one after one . Neither trying to establish a communal (sinni or Shiite) state while Iraq realy consists of more than one religion or sect .

اثـر ادارة نـظام الابـداع الـوطنـي فـي استراتيجية التكيف والسيطرة : دراسة نموذج العراق

Author name: محمد مصطفى جمعة السعدون
Supervisor name: سرمد زكي الجادر | مازن اسماعيل الرمضاني
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Strategic Studies
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

القيادة واثرها في الاداء الاستراتيجي التركي الشرق الاوسط انموذجا == Leadership and its Impact on the Turkish Strategic Performance Middle East as a Model

Author name: محمد عبد الله راضي
Supervisor name: باقر جواد كاظم السوداني
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Strategic Studies
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The study addressed the issue of leadership, as one of the important topics in the field of political science, and in strategic studies. Political leaders are to give countries a regional or global status.The political leadership in the country, define the objectives, means of implementation, determine the power and weaknesses of the state, and monitoring the opportunities and difficulties, in the internal and external environment.Turkey, since 2002, witnessed the presence of a leadership with Islamic content, able to convey Turkey than doubled phase to phase power. And headed Turkey, under the control of the Islamists, to pay attention to the Middle East, as a strategic area.The Middle East, as a geographic area, includes : Egypt, Israel, and the Arab Gulf States, Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, Palestine, Iraq, Turkey, and Iran. And some of them add : Pakistan, Afghanistan, Arab Maghreb countries, and Sudan.Turkey lies in the Middle East, and during the period between 1923 - 2002, went secular, aiming to join Europe, and have been associated with NATO and the United States, ignoring its relations with the Middle East.The Islamists after taking power in Turkey, gave their attention to the Middle East, which was considered a pivotal area, to perform as a strategic actor.The study aims to : find a relationship between the role of Islamists leadership and the performance of Turkey in the Middle East. Within the period 2002 - 2020.And that raised the issue of the relationship between : the leadership of the Islamists, and Turkey's role in the Middle East, an important question : Is the effectiveness of the Turkish strategy, during the period 2002 - 2015, in the Middle East, linked to the presence of Islamists in power?The answer, verified the existence of a relationship between two variables. Turkey and the shift towards secular parties will push Turkey towards : a little get away from the Middle EastThe study was divided into three chapters, an introduction and a conclusion : 1. First chapter : (Turkish leadership and strategic perception of the Middle East), and it has to answer the question : How Islamists consider Turkey's role in the Middle East?And address this issue in two paragraphs, first : the theoretical framework for leadership, the relationship between leadership and strategic performance, and leadership connection with the strategic decision making in Turkey, and second : Turkish strategic perception of the Middle East from the aspects of political, security, economic and civilization importance.2. Second chapter (Turkish leadership and strategy in the Middle East). It has to answer the question : What is Turkey's strategic orientation towards the Middle East, and what is the content of the strategic performance?And it headed the study, in dealing with this subject, through three paragraphs : first, focused on variables effect Turkey's strategic performance in the Middle East. And second, it focused on the strategic orientation of the Turkish in the Middle East. And third, the history of Turkish strategic performance since World War II.3. Third chapter (Leadership and the future of strategic performance in the Middle East), and has to answer the question : Will the Islamists continue in the leadership of Turkey till 2023? And whether changes will happen in Turkey's strategy in the Middle East?And it headed the study, in dealing with this subject, through two paragraphs, first : the expected changes, in leadership, during the period between 2015 - 2020, inside Turkey, and second what changes is expected on the Turkish strategic performance, in the Middle East according to changes in leadership

السياسة الامنية الامريكية تجاه النظام الاقليمي في الشرق الاوسط بعد احداث 11 ايلول 2001 == United States Security Policy Toward The Regional Order In The Middle East After The Events Of September 11, 2001

Author name: ظفر عبد مطر التميمي
Supervisor name: سمير جسام راضي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: تعد السياسة الامريكية الخارجية بجانبها السياسي الامني من اهم المفردات التي تشكل احدى ادوات محور البناء والتغيير في منطقة الشرق الاوسط الموسع، وما يليها من مناطق مجاورة ، وذلك بعد انتهاء مرحلة الحرب الباردة، وتغير مراكز القوة العالمية، خاصة مع تصاعد مفاهيم مثل النظام الاقليمي، والاقليمية الجديدة، والامن الاقليمي والتي قد تبرز لتحل محل التعددية القطبية العالمية او على الاقل ستغير من مفهوم الهيمنة الامريكية على النظام العالمي الجديد. ولان القرن الحادي والعشرين بدا امريكيا بامتياز، فان الادارة الامريكية تحاول جاهدة فرض الصبغة الامريكية على هذا القرن حتى نهايته، او على الاقل حتى بداية ضعف الدولة الامريكية. ان منطقة الشرق الاوسط الموسع تمثل حالة من الوفرة في الموارد الطبيعية والديموغرافية فمن المؤكد انها ستمثل حالة من الوفرة ايضا في الخطط الامريكية التي ستؤدي الى تغيير المنطقة وفقا لتطلعات الادارة الامريكية وحلفائها، وبذلك تتناسب منطقة الشرق الاوسط الموسع مع التناغم الحاصل بين فوضى التغيير والنظام الاقليمي الجديد، والتي تمثل افضل السبل لجعل هذه المنطقة المشتعلة دوما باتون الحروب والصراعات اكثر ميلا نحو الاستقرار والسكينة وان تكلف ذلك مددا زمنية ليست بالقليلة او الهينة. وبالتالي فالادارة الامريكية امامها فرصة كبيرة في اعادة خلق المنطقة على وفق تخطيط استراتيجي اداري ناجح يتسم بصيغة المشاركة مع دول منطقة الشرق الاوسط الموسع والسماح بخلق محاور اقليمية جديدة تعتمد على تطوير نظامها الامني وربطه بالسياسة الامنية الامريكية والتي تفسح المجال امام القوة الذكية الامريكية لتؤسس مدارس فكرية جديدة غير بعيدة عن التوجه العسكري الامريكي ولا قريبة من التنازلات الخطيرة التي قد تغير من موازين القوى العالمية . | The American foreign policy is marked with political security one of the most important items that constitute one of the tools of axis construction and change in the broader Middle East, and its next neighboring regions, after the end of the Cold War era, and change centres of global power, especially with the escalation of concepts such as regional system, regional new, and regional security that may emerge to replace the multi - polar world, or at least will change the concept of American hegemony on the new world order , because the twenty - first century the start of U.S. par excellence, the U.S. administration is trying hard to impose American character to the end of this century, or at least until the beginning of the weakness of the American state.The broader Middle East region represents a state of abundance in natural resources, demographic. It certainly will be a case of abundance also in U.S. plans that will lead to change the region in accordance with the aspirations of the U.S. administration and its allies, and thus fit the broader of the Middle East with harmony happening between chaos of change and new regional order, which represents the best way to make this region a flaming always patron wars and conflicts are more inclined towards stability and tranquility and cost periods of time is not uncommon or soft. Thus American administration before a great opportunity to re - create the region according to a strategic planning successful management characterized format engagement with the countries of the Broader Middle East and allow the creation of regional hubs new depends on the development of its security system and link security policy of America, which gave way to smart power American establish schools of thought new non - far from the U.S. military approach does not close serious concessions that may change the global balance of power .

معوقات التنمية الشاملة فـي عـراق ما بعد التغيير السـياسي : دراسة في اثر عدم الاستقرار السياسي

Author name: جواد كاظم كطان الشمري
Supervisor name: صالح عباس الطائي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: Development in Iraq were problematic for the President of the successive regimes in spite of the differing motives and justifications have adopted a system in which to proceed, under the former regime was one of development solutions for the political legitimacy required to continue in power, and this is a natural fact that the Development Gateway always explains that contribute in giving some of the legitimate authority in the event it was not in accordance with the generally accepted elements of legitimacy and the most important of which voters choose voluntarily to the ruling authority, for this reason that the former regime began to implement major development during the Sbiniat of the last century is the first decade of the years of his reign, however, that poor Management Authority and the absence of democratic choice and the transformation of the ruling establishment to the individual institution has led to a decline in levels of development, after this process has gradually ceased during the years of the Iraq war - Iran and the subsequent drop in the continuation of the performance of the Iraqi economy by international sanctions imposed by the end of 1990 to show This decline in levels of development through a number of indicators including : deterioration of the Iraqi dinar, a decline in the average annual per capita income and therefore a sharp decline in the gross national product of the state, a gradual increase in the rates of unemployment and the high proportion of the total and starved of manpower, all of which had a bitter reflections indicators of human development, which is a component of overall development, as has the proportion who are literate (Literacy) and a decrease in the average life expectancy and this is what the Twcrh periodic reports of the United Nations and in particular its development program. With the political change that took place in 2003 an international resolution entered a critical juncture of development and perhaps even worse than previous years, if the former regime had been used based on the economic development of the oil wealth to solve the problems of input legitimacy, it is lost under the new system was of course the question of legitimacy with the adoption option the political process as a means of managing power in the country reduced to the question of development in the context of the provision of public services did not take place in this new political climate as a priority after Zahmtha other issues dominated the scene, despite the stated intentions of both the U.S. administration, which came to rule Iraq for about year or by the successive governments have been promising the reconstruction of Iraq and bring about comprehensive development in accordance with an international program along the lines of historical precedents of the heritage inspired by Japanese and German experiences, however, that the events that followed the political change and the reality of this project was postponed because of the continued deterioration of the situation of security and the rise of political conflicts potential between the parties to the political process and turned out to be a sectarian tensions so that the issue of development is not included in the government program, or it turned out to be just one small service delivery policies of local councils, in the sense that the latest development as planned according to a certain extent of time for a change in the social and economic realities as one of the central policies of the State Supreme ignored for the benefit of priority of security that drained a large part of the state budget in previous years remained in the funds allocated for development in the budget is weak and did not meet the real needs. It was the lack of political stability in Iraq is not in the greatest impact of causing FP stop the development process but also the decline of instability Fmkrjat, which were represented in the absence of consensus on government policy and the transformation of the sectarian tension to a civil war which lasted more than a year led to the spread of administrative corruption in state institutions because of poor oversight and accountability mechanisms result concerns the problem of security, which has become the obsession of both the state and the citizen, which in turn has led to disruption of the majority of reconstruction projects, as well as the flight of national capital to markets abroad in search of a more secure, without forgetting that Iraq's transition to a sustainable environment for the violence to make of foreign investment, both in its direct or indirect is not contained at all. On this basis, the security requirement is most urgent is the need for (for the citizen - the voter) and the legitimacy of the government is subject to its ability to provide a more secure environment which reveals a change in political behavior is the re - ordering of priorities in the collective mind on the basis of the prevailing circumstances so that it is to live in completion of a more secure environment proves the legitimacy of authority, and perhaps this new hierarchy of priorities in the collective mind has provided more space for corruption to become the administrative status of the membership of the inherent structure of the Iraqi state, have contributed significantly to the failure of development plans, on the basis of the fact that the conditions are intended to set priorities , development will become a political demand of voters where there is a safe environment so as to become synonymous with the legitimacy of their authority in the implementation of this requirement.

الحكم العالمي في دراسة العلاقات الدولية بعد الحرب الباردة == Global Governance In The Study Of International Relations Post Cold War Era

Author name: اياد هلال حسين الكنانـي
Supervisor name: قاسم محمد عبد علي الدليمي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: For a long time, governance was a syndrome of state sovereignty; the authority of governing all aspects of life in the frame of its regional existence. Its continuous pursue is that all remains under full control, in addition to its refusal to any foreign interference. Therefore the concept of a sovereign nation - state stood as an obstacle facing the process of dividing the authority of the state or even thinking of adopting any role opposite to that of its own. At the same time reality proves that no local or international tools have been developed in order to limit or hinder the power or authority of the nation - state. In that light there hasn't been a significant differentiation between the terms government and governance in the context of social sciences; governance never reached beyond the action of governmental institutions in a certain state. Both terms have been interchangeably used in their meaning and indication when dealing within the frame of nation state authority. This comprehension reflected on the subject of governance in international relations; studies appeared to attenuate centralized governance on international relations in order to reach peace, justice, no war, and organizing international affairs in the same manner of exercising them from inside the state; a vision that ultimately led to suggesting ideal theorists the concept of global governance in its different features.As globalization grows, it becomes more difficult for a state to exercise unlimited domination or produce an absolute social module that could be followed and scrutinized in an authoritarian way on its own and or territory. This kind of control has become totally unpractical. No matter how many institutions a state could build or laws it can legislate, it still remains short of imposing full control on its own lands. This crisis that hit the sovereign country accompanied the reality of governance sharing by other states. These out comers take part in setting standards and building basics and sometimes they might compete and triumph over the mother state itself. What was said represents the local level, and when speaking on the global level, globalization induced other forms of governance and authorities in the field of world policy, including the horizontal and vertical interactions ; sub state, supra state , and trans state, also including organizational initiatives presented by market institutions and the campaigns held by the international social movements. There is a focus on breaking the limits of a single state and heading towards a globalized governance system because of the narrow angle that conventional itself in when compared to a globalized system that enjoys trans - border reactions and exchange that seem to need more than a state's regulations to be controlled. At the same time many issues and problems came to surface that require international intervention. Awareness has also been raised concerning global threats that demand international action. Therefore the dominance of the nation state is gradually transforming towards to (post - national sovereignty) since it is losing its capacity to withhold its public affairs on both the local and international level. In addition to different sides emerging and taking a vital role in what was strictly in the hands of the nation - state alone. Representatives of nation - states today are obliged to be partners when exercising authority, with international organizations, multinational corps, and trans - national political and social organizations or movements in addition that those sides have a rising role in crystallizing interior affairs. This picture led to the demise of the main sign of conventional sovereignty in the past : borders and territory capture. In the light of what was mentioned above, researchers in the field of international relations, especially after the cold war, started the pursue to define modules other than that of a nation - state, as an alternative system. They developed their ideas and theories concerning global governance, and considering it the new analytical concept that describes world politics and power being spread and divided upon global level. Moreover, some researchers considered this a theoretical alternative for international relations perspectives.From this point, it becomes clear, why research in global governance is such an important issue. Since it is the theoretical alternative that could explain the breaking of states' power and how it spreads along different levels. Instead of the conviction that the nation - state reached its end socially and politically, and the retreat of its power, and the opinions that support the transformation of the state's powers and their direction towards a unified hierarchical structure (world government), theorists found a middle position between the chaotic demise of the nation - state and the central grip of the global government, by being more realistic and to the ground. They headed towards the global system that depends on different participating sides in managing state affairs. In addition to the importance of studying global governance by presenting explanations that apply to the global changes. Conventional analysis proved to be short from interpreting those changes in a realistic manner.

الاصلاحات الدستورية في الدول العربية (1991 - 2007) == CONSTITUTIONAL REFORMATIONS IN ARAB STATES (1991 - 2007)

Author name: حازم صباح احميد
Supervisor name: مها عبد اللطيف حسن الحديثي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: بدات الدعوة الى الاصلاحات الدستورية في الدول العربية منذ التغييرات الكبرى التي حدثت في العالم، خاصة في العقد الاخير من القرن العشرين بعد تفكك الاتحاد السوفيتي والكتلة الاشتراكية، وانهيار نظام القطبية الثنائية بانفراد الولايات المتحدة الامريكية في الساحة الدولية وطرح ما يسمى بالنظام الدولي الجديد، هذه الهيمنة السياسية والاقتصادية دفعت الى تصاعد الدعوات الى الاصلاح الدستوري ضمن اطار شعارات الديمقراطية وحقوق الانسان، وبناء مؤسسات المجتمع المدني وازدادت هذه الدعوات بشكل كبير بعد احداث 11 ايلول 2001 . وفي هذا السياق فقد مثل الاصلاح الدستوري في الدول العربية نوع من الاشكالية من خلال التناقض بين ما هو وطني وما هو عالمي، اذ ان الترابط ما بين مطلب الاصلاح وبين مطلب وضع الدستور وتعديله، هو ترابط تاريخي له ضرورات واقعية، فمن ناحية لا يمكن ضمان واستمرار واستقرار عملية الاصلاح بغير دستور يحميها، ولكن ليس الدستور فقط هو الضامن لعملية الاصلاح، اذ ان الدستور مهما كان صريحا واضحا، الا انه لا يمكن ان يضمن عملية الاصلاح الا اذا توافرت الارادة السياسية للنظام السياسي على البدء فيه او الاستمرار في دعمه وتطويره، فالاصلاح الدستوري هدفه احداث تغييرات ملموسة في بعض او جميع نصوص الدستور تقود في النهاية الى الاصلاح الشامل، اذ لا يمكن ان يتحقق اي اصلاح بدون اصلاح للدستور، ويتم ذلك من خلال وجود دستور يحدد العلاقة بين الحاكم والمحكوم وكيفية تشكيل السلطات العامة، وما مدى صلاحية هذه السلطات وما هي العلاقة بين كل سلطة واخرى، وان يكون هناك نص واضح يبين الحقوق والحريات العامة للمواطنين، واذا كان هناك دستور تجاوزه الواقع، فلا بد ان يتم اصلاح ذلك الدستور لينسجم مع الواقع القائم. وهنا يطرح الاصلاح الدستوري بهدف اصلاح القواعد الدستورية التي تشير عن سيطرة سلطة ما على بقية السلطات، او انتهاك حقوق المواطنين وحرياتهم، او تكريس نظام حكم معين. اما الاليات العملية لاصلاح الدستور فتنص عليها قواعد الدستور، وهي تختلف صعوبة او سهولة بحسب مرونة الدستور او جموده. كذلك فان الدستور هو انعكاس للظروف التي تعيشها الدولة، وعليه فلابد من تعديل نصوصه بما يتماشى مع تلك الظروف، والا حدث انفصام بين النص والواقع. اذ ان كثيرا من الدول العربية تخشى من اثارة فكرة اصلاح الدساتير رغبة في تحقيق وحماية الاستقرار، كما لو كان الاصلاح مهددا او معرقلا للاستقرار، وكيف ان الاصلاح قد يكون مطلوبا من اجل الاستقرار، وان عدم القيام بالاصلاحات الدستورية، او مقاومة متطلبات الاصلاح كثيرا ما كان من اسباب تهديد الاستقرار، وبذلك فقد اصبح الاصلاح الدستوري في الدول العربية هدفا ضاغطا وتحول شيئا فشيئا مع انكشاف ضعف الانظمة الحاكمة في الدول العربية وعجزها عن موازنة الضغوط الخارجية والداخلية، من خلال طرح اشكالية جديدة تتعلق بالعلاقة بين دور الداخل ودور الخارج في تحقيق الاصلاح الدستوري وضمان تقدمه ونجاحه.اهمية الدراسة : يعد الدستور اعلى مؤسسة قانونية في المجتمع، حيث يتضمن قواعد العمل السياسي المشترك ما بين كل قوى المجتمع للانطلاق منها وعبرها الى البرامج المختلفة لتلك القوى في داخل المجتمع عند الوصول الى السلطة، لذلك جاءت اهمية الدستور السياسة في الزام والتزام من في السلطة بتلك القواعد عند الممارسة السياسية. ان اجراء الاصلاحات الدستورية يقود الى ضرورة قبول كل قوى المجتمع بها، والزام الحكام بتطبيقها من خلال اولا الاتفاق على تحديد مجالاتها وثانيا السعي الى تطبيقها لمواكبة التحولات على الصعيدين الداخلي والخارجي.هدف الدراسة : تهدف الدراسة الى تتبع عملية الاصلاح الدستوري في الدول العربية منذ عام1991 - 2007، والمجالات الاكثر حضورا في تلك العملية. اضافة للبحث في مشاريع الاصلاح غير المنجزة ومجالاتها، ومعرفة التاثير السياسي والاقتصادي والاجتماعي لتلك الاصلاحات ومعرفة دوافعها الداخلية ومحدداتها الخارجية.فرضية الدراسة : تقوم الدراسة من اجل بلوغ اهدافها على فرضية اساسية مفادها : ان الاصلاحات الدستورية هي حاجة ملحة لمواكبة التحولات الاجتماعية والاقتصادية والسياسية في اي دولة، وقد تبنت الدول العربية مجموعة اصلاحات دستورية منذ عام1991 الى عام2007، الا ان هذه الاصلاحات ركزت بالدرجة الاولى على متطلبات المجتمع الدولي من جهة ومنح الحكام صلاحيات اوسع من اجل ضمان البقاء في السلطة اطول فترة ممكنة. ومن اجل اثبات ما جاءت به الفرضية، كان لابد من الاجابة عن التساؤلات التالية : 1 - ما هي خصائص الدساتير التي يمكن اجراء الاصلاح عليها؟2 - ما هي التحولات الاجتماعية والاقتصادية والسياسية التي تفرض عملية الاصلاح؟3 - هل للعوامل الخارجية اثر في توجهات الاصلاح الدستوري في الدول العربية؟4 - ما هو دور السلطات الحاكمة في تحديد مجالات الاصلاح الدستوري سواء على الصعيد الاجتماعي - الاقتصادي - السياسي؟5 - هل كان لمطالب المعارضة السياسية دور فاعل في عملية الاصلاح ومجالاته؟6 - هل افرزت هذه الاصلاحات عن نتائج ايجابية، ام بقيت غير مفعلة مبتعدة عن الواقع الاجتماعي - الاقتصادي - السياسي؟ منهجية الدراسة : ان المنهج هو الطريق الذي يودي الى الكشف عن حقيقة معينة، ويكون ذلك عن طريق مجموعة من القواعد والوسائل التي يتبعها الباحث للوصول الى هذه الحقيقة، ولذلك اعتمدت الدراسة من اجل التحقق من صحة الفرضية التي تقوم على منهجين هما : منهج التحليل النظمي الذي يقوم على جمع المعلومات واعتماد المنهج المقارن.اشكالية الدراسة : تبعا لما تقدم ذكره فقد باتت اشكالية الدراسة واقعا عمليا بين السبب وتفاصيله من ناحية الاصول والصياغة اذ تتجسد في تساؤلات عدة تضمنت : - ما هي الفائدة التي عادت على الدول العربية مما يطلق عليه بالاصلاح الدستوري؟ - وهل ما تم من تغيير او تعديل على نصوص الدستور يعد اصلاحا دستوريا حقيقيا؟ - وما هي القوى السياسية التي دفعت باتجاه القيام بتلك الاصلاحات الدستورية؟هيكلية الدراسة : تقوم الدراسة على هيكلية تتكون من مقدمة واربعة فصول وخاتمة وهي كالاتي : - الفصل الاول خصص للاطار النظري والمفاهيمي اذ سيتناول الاصلاح ومجالاته، من خلال ثلاثة مباحث. - الفصل الثاني فقد خصص للبحث في نشات وخصائص الدساتير في الدول العربية، من خلال ثلاثة مباحث . - الفصل الثالث فقد تناول دوافع الاصلاح الدستوري في الدول العربية من خلال مبحثين. - الفصل الرابع تناول الاصلاحات الدستورية ومشاريعها المستقبلية، من خلال مبحثين . | The interest of this study stand on the main changes that happened in the world, exclusively after the soviet union decline and socialist block, and the USA as a unipolar international system. The new world order pushed the states to take the constitutional reformation as one of the main issues, this issue developed after the 11 Sep. events and what were Arab States accused for it. The Constitutional reformation in Arab states occur between what's was democracy and what was nationally. And there was relationship between any reformation and the political will. Many of Arab states afraid to provoke the idea of constitution reformation in order to achieve and protect their stable. Because the Arab political regime saw that any constitutional reformation may threat their presence. Moreover the reformations goals in these states discovered it's weakened. Here, set some questions are : - What are the benefits that belong to Arab states from the constitutional reformation? - is what change to constitution considered as a really constitutional reformation? Study structure includes four units abstract and conclusion as below : - Unit one : aspects and theoretical frame in three chapters, the first : the aspects of reformation, second : reformation sides and its similarity aspects, third chapter : the constitutional reformation and its similarity aspects. - Unit two : the born and characterize of conditions in three chapters, first chapter : the beginning of constitutions born, second : the method of Arab constitutions, third chapter : the Arab states constitutions characteristics. - Unit three : the constitutional reformation in Arab states into two chapters, the first chapter : the legal, political, social and economic internal motivation, The second : political and economic external motivation of constitutional reformation. - Unit four : the constitutional reformation and its future protect into four chapter, first chapter : the political side, the second chapter : the social sides, human rights and public liberty, third chapter : economic sides and the last chapter : the main conditional reformation projects. Ended with abstract, conclusion and recommendations.Study conclusion : 1 - The Arab political regime has not the devise and will enough to act the constitutional reformations because they thought that and reformations threat their presence.2 - The importance of the Arab states constitutional reformation is very necessary because of threats and challenges that occur around them.3 - The constitutional reformations in many Arab states come from the political leadership alone and represented the decision maker vision in every change, after and remove constitutional provisions.4 - Major of constitutional reformation in Arab states occurs with isolation to their people and it seeks to control the power in one side without any participation in their life.5 - It's needed judicial and legislature reformations without any political obstacles that stop it like curfew.

السياسات الصناعية والمزايا التنافسية في ظل المتغيرات الدولية : دراسة حالة الصناعات التحويلية العربية == Industrial Policies And Competitive Privileges with International changes - Studying the State of Arabic Manufacturing Industries

Author name: ثائر محمود رشيد العاني
Supervisor name: وصال نجيب عارف العزاوي | عبد علي كاظم المعموري
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: ost of the countries in the world including the growing ones have carries out general repetition to their economical policies especially (industrial Policy) in order to be ready for facing any changes taking place and to be ready for 21st century just as looking for a place in international economic that its main sources distributed between liberation of international trade and probing deeply in details of excellent techniques.For this reason the computational abilities formed basic necessity for the state as well as for single producer and became train which drawing all other changes with it.The growing countries have realized these facts lately so they tried to improve their economic by depending on supposed forms of patterns that are published by international institutions (IMF, IBRD) in order to maintain or change the form of economic.The industrial sector did not be far from these changes but it was the important element of them especially that the policies of specialization amid it directly in order to reduce the support to this sector (Whether it includes goods for special or general benefit).And here the philosophy of change lies which means reducing the shortage in general budget of the state and prepare it to pay tits payable debts.We must refer here to the influence of (WTO) which affects all economic sectors including industrial one so that the liberation of international trade will dispose industrial goods in all countries to difficult challenges.The industrial policies used in Arabic countries led to emphasizes the deficion in form of their changing industries which made them lose the opportunity to support their competition abilities in order to face change that happened in international economic.This study depends on the program of research deals with general to special according to its point of view that all national (Local) and international environment play an important role in trace changing industry in addition to that it depends on description methods to analyze economical changes.The study has been divided to four sections, the first one included the main international changes that characterized last century such as establishment of many economical collections and organizing new agreements for international trade.The second section deals with economical policies and competitive ability international trace.Part of this study presents analyzing for the effects of industrial laws within the organization of international trade and possible profits which will given by general agreement of growing countries.This third section deals with challenges of international environment that faces Arabic industries and formal problems which they are suffer from as a result of general policies and changeable role of state. It deals also with what consider as a chances for region to improve the industrial sector.And work hardly to draw some important characters for industrial strategy to Arabic countries in order to support Arabic industrial abilities.

المكانة الدولية للهند في القرن الحادي والعشرين == THE INTERNATIONAL STATUS OF INDIA IN THE 21ST CENTURY

Author name: تـلا عاصم فائق
Supervisor name: صالح عباس الطائي
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Strategic Studies
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: Many scholars have dealt with the conflict of the regional powers and the major international powers in South - Asia Region on various aspects. The Indian military and nuclear capabilities are considered major fields of political studies. Such research is conducted in the framework of the Indian political system, the Indian relationship with the Arabic Gulf countries and the role of the rising powers in strategic balance. Indian international status in the 21st Century is the main issue of the current study. These academic efforts are aiming at defining the strategic capacities that India has, since its role in the Asian - region shows a kind of dominance. Moreover India is not only a regional rising power but has a distinctive international role with the ambition of occupying a permanent seat in the United Nations. The importance of the theme of the current study can be summed up as an attempt to approve the following questions : What are the Indian potencies?What are the main issues affecting the international status of India in the post cold war era?And finally, what are the future outcomes becoming out of the international status of India in the 21st Century? Indian technological, economic and social developments can be considered the fruits of its democratic political system. Despites all multi - cultured nature with language and religion varieties, India established a strong democracy. This affirms an effective foreign political act to state India as a regional and international dominant power in the 21st Century.The study sheds light on certain basic dimensions showing the Indian political will of having the most affective external political act in and outside its region. It is clear that India is promoting a future international status in the post cold war era. The problematic issue includes an investigation of all the internal and external variables affecting the status of India. Internal ones include various political, economic, military, as well as social strengthening potencies. While the external ones are either regional or international. The first are focused on the Indian role in a direct conflict with Pakistan and China as part of its continuing struggle for power over prominent strategic issues. But India has very distinctive cooperative relations with both The United States of America and Federal Russia. It also has a very large bilateral economic cooperation with both Japan and Australia. The future prospects more points for powerful Indian role in the 21st Century.The study falls into four chapters. Chapter One deals with the theoretical frame. It is an introduction divided into two sections. The first section includes the conceptual bases, presenting the terminology of status such as the role, function, and position. Moreover a definition of the regional and international systems and their targets. The second section deals with the main political, military economic and social objectives and principles of the Indian strategy. Chapter Two deals with International potencies of India which are geographic, social, political and economic. All these show the impact of internal and external factors on the rising international political role of India.Chapter Three restricts the scope of the study to the post cold war era. Chapter Four prospects a future perspective of the Indian international status in the 21st Century. This shows three scenes : the first is the Indian dominance, the second is the Indian - American coalition and partnership, and the third is the Indian part in international alliance. Consequently India has spiritual as well as materialistic capacities enable it to achieve a very influential international role. The current study proves the hypothesis that India's potencies whether internal or external increase its international role and make it more effective. The researcher has arrived at some conclusions and presents a review of the main points, they are mainly : 1) Indian ambition never stops on the regional bordered limitations. It is not considered only a regional dominant power. And it has far challenging economic, military and political prominence over its neighbour, Pakistan. But it is an international power making efforts to get a permanent seat in the United Nations. 2) Indian - Pakistani relation in the post cold war era has been a continuation of the pre cold war relations. It is based on mistrust, violence and instability heading to arm struggle rather than cooperation. This makes it a more strategic manipulator in the region. While the Indian - Chinese relation is colored with cooperation supported by many Governmental official visits on both sides. Though these countries are still competing for a more influential regional role. 3) There is a wide range of mutual interests between India and the United States of America. This is resulted in a strategic collision to achieve their interests in economy, military and politics. Moreover India has established good friendship with Russia on every aspect to serve their regional interests.4) India has an effective role in the Asia - Pacific region that is limited due to the regional strategic balance. Indian diplomacy has accomplished a lot to achieve mutual understanding and stability in the region. Its part in the Pacific - APEC Economic Forum has helped a great deal to insure Indian economic as well as political status.

التطور التكنولوجي والحرب == Technological Development and War

Author name: براء عبد القادر وحيد محمود
Supervisor name: لبنان هاتف الشامي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: There is no doubt that the study of one of the future phenomenon , is a process of scientific research , starting from the past of the phenomenon , passing by it's present to look for it's future prospect and factor of change in it . The national security adviser to president (Carter) (Zbigniew Brzezinski) mentioned that (Future can and must be planned , without careful choice , change may cause anarchy) . In reference to the need to predict the future and a willingness to deal with it's variables .War , is one of the phenomena that accompanied time in all it's different dimensions , past and present and future . It is very old because it emerged with the emergence of human societies since the dawn of human civilization , and continues to the present day , and will remain to along time , as far as those communities remain . It is part of human nature which can not be changed , and the highest forms of conflict to resolve the contradictions . Reality proved the incorrectness of that point of view which has been spread after the end of the cold war in (1991) and resulted in apoint of view which stated that the phenomenon of the international conflict in general , including the phenomenon of war , will become a phenomenon of the past , or that the future wars will be conventional wars , the human is still in their planetary - level enough to destroy their planet hundreds of times , but that the land no longer satisfy their appetite and military instincts for destruction , and instead it is transmitted to space and stars war .In a world where technological development has become the key to progress , and competition intensified through technology , and which influence will be extended to the political , strategic and economic aspects , and working towards making technology a controlling factor which qualifyes it's adapter to have the control in any other field , the persistence of the war phenomenon makes it's study and understanding , as asperate which has it's rules and laws and governed by it's specific circumstances , and as a field generated and influenced by various political , economical and social fields , a vital issue , not only to the specialists , since that the management of the war and the development of strategies , is no longer the prerogative of the generals , but these strategies draw on the table of tables , rallied around the leaders , generals , technicians , scientists and the educated , even in the most developed countries . we do not mean that the study of war is a study of battles and military campaigns or to identify the types of weapons and others , but also be studied at a higher level which the level of strategy , operations and tactic .From here stems the problem of the study , that the future wars will view dramatic developments turnes concepts and standards known to the military affairs on it's head , as a result of the accumulation of the impact of the diversity and the evolution of multi - output revolutions , like technology , information , media and economy revolution , and other revolutions that have passed automatically to the military arenas . The contribution of the expert systems and equipments of artificial intelligence and neural networks and X - ray laser , as well as the robot and super computer in defining the target and turning it in moments , in addition to the contribution of algorithm schemes and communication equipment , as well as the development of theoretical and applied science in facilitating the full implementation of war training ahead of time , in a way that enhance success factors and causes of failure . Those contributions are important which lead us study this subject through raising main question : - How future wars will be with the development of military technology , and its recruitment in the means and tools of war ?To answer these questions , the study started from a hypothesis referring to that the recruitment of the technological development for military fields with armed forces , will alter the nature of future war , so that they accommodate with the challenges posed by the third wave at the military level . In the context of answering the question mentioned above, more than one method have been adopted , according to the requirements of the study , for example , including a historical approach in the study of campaigns and battles which have had a significant impact in the development of means and tools of war , and the diversity of strategies and tactics . and also a functional approach to search in the functions and contributions of the new fields of technological development . and also the future approach to predict some elements of future wars , with the benefit from the expertise of modern wars in the last decade of the 20th century , and the first decade of the 21 century . In the light of the hypothesis which has been put forward, and in order to demonstrate it , this thesis will be structured into four chapters provided to answer the question raised , in addition to a conclusion . In chapter one , I have had to study the technology and the war as a conceptual framework , the first section dealt with the concept of appealing against the terms of concepts and approach , while the second section dealt with the dialectic relationship between the two terms , and their effect on policy .Chapter two studied technological development and war in the 20th century in two sections . It tackled the development and war until the second world war in the first section . and during the cold war in the second.Chapter three focused on the development of technology and war after the Cold war and it's impact on military affairs , to deal in it's first section the new fields of technological development . In it's second section , it dealt with revolution in military affairs .Finally , the fourth chapter studied the technological development and the wars of the first decade of the 21 century , to deal in its first section the war waged on Iraq on 2003 as a case study . and the future of technological development and war , in its second section . In addition to the conclusion , summarizing the content of the thesis , and it's deductive and recommendations.It should be noted , that the study of the technological revolution and future wars , is not without a number of difficulties , such as : - The confidentiality of information relating to military affairs , in general , and the war strategies and management , specially . - Limitations and the obsolescence of the available information on the subject of study , particularly with regard to the phenomenon of war . the scarcity of information available in the base , and the descriptive nature of the شwars in the depths of history , each with their own conditions , and are leaving room for doubt one of the difficulties in the future research of this phenomenon .In the end , I ask God Almighty to make the pragmatic scientific work that involves service to the nation , the paper finds it's place in our Arabic library .

مستقبل مكانة العراق في التفكير الاستراتيجي الامريكي == The future of Iraq's position in American strategic thinking

Author name: عمر عبد الجبار كامل الحياني
Supervisor name: لبنى خميس مهدي الربيعي
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Strategic Studies
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: Importance of the subject : The study of the process of American strategic thinking about the case, but it is the study of the phenomenon of ever - changing, the United States of America to adopt its strategy depending on the nature of each stage pass out, so the future of our study of the status of Iraq in US strategic thinking begin studying the goals of the United States changing in Iraq, according to each down to goals and future determinants of its strategy in this country phase.There is no doubt that Iraq has an advanced position in American strategic thinking, Iraq and by its very nature geo - strategic (political, economic, and security) is a variable influential and influenced by the countries of the regional neighbors and thus on the overall US interests in the Middle East that combines strategic location and stores the energy features, this is perceived by the United States which formulate strategies one after the other.It also highlights the importance of our study of the subject, in many respects, and perhaps most important is the timing, as the current phase is one of the most intense phase of the evolution of the US approach toward Iraq forestry because of the security crisis experienced by Iraq in its fight existential terror that still occupy parts of it, and also because of the development of Middle East fragile region and in this context, this study will try to monitor and identify trends in US strategic thinking and the type of performance that US administration, current and future, to deal with the situation in Iraq in accordance with the objectives of the current strategic interests of the US or to be reformulated if what I thought the US make a lot of efforts to assert its influence in Iraq and gain a foothold permanent military presence have it.This study runs from the specific problem of the effect that there was an officer and future US vision on Iraq factors, particularly the (site of Iraq in the US war on terrorism, the need of the United States for Iraqi oil, the rise of the Iranian role, the interest of the United States in the Middle East) Despite from the fact that these factors are within an environment characterized by liquidity and the pace of change at short ranges, the interests of the United States and its role in Iraq and the size of the threat to make the decline in the status of Iraq is not an option acceptable to the United States of America in the future.According to the problem, this study aims to prove the validity of the hypothesis that there is a direct correlation between the level of place occupied by the Middle East region in the priorities of the US administration and the extent of its involvement in its files that (the war on terrorism, to contain Iran's rising influence, energy security, the security of traditional allies States United American) and the prestige that supposedly enjoyed by Iraq, and for the purpose of proving this hypothesis has to be to answer a number of questions : - What attributes of US strategic thinking and characteristics that distinguish it?What is the importance placed on Iraq in US strategic thinking ? - - What are the main changes witnessed by the strategic direction of the US towards Iraq since the end of the Cold War? - What are the main internal and external variables affecting the future of the prestige enjoyed by Iraq in US strategic thinking ?In light of the foregoing and through our treatment of the subject of the future of Iraq, the US position in the strategic thinking of the elements of this status enjoyed by Iraq is made up of several aspects, according to available upon this country and of the advantages of the elements of power : Politically, the Iraq of the US view is a political gravity force insurmountable within the ranges of the Middle East region, especially if re - training course and adjust the behavior of its political system in the framework of cooperation relations or equivalent US influence, which will make a loop allies of the United States in the region , the economic importance of Iraq constitute oil wealth founded on, and perhaps this side is better explains the intensity of American strategic engagement in the case of Iraq exclusively in the region, on the other hand, the United States control over Iraq's oil and the Persian Gulf gave way to determine global production volumes and volumes of supply and oil prices so on, in making the development of other countries and growth of the economic subject indirectly American supervision, or security interest - the military of Iraq in US strategic thinking, Vtaatoty of the nature of the security environment of the Middle East where there are in the first place, and what is available upon Iraq the stature and impact in achieving military balance of regional security in this region is stable, the one hand, Iraq's position reflected in the security environment, territorial what constitutes a bridge vital links the Gulf states with Iran, it has Iraq has always been an important factor in the inter - relationship between Iran and its environs, as pose security agreements signed between Iraq and the United States in the content of public basic foundation of US military strategy in order to make Iraq a partner of the United States and among its allies in the war on terror.To determine the future of Iraq's place in American strategic thinking depends on the beginning of a series of issues that have a role in tipping Iraq's position or not in the formulation of a comprehensive US strategy for any US administration to come, whether or democratic republic, and most of these issues are : - The status of the Middle East in the American strategy : that the location of Iraq in the heart of the Middle East means self - evident that his place in US strategic thinking is the mortgage status of this region as a whole in the priorities of the American administrations, we have observed that the Middle East, the status of the decline in the US strategy for the South East region Asia - Pacific throughout the era of President Barack Obama has contributed to the decline in Iraq's position in the priorities of this administration, and therefore it would revive the trend of US interventionism in the affairs of the Middle East, again, that Iraq due course to the top of US strategic priorities. - The need of the United States for oil : the United States consume at present a quarter of global oil production, even though it has only 3 percent of global oil reserves, according to the statistics of 2015, saw the years between the years 2013 to 2015 US demand growth oil exceeds demand in China's growth (), so the United States consider to Iraq in the long term as a vital source for the future of energy in the world, as is expected, that Iraq would be his "biggest contribution to a great extent for the growth of global oil supply." , so the extent of the US need for oil will affect how much weight will have in the US strategic thinking. - America's war on terror : In the event of any US administration has decided to increase its involvement in the fight against terrorism, Iraq will remain until the near future is at the center of this war, in the sense that he must be the main square of her, and this intervention will reflect positively necessarily on Iraq, the status of the US American United, one hand is seen by many in the American research and study centers that the jump made by terrorist organizations in 2014 was the result of a full US withdrawal and non - official from Iraq in 2011, the study concluded two scenes prospective potential, namely. - that the United States increase its support and its military presence in Iraq to help in its war on terror in order to reassert its influence and role in the whole Middle East region and to prevent international and regional powers of the competition hegemony or fill US void in Iraq, and also confirmed that the US ambassador former Zalmay Khalilzad that opportunity back US influence in Iraq, large, and that the current data indicate that helping Iraq restore the military balance, the most important steps of the possible adoption by the US administration to support and strengthen relations with Iraq.to see the status of Iraq's decline in US strategic thinking, if it wanted the next US administration apply what he called Ian Bremmer, in his book "Great Powers : three options for the US role in the world," strategy "US Independence", which aims to reduce the United States of its international obligations dramatically, and that revolves around the inside first, and reduce military expenditures, in addition to withdrawing completely from the Middle East, where he sees that it is time for the decomposition of the responsibility for solving the problems of others, the United States is the US is depleted from during its obligations to defend allies

دور عمليات صنع السلام في حفظ السلم والامن الدوليين بعد عام 1991 == The role of peace - making operations in the maintenance of international peace and security after 1991

Author name: محمد كريم جبار
Supervisor name: حسين مزهر خلف
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: يعتبر حفظ السلم والامن الدوليين من ابرز الاهداف التي تسعى منظمة الامم المتحدة لتحقيقها, وهذا ما جاء في ميثاقها في عام 1945, وبعد فترة الحرب الباردة , حدث تحول كبير في مفهوم عمليات حفظ السلام , وذلك بسبب توسع مصادر ما يهدد السلم والامن الدوليين, حيث شملت حالات جديدة ومستحدثة لم يتطرق اليها مؤسسي الميثاق , مثل النزاعات الداخلية والازمات الانسانية وغيرها, مما استدعى العمل على ايجاد ادوات جديدة تتناسب مع تلك المتغيرات , ومن بين تلك الادوات الجديدة بعد انتهاء الحرب الباردة , عمليات صنع السلام, وذلك من خلال تدخل طرف ثالث من اجل تسوية النزاع. لقد تزامن ظهور مفهوم صنع السلام مع مجموعة من المتغيرات والتي فرضت نفسها على الساحة الدولية , ومن اهم تلك العوامل التي ادت الى ظهور عمليات صنع السلام : توسيع نطاق التهديدات لحالة السلم والامن الدوليين ولاسيما بعد انتهاء الحرب الباردة , وكذلك تزايد النزاعات غير الدولية , اي داخل الدول , مما استوجب من الامم المتحدة ومن اجل تسوية تلك النزاعات , ان تستحدث اليات ووسائل جديدة تتلائم مع تلك المعطيات . لقد حاولت الدراسة الاجابة على سؤال جوهري يتمثل في ((هل كان لعمليات صنع السلام بعد عام 1991, دورا فاعلا ومؤثرا في حفظ السلم والامن الدوليين ام كان دورا برتوكوليا ليس له تاثير؟)). وقد ارتكزت الدراسة على افتراض مفاده ((اذا ما استطاعت الامم المتحدة ان تتسم قراراتها بالاستقلالية والحيادية وتمارس مهامها بعيدا عن التاثيرات والضغوط الخارجية , سيكون لعمليات صنع السلام دورا مؤثرا وفعالا في حفظ السلم والامن الدوليين , وليس دورا هامشيا او بروتوكوليا)). لقد تنوعت تلك الوسائل والاليات والمستخدمة في صنع السلام , فمنها الوسائل السياسية التقليدية مثل : المفاوضات والوساطة والمساعي الحميدة والتحقيق والتوفيق , وهناك الوسائل القانونية القضائية مثل التحكيم الدولي والقضاء الدولي , اضافة الى التسويات السلمية والتي قامت بها المنظمات الدولية والاقليمية في هذا المجال. وقد قامت منظمة الامم المتحدة وانطلاقا من هدف حفظ السلم والامن الدوليين بالعديد من تلك العمليات , من اجل تسوية النزاعات وبشكل سلمي وكما هو منصوص في ميثاقها والذي خصص فصلا كاملا لتسوية النزاعات , وكذلك قامت المنظمات الاقليمية بعمليات صنع السلام . ولقد نجحت في بعض تلك العمليات , وذلك من خلال توفير عوامل النجاح فيها , بينما اخفقت في بعضها , لوجود كوابح عرقلت من فرص نجاحها. | One of the most UN' goals is to promote international peace and security. The charter goes clearly towards this goal asking the international community to comply with these common values. In the Cold War era a great turnover occurred in the concept of peace keeping process due to the wide range of thriving threats on the global arena. Therefore, international experts found themselves obliged to compose new tools and ways to confront the newly exposed types of threats at that time. For instance, domestic struggles and humanitarian crises were not addressed by the UN Charter. Nonetheless, the international organization was keen to adopt new tools to meet these challenges. The core hypothesis of this study is that" peace making operations to be effectively held, the United Nations organizations should honor independence and transperans decision making process". To test this hypothesis this study is designed to answer the question : have peace making played a successful role in preserving international peace and security. The most important is peace keeping operations that handled by third parties to ensure peace and promote security in the areas of disputes. International experts were eager to secure variety and effectiveness by the methods and mechanisms used into peace making process. The peace making methods ranged from traditional political means such as negotiation, mediation, investigation and conciliation, to the legal means such as international arbitration. The UN, in accordance with its charter, has conducted several of peace keeping operations in different regions and countries. Each operation had its own story of success and failure due to its own specific political conditions. In summary, the international community perceives the peace keeping operations as an urgent need to confront imminent dangers to the international peace. Therefore, a conclusion can be promoted is that these projects of cooperation will flourish in the international environment in a way that matches the prospected needs in the security fields.

الفاعلون الجدد في السياسة الدولية : فاعلو الشبكة انموذجا

Author name: امنة رسول عبد الزهرة
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

المتغيرات المؤثرة في اداء المنظمات الدولية الحكومية بعد الحرب الباردة : منظمة الصحة العالمية انموذجا == Variables Affecting the Performance of Organizations After the Cold War : WHO Model

Author name: مروان حسين ياسين حمد
Supervisor name: محمد ياس خضير
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: International organizations are one of the international organizations thatregulate international relations between different countries. They operateaccording to a mechanism approved by the countries they created. The limitsof competence of the organization are subject to the decisions of the memberstates of the international organization. the organization .International organization has developed with the emergence of the liberaltrend as a theoretical thought that explains the nature of the relationshipbetween states, Liberal thought emerged as a reaction to the realistic thoughtthat international relations tended to have a major tendency towards conflict ,Conflict is inherent in the human psyche. International relations are chaoticand lawless. The determination of interests is subject to the nature of theforces possessed by each State in the international system.The most important of these organizations is the World Health Organization(WHO), which has emerged to regulate the health situation by mobilizinginternational efforts to counter the spread of disease and epidemics andreduce its incidence in conflict and war - prone environments.The importance of the study comes from its attempt to research the work ofinternational organizations, Especially the United Nations and somespecialized international organizations, And try to identify the joints of themovement of these organizations, And by comparing the objectives of theestablishment with the current reality of these organizations in practice andin practice to identify the most important variables that led to the impact ofthese organizations' work, Whether positive or negative.As the importance of the subject comes from our attempt to search for asubject that was not previously discussed as a master's thesis before, Thestudy model, the World Health Organization (WHO), has not receivedresearch and analysis as the other international organizations despite theirimportance and effectiveness at the global level. In addition, it is alsoimportant that the reports issued by the World Health Organization (WHO)have a wide impact on international interactions. Many reports have led toconfusion at the level of state - to - state relations, And its reports on the spreadof disease and epidemics and appeals to States are widely affected at theinternational level.bThe study was divided into three chapters, as well as the introduction andconclusion. The first chapter dealt with liberal theory and the emergence ofinternational intergovernmental organizations and divided into three sections : The first dealt with liberal theory.The second dealt with the emergence of intergovernmental organizations.The third dealt with the functions of intergovernmental organizations.The second chapter dealt with the variables affecting the performance ofinternational intergovernmental organizations and divided into two sections : The first dealt with the subjective variables.The second dealt with external variables.The third chapter dealt with the World Health Organization and divided intotwo sections : The first is the emergence of the World Health Organization.The second dealt with the roles and functions of the World HealthOrganization.Conclusions : 1 - International organization is an indispensable need, despite the decline ineffectiveness, as a result of political conflicts and different visions in theinternational system , Different trends, visions and conflict of interestsbetween international actors lead to a decline in the work of the internationalorganization and international organizations.2 - The conflict of interests and the lack of harmony between the internationalactors have led to the result of the decline of the work of internationalorganizations, but this did not cancel its presence.3 - That the continued presence of international organizations is an importantindicator that cooperation is a continuous phenomenon, and is one of themost important phenomena of international relations, despite the increaseand indicators of its decline and the emergence of the phenomenon ofconflict as a general phenomenon of comprehensive international relations

اثر الازمة السياسية في التنمية الاقتصادية : دراسة انموذج تركيا 1946 - 2055

Author name: زينة مدحت محمد شريف الهموندي
Supervisor name: عماد عبد اللطيف سالم
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

القضية الكوردية في العراق واليات حلها بعد 2003 == Kurdish Question in Iraq and Mechanism of its Solution - after 2003

Author name: نوزاد عبد الله شكري
Supervisor name: ناظم يونس عوسمان
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Kurdish
University location: Erbil
First pages:
Abstract: ان هذه الدراسة الموسومة بـ( القضية الكوردية في العراق واليات حلها بعد 2003) خصصت لدراسة القضية الكوردية في كردستان العراق. في هذه الدراسة تم البحث عن العوامل والابعاد التي ادت الى نشوء وظهور هذه القضية وعدم حلها منذ انتهاء الحرب العالمية الاولى والى حد سقوط حكم صدام حسين في 9 نيسان 2003، ومن ثم تم التركيز على جميع الوسائل والاليات التي تاخذ مسارا صحيحا نحو حل القضية الكوردية حلا سلميا وديمقراطيا. وفي هذا الاطار فقد قسمت الدراسة الى ثلاثة فصول، في الفصل الاول تناولنا ثلاثة مباحث، في المبحث الاول توصلنا الى نتيجة مفادها ان العراق منذ بداية نشوءها ولحد السقوط لم تكن تعكس ارادة ومطالب كل المكونات التي تشكلت منها الدولة لعراقية الحديثة، وعلى راسها مطالب الشعب الكوردي وحركته التحررية، بل نشات هذه الدولة وفق مصالح القوى الاستعمارية المنتصرة في الحرب العالمية الاولى، اذ اجبر الكورد على القبول بالوضع الجديد والعيش في اطار هذه الدولة المصطنعة والحاق جنوب كوردستان قسرا بهذا الكيان الجديد، واتبعت الحكومات المتعاقبة في العراق سياسة القهر والاقصاء والتهميش والابادة الجماعية بحق الكورد.وفي المبحث الثاني خصص البحث عن دور العوامل الدولية في الحاق جنوب كوردستان بالدولة الجديدة. كما وتم البحث عن استمرار ذلك العامل حتى نهاية الحرب الباردة. تناول المبحث الثالث رؤية ومواقف الدول الاقليمية المجاورة للعراق تجاه كوردستان العراق والذي تم الوصول الى نتيجة مفادها : ان هذه الدول الاقليمية تشكل احدى المعوقات الرئيسة في عدم حل القضية الكردية في العراق. تجدر الاشارة الى ان هذه الدول قد عدت اي حركة او ثورة كوردية بمثابة تهديد على وحدة اراضيهم وامنهم القومي.فيما تكون الفصل الثاني من ثلاثة مباحث ايضا والتي كرست لدراسة التغيرات التي حصلت في 9 نيسان 2003 في العراق وتاثيرها المباشر على القضية الكوردية في اقليم كوردستان. ففي المبحث الاول تم دراسة العوامل والدوافع التي دفعت بالولايات المتحدة الامريكية في تغير النظام الحكم في العراق. اما المبحث الثاني فخصص للبحث عن توحيد الموقف الكوردي بعد 2003 الامر الذي عزز القضية الكوردية وتطورها على الصعيدين الداخلي والخارجي.وفي المبحث الثالث تم الاشارة الى الابعاد والمظاهر الايجابية والسلبية التي تضمنتها كتابة الدستور الدائم وبالاخص البنود الدستورية المتعلقة بالقضية الكردية.وفي الفصل الثالث ركزنا على مجموعة من العوامل والاليات التي نرى بانها فاعلة ومؤثرة على معالجة القضية الكردية في كردستان العراق وهذا الفصل ينقسم على اربعة مباحث. تطرق المبحث الاول الى حق تقرير المصير كاحدى السبل الرئيسة لحل القضية الكردية وفقا لمجموعة من المبادىء والاتفاقات الدولية التي تعطي هذا الحق للشعب الكردي حقوقه في كردستان العراق.فيمراكز المبحث الثاني على امكانية تطبيق النظام الفيدرالي في العراق وتم الوصول الى نتيجة مفادها : ان تقسيم العراق الى ثلاثة اقاليم فدرالية تعتبر احدى الحلول المناسبة طبقا للواقع الذي يعيش فيه العراق حاليا شريطة ان تكون هذه الفدرالية على اساس اتحاد اختياري وفقا لمبادىء واسس الديمقراطية التوافقية.وخصص المبحث الثالث لدراسة قضية كركوك والمناطق المتنازع عليها ووصلنا الى نتيجة بانها من دون استرجاع هذه المناطق المتنازعة عليها لن تسير اعادة بناء الدولة العراقية في مسارها الصحيح وستبقى مشاكل العراق عالقة واسباب عدم استقرارها.وفي المبحث الرابع تم التركيز بالدرجة الاولى على العوامل الخارجية وكيفية استغلال هذه المعادلات الجديدة التي ظهرت وتبرز في العراق مابعد 2003 لصالح حل القضية الكردية | This research instilled (Kurdish issue in Iraq and mechanism of solving after 2003), to analyze and search Kurdish issue is south of Kurdistan.In this research we put - it - out factors and roots that caused to create this issue, and remain it hold since First World War till Iraqi liberation process in 2003.And then in this research we try to point all factors and mechanism that might push away Kurdish issue in south of Kurdistan in direction of solving.In this border, this research divided in three main parts. In first part, we getting this result, when Iraq government was build, it wasn't as it, that their people wanted, especially Kurdish people. This government was building in ways that benefit colonialism country who want first war especially great British.Kurdish people were forced to live in this country and join their land with Iraq. All sequences Iraq; governments till April 9, 2003, they never had wanted to solve this issue in democratic and peaceful way, but they tried by force to make Kurdish people minority without land, language, nationality, in Iraq.In second part we insist an international factors, they sure have bad effect on dividing Kurdistan and jaunt south Kurdistan with Iraq, also during cold war this factor has negative role on Kurdish issue especially south Kurdistan.In third part we tacked about point view of neighbor countries of south Kurdistan, we got result; they had strong resistance to not getting Kurdish issue solving direction especially in south Iraq.In mean this countries consider, that any Kurdish party or activity in any of them, it danger for all of them, so that they work in a hidden manner or Protocol to prevent Kurdish from his property, always they had cooperate plan for it.The second part, it divide into three main topic, it concern about change accrue after April 9, 2003, in Iraq and its effect on Kurdish question. In first topic, we talked about factors that USA depended on them, to change Albaath regime, second topic we talk about Kurdish internal orchestrate and creating Uni - political decision between Kurdish parties. Indeed it took potential to Kurdish factor in political question, In third topic pointed the positive and negative side of permanent constitution especially thus point concern about Kurdish question.In the end part, we mentioned on factors and mechanisms, we believe that, they have effective positive rule to solve Kurdish issue in south Kurdistan.

ادارة التغيير : الاستراتيجية الامريكية الشاملة انموذجا == Management of Change : Case study : Comprehensive American Strategy

Author name: حازم حـــمـــد مـــوسى الجــنابــي
Supervisor name: منعم صاحي حسين العمار
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Strategic Studies
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: انطلاقا من الاطروحة عنوانا اود ان اقدم نبذة مختصرة عن ما خضنا به ولنبدا : باهمية الدراسة : اذ حملت لنا الاطروحة عنوانا اهمية بانت واضحة من الدور والمكانة التي حضي بها التغيير في النظام الدولي.ويستند موضوع البحث الى فرضية اساس مفادها((كلما كانت ادارة التغيير الامريكية عقلانية، كلما كانت الاستراتيجية الامريكية الشاملة ناجحة)). لكن ونحن نحاول اثبات الفرضية واجهتنا اشكالية اساسها : مفادها ان الولايات المتحدة تعاملت مع الاخرين من منطلق استراتيجية ادارة التغيير, والاخرين انطلقوا في تعاملهم مع الولايات المتحدة من استراتيجية الادارة بالتغيير. لتثار امامنا العديد من التساؤلات وهي : ما التغيير؟ وما انواعه؟ وما اشكاله؟ وما الادارة؟ وما اشكالها؟ وما هي علاقتها بالتغيير؟ ما هي ادارة التغيير؟ وما انواعها؟ وهل التغيير يقاد؟ ام يدار؟. وهل يصنع ؟ ام يفرض؟ وما هو دور ادارة التغيير في الاستراتيجية الامريكية؟ وما سر نجاحها؟ وما هو مستقبلها في ظل التغيير المتقادم؟لهذا حرص الباحث على اعتماد مناهج عدة،لتعامل مع تلك الاشكالية ولما اتسم به موضوع الدراسة من انتقالات ونقلات بحثية متنوعة. واستجابة لمتطلبات الدراسة عمدنا الى استخدام عدة مناهج وكالاتي : اعتمدنا في الفصل الاول : المنهج الوصفي : لحاجتنا الماسة له في هذا الفصل، واعتمدنا في الفصل الثاني : المنهج التاريخي : لتاسيس بناء قوي نستند عليه ليسعفنا ونحن نتحدث عن التغيير. اما في الفصل الثالث فاعتمدنا على : المنهج التحليلي : بعد ان لمسنا ضرورة للتقصي عن جزيئات التغيير الامريكي ولملمتها بعد التفتيش عن ذبذباتها التي تعذر على الكثيرين معرفتها. وصولا الى الفصل الرابع : والذي دعتنا الحاجة فيه الى تبني المنهج الاستشرافي والمنهج الاستشفافي لما لهما من دور بارز وفعال لوضع رؤية مستقبلية لادارة التغيير الامريكي. واستكمالا لما يتطلبه موضوع البحث من دقة في التحليل والتحديد والتعمق في التقصي عن الحقائق والتوسع لشمول اكبر عدد من العناوين الفرعية المتشعبة اعتمدنا الهيكلية المتضمنة (مقدمة واربعة فصول وخاتمة واستنتاجات ).سنعرض نبذة مختصرة حول موضوع الاطروحة المعنونة بـ"(ادارة التغيير : الاستراتيجية الامريكية الشاملة انموذجا )" وكما موضح ادناه : الفصل الاول : عرضنا فيه المادة بعنوان "ادارة التغيير "ذا وجد الباحث ضرورة مهمة لتقسيمه الى ثلاثة مباحث وفقا الى التسلسل الاتي : المبحث الاول : واطر بعنوان " فلسفة التغيير "لنعرض من خلاله الاطار المفاهيمي ليكون لنا اساس مدركي يسعفنا في تفسير ما هو موجود من اداء في الاستراتيجية الامريكية. اما المبحث الثاني فحمل عنوان "الادارة " لما لها من دور فاعل ومؤثر في مسيرة التغيير . وفيما يخص المبحث الثالث : فكان بعنوان "ادارة التغيير"والذي انصب على تحليل وتاطير المفردة اساس البحث، لتكون النهج الذي تتبعه في دراسة الاستراتيجية الامريكية الشاملة لترسم لنا خريطة ادائية تفسر سر الاداء الامريكي .وتناغما مع ما مضى، ووصولا الى الفصل الثاني والذي كان تحت مسمى " : الولايات المتحدة الامريكية وضرورات التغيير " والذي عد من اسس ادارة التغيير، تلك المفردة التي اعتمدها صانع القرار الامريكي وتعامل معها بعقلانية فبانت ثمارها على الاستراتيجية الامريكية ولبانت ذلك ارتاينا تقسيمه الى ثلاثة مباحث : المبحث الاول : والذي تتطرق الى " الرؤية الامريكية للتغيير واثرها في بلورة الاستراتيجية الامريكية الشاملة"والذي تناوب بين منظري التغيير وفلاسفته، وبين صناع التغيير وقادته. فعرضنا فيه المراحل التاريخية التي مر بها التغيير الامريكي والتي بانت عليها صفة اقتناص الفرص وتوظيف المتغيرات من لدن صناع التغيير . اما بالنسبة للمبحث الثاني والذي حمل عنوان " اليات التغيير في الاستراتيجية الامريكية الشاملة "وعرضناها على الجملة بما تضمنت ممن عناوين غزيرة بمحتواها . واستكمالا لما مضى عرضنا للمبحث الثالث الذي اطر بعنوان " دلالات التغيير في الاستراتيجية الامريكية الشاملة "والذي ارتكزت فكرته على عرض تلك الدلالات استمرارا في التقدم في دراسة التغيير الامريكي.ووصولا الى الفصل الثالث عرجنا لتناول العنوان " ادارة التغيير في الاستراتيجية الامريكية الشاملة : رؤية تاريخية "لاهمية التفاعلات التي يحملها كونه من اسس الدراسة التي كانت حلقة وصل بين الماضي والمستقبل . فالمبحث الاول : الذي حمل عنوان "ادارة التغيير في الاستراتيجية الامريكية الشاملة في عالم ما قبل الحرب الباردة" لتكون مهمته مقتصرة على ابانة الخطوات الحذرة للساسة الامريكان وهم يتعاملون مع التغيير الدولي. اما المبحث الثاني : فكان تحت مسمى " ادارة التغيير في الاستراتيجية الامريكية الشاملة في عالم الحرب الباردة "الذي كان اساسه هو التنافس في احداث التغيير بين التغيير الامريكي - الليبرالي والتغيير الاشتراكي - الشيوعي. وجاء المبحث الثالث والذي ترجم تحت عنوان " ادارة التغيير في الاستراتيجية الامريكية الشاملة في عالم ما بعد الحرب الباردة" فكان جل الاهتمام ينصب على ادارة التغيير الامريكي في حقبة الهيمنة الامريكية.وصولا الى الفصل الرابع والذي اطر بالعنوان"مستقبل الاستراتيجية الامريكية الشاملة وادارة التغيير"الذي جاء مصداقا للعلاقة الجدلية بين ادارة التغيير ومستقبل الاستراتيجية الامريكية . وفي بداية تطرقنا في المبحث الاول : والذي حمل عنوان : "المحفزات اللينة لادارة التغيير" الى جملة من العناوين التي عدت محفزات ساعدت على ادارة التغيير امريكيا.اما في ما يخص المبحث الثاني والذي حمل عنوان : "المحفزات الخشنة لادارة التغيير" وتضمن جملة من العناوين التي عدت محفزات خشنة ساعدت على تنشيط ادارة التغيير امريكيا. كما ان المبحث الثالث الذي ادرج تحت عنوان : "مستقبل الاستراتيجية الامريكية الشاملة في ظل ادارة التغيير" تضمن جملة من العناوين التي عدت رؤية مستقبلية لادارة التغيير الامريكي. وفيه تمت قراءة مختصرة لمستقبل الاستراتيجية الامريكية في ظل ادارة التغيير والذي تضمن ثلاثة مشاهد كلا منه حمل من المقومات وما تسنده ليرشح لنراؤية مستقبل الاستراتيجية الامريكية .وختاما نصل الى الخاتمة التي لخصت تلك المفردة الواسعة والمعقدة لننهي البحث بجملة من الاستنتاجات، بمثابة ثمرة البحث الذي خضنا في تفاصيله، لنخرج من هذه المقاربة بجملة من النتائج منها : اولا - ان التغيير فعل وضعي مقصود ،مضاد للثبات والسكون، يملك علاقة طردية مع الزمن ،وله علاقة تقويمية مع الادارة، والاخيرة يتحكم بها صناع القرار في النظام الدولي. لهذا تعد الادارة الدولية المفتاح الاساسي لقيادة التغيير الدولي، وهذا يدل على ان التغيير يصنع ويقاد ويدار. والدليل ان الساسة الامريكيون صنعوا وقادوا واداروا التغيير الدولي. ليوصلهم لقمة الهرم السياسي الدولي .ثانيا - من البديهي القول ان صناع التغيير هم اللاعبين الاساسين في المسرح السياسي الدولي الذين يغتنمون الفرص الاستراتيجية التي تعد خطا من الاخرين لاحداث نقلة استراتيجية شاملة تحدث خلل في التوازن الاستراتيجي الدولي ولتكون نافذة للتغيير في الساحة الدولية.ثالثا - خير وسيلة لقيادة التغيير، هي صناعة التغيير. وخير وسيلة لصناعة التغيير، هي ادارة التغيير. وخير وسيلة لادارة التغيير، ايجاد استراتيجية عقلانية للتفكير.رابعا - وبما ان الاستراتيجية الامريكية متجددة، تمكنت من مواكبة تجدد التغيير الدولي، بعد ان جعلت من العقلانية الادائية والتقويم الاستراتيجي مرتكز لها، فضلا عن اتساع ورشة بناتها وصناعها ومنظريها الذين كان لهم الفضل في ادراك التغيير الدولي وترويضه، لان خير وسيلة لضمان التغيير هو اقتناص فرص التغيير، وهذا ما عمدت اليه الولايات المتحدة في استراتيجيتها على مر حقب التغيير العالمي. واذا لم يحل التوازن في النظام الدولي، فسيتغير النظام لصالح الولايات المتحدة، وينشا لا توازن يعكس اعادة توزيع القوى، بما يضمن الهيمنة للولايات المتحدة : ((اي كلما كان النظام الدولي اكثر اختلالا، كلما كان التغيير الدولي اكثر تولدا وظهورا)).خامسا - ودون شك، ستسعى الولايات المتحدة الامريكية وهي تتعامل مع التغيير الدولي الى "التعاون - التشاركي المتزن" الذي يضمن لها المحافظة الامريكية على الدور والمكانة بالقدر الممكن والمستطاع. سادسا - وبعد عرضنا كل ما تقدم، يمكن ان نؤكد ان النظام الدولي بات رهين ادارة التغيير الامريكية العقلانية، والاخيرة باتت رهينة للاعقلانية القوى الفاعلة في النظام الدولي وهي تتعامل مع التغيير.سابعا - ان الحديث الموضوعي يشير الى اللاتماثل في ادارة التغيير الدولي، فهناك قوى تصنع التغيير وهي لا تدرك خطورته، واخرى تواجه التغيير وهي لا تدرك قوته، وكذلك توجد قوى يصنعها التغيير، وقوى تصنع التغيير ليكون جزء من استراتيجيتها المعتمدة ليحمل الهدف المبتغى والمنشود.ثامنا - ان المستقبل الامريكي بات رهينة عقلانية ادارة التغيير. وادارة التغيير رهينة الاستراتيجية الامريكية العقلانية الشاملة. طالما بدت ادارة التغيير حاوية لادارات فرعية امثال : ادارة التاثير، وادارة التطبيع، وادارة الاقناع ، وادارة الانتقاء، ادارة صناعة العدو، وادارة التحدي....الخ .وهذا ما حاولت الاستراتيجية الامريكية احتوائه بعقلانيتها المتجددة وهي تدير التغيير. من كل ما ورد اعلاه من استنتاجات، نصل ونتوصل الى صحة ودقة الفرضية التي وضعت للدراسة والتي نصت على ((كلما كانت ادارة التغيير الامريكية عقلانية، كلما كانت الاستراتيجية الامريكية الشاملة ناجحة)). | Importance of starting the study of the role of change management in the formulation of the future. For this we tried to indicate the importance of managing change in U.S. strategy, which is one of the most important reasons for its success, the single that made the United States, culminating at the top of the political hierarchy of the international system, so it is not surprising that the change management and study tool for the interpretation of American behavior. And perhaps a gateway systematic new is added to the Methods of strategic analysis. Two documents on the basis of the hypothesis, that ((the more rational management of change America, the more comprehensive U.S. strategy was successful)). Having brought us the subject of study the problem of a title based on the United States dealt with the others in terms of change management strategy and the others set off in their dealings with the United States of the change management strategy which enabled the United States of cemented construction globally and ensure the future. Complement what is required in question the accuracy of the analysis and identification and in - depth investigation of the facts and the expansion to include the largest number of sub - headings complex for us out of a need to know the components of intellectual and performance piece American cemented subject of the study and search for enrichment of the scientific material we have adopted structural included (introduction and four chapters and a conclusion and conclusions), In response to this point, we offered a brief on the subject of the thesis entitled to "(change management : a model of comprehensive U.S. strategy)" as shown below : Chapter I : We put the article entitled "Change Management" The researcher found the need for a mission to divide it into three sections according to the sequence follows : Section I : The frames with the title "philosophy of change" to offer from which the conceptual framework we have a basis Mdrick a Asafna in the interpretation of existing performance in U.S. strategy. The second section he carried the title of "management" because of their active and influential role in the process of change. With regard to the third topic : the share was the title of "change management", which focused on the analysis and research - based single - frame, to be the approach in the study of the overall U.S. strategy to draw a map of our performances explain the secret of American performance. And in tune with the past and, to Chapter II, which was under the name "United States of America and the necessity of reform," which count of the foundations of change management, such individual adopted by the American decision - maker and deal with it rationally Fbant fruit on the U.S. strategy and pant so we decided to divide it into three sections : Section I : , which address the "American vision for change and their impact in shaping American strategy overall," which alternated between the theorists of change and philosophers, and the makers of change and leaders, Frdhana the historical stages undergone by the change, the U.S. and that they had a capacity to seize opportunities and employment variables from the presence of Change makers. As for the Study of the second, titled "Mechanisms of change in the overall U.S. strategy" and what we presented to the sentence included the addresses of the heavy laden. As a complement to our past for the Study of the frames of the third entitled "The implications of the change in the overall U.S. strategy," which was based his idea to display those signs in the continuation of progress in the study of the U.S. change. Through to the third quarter Arzina to deal with the heading "Management of change in the overall U.S. strategy : a historical perspective" of the importance of interactions carried by being one of the foundations of the study, which was a link between the past and the future. Valambges The first, titled "Managing change in the overall U.S. strategy in the world of the pre - Cold War" to be his mission limited to indicate the cautious steps of the U.S. politicians who are dealing with international change. The second section was called "management of change in the overall U.S. strategy in the world of the Cold War," which was the basis of which is to compete in the events of the change between change between the U.S. - the liberal and the socialist transformation - the Communist Party. The third topic, which was translated under the title "Managing change in the overall U.S. strategy in the world after the Cold War" was the most attention was focused on change management in the era of American domination of America.And in tune with the past through to the fourth chapter, which frames the title "the future of the overall U.S. strategy and change management," which came to a dialectical relationship between change management and the future of U.S. strategy. At the beginning we listed in the first section and titled : "soft incentives for the management of change" to a number of titles that promised incentives have helped to change management Alomrakia. As for the second section, titled : "coarse stimuli for change management" and included a number of titles that promised to stimuli coarse helped to activate the change management U.S.. The third topic, which was included under the title : "The future of U.S. strategy in light of the overall management of change" included a number of titles that promised a future vision for Change Management U.S.. And it has been read a brief for the future of U.S. strategy in the management of change, which included three scenes both of which carry the ingredients and attributed to nominate her vision of the future of U.S. strategy. Finally we come to the conclusion that summarized those individual large and complex to expire Find a set of conclusions to serve as the fruit of research that fought in the details

المشاركة السياسية في دول مجلس التعاون لدول الخليج العربية

Author name: عبد الرحمن حسين محمد الجميلي
Supervisor name: طارق حسين البياتي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: يشهد العالم النامي منذ سنوات تجارب في المشاركة السياسية تتفاوت في شكلها ودرجتها واسبابها ومكوناتها ، ولكنها تتفق في تاكيدها على اهمية توفر الحريات الاساسية لبناء وتطوير المجتمعات المعاصرة وضرورة التخلص من الاستبداد والتفرد بالسلطة ، ودول مجلس التعاون لدول الخليج العربية ليست استثناء من هذا التوجه ونظرا لما شهدته دول مجلس التعاون من تحولات اقتصادية واجتماعية تلت مرحلة اكتشاف النفط وما تبعها من تدفق للعوائد المالية الكبيرة حيث رفعت مجتمعات هذه الدول من حياة الكفاف والفقر الى حياة الرفاه والاستهلاك ، والى جانب تحسين المستويات المعيشية والصحية والتعليمية والى ازدياد الاحتكاك بالعالم الخارجي ، مما ادى الى بروز شرائح اجتماعية متعلمة تطمح للمشاركة السياسية والانخراط في الحياة السياسية ومحاولة التاثير في الواقع السياسي والاقتصادي والاجتماعي في هذه الدول . وعلى الرغم من ان دول المجلس قد شهدت في الاونة الاخيرة بعض الاصلاحات السياسية والدستورية التي تهدف الى تحقيق قدر من المشاركة السياسية ، الا ان هذه الدول لن تستطع من تطوير اشكال الممارسة السياسية فيها بما يتلاءم والتطورات الحاصلة في العالم وذلك بسبب انغلاق البنى السياسية للانظمة الحاكمة واحتكار السلطة لفئات معينة من الاسر الحاكمة وبعض الفئات العشائرية والقبلية والطائفية ، وتركز عملية اتخاذ القرار بيد الحاكم وجماعات صغيرة من التابعين والمؤيدين له مما يؤدي الى تعثر عملية المشاركة السياسية في دول المجلس . ولقد جاءت هذه الدراسة للبحث في المشاركة السياسية في دول مجلس التعاون ، حيث تم تناول الموضوع وفق هيكليلة دراسية موزعة على مقدمة وفصل تمهيدي واربع فصول تخص مضمون البحث مع خاتمة تتضمن اهم الاستنتاجات التي توصلنا اليها . ففي الفصل التمهيدي تناولنا ، ضمن اطار نظري، مفهوم الديمقراطية والمشاركة السياسية ومفهوم حقوق الانسان فيما خصص الفصل الاول لدراسة التكوين السياسي والاقتصادي والاجتماعي لدول المجلس ، وتناول الفصل الثاني دراسة موقف المؤسسات السياسية والدستورية من المشاركة السياسية ، فيما كرس الفصل الثالث لدراسة التيارات والقوى السياسية في هذه الدول ، وقد تناول الفصل الرابع من هذه الدراسة المشاركة السياسية لدول المجلس في ظل الوضع الدولي ، ثم تبع ذلك خاتمة الدراسة . وقد توصلنا من خلال هذه الدراسة الى الاستنتاج بان المشاركة السياسية الممكن تحقيقها في دول مجلس التعاون ، هي المشاركة التي يمكن ان تعتمد على مبادرات من جانب الانظمة السياسية الحاكمة في هذه الدول التي تهدف الى تحقيق نوع من المشاركة السياسية وذلك بادخال قدر من الديمقراطية في هذه الدول من خلال نظام يعلن فيه عن مشاركة سياسية للفئات التي ترغب في الانخراط في العملية السياسية واقامة مؤسسات سياسية وقنوات تمكن الانظمة الحاكمة من استيعاب مطالب الجماهير والنخب المثقفة وطاقاتها وذلك بالانفتاح السياسية المشروط وافساح المجال امام مؤسسات المجتمع المدني للاسهام الفاعل في المجتمع ، ولكن في ظل مراقبة واشراف السلطة واحتواء مطالب المشاركة السياسية ، لا سيما وان اغلب الفئات المطالبة بالمشاركة السياسية لم تشكك في شرعية الانظمة الخليجية ، بل تطالب القيام باصلاحات سياسية ضمن الهياكل والبنى السياسية الحالية القائمة في دول المجلس | The Gulf Cooperation Council ( GCC ) States have faced since the beginning of the 21st Century from the claims call for political reformation and increasing of the political participation of the social categories and support the institutions of the civil society in the ( GCC ) States . The political participation has become more important in the societies that have witnessed economic development , as the societies of the ( GCC ) States when these states started investing the huge oil revenues they received because of these economic and social changes led to emerge the new educated social categories have ambition to participate in the political life in these states , and attempt to effect in the political situated in the ( GCC ) States . On the other side , the ( GCC ) States have suffered from the lack of political institutions as a result of the family system which has become the core of the states , consequently, the state in the ( GCC ) States tend to be totalitarian and authoritarian .In spite of the ( GCC ) States have begun some political and constitutional reformations in order to achieve the political participation and response to the internal and foreign pressures toward these states but the political institutions in these states have failed to achieve all the demands of the new social categories to came up there ambitions in political participation .Therefore the study is then an attempt to explore the nature of the political participation in the ( GCC ) States , which is divided in to preface chapter , four chapters and the conclusion .The preface chapter deals with the democracy , political participation and human rights with regard to the theoretical framework and notions .The first chapter studies the political , economic , and social construction of the ( GCC ) States , whereas the second chapter discusses the attitude of the political and constitutional institutions toward the political participation in ( GCC ) States , it tries to clarify the attitude of the executive authority and the legislative authority in these states toward the political participation .The third chapter is dedicated to study the political powers and trends in the ( GCC ) States , whereas the fourth chapter devoted to discuss the political participation in the ( GCC ) States under the international order , throws light on the claims of the democracy in these states and the influence of the Globalization on the political participation , It also discusses the human rights and the role of civil society in the ( GCC ) States , at the end of this chapter we have discussed the future of the political participation in these states , and followed by the conclusion of the study

القيادة في الفكر السياسي الاسلامي الامامي ولاية الفقيه انموذجا == LEADERSHIP IN THE ISLAMIC POLITICAL THOUGHT OF IMAMAH : THE GUARDIANSHIP OF THE ISLAMIC JURIST AS A MODEL

Author name: اسعد تركي سواري
Supervisor name: حميد فاضل حسن
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Thought
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The literature of leadership, imamah, ruling and guardianship I so rich along the human history. Thousands of scholars, thinkers and philosophers have spent their lives in understanding and explaining these terms. The main philosophical orientations identified are those related to the necessity of holding the society under a unique leadership to maintain peace, security, and social and cultural luxury; to defend the external threats; and to solve the continuous conflicts of interests among the members of that society. Therefore, the issue of leadership becomes so important from religious, philosophical and ideological perspectives. Of course, this is done to obtain a utopian model for such a wise and right leadership system.Philosophically and ideologically speaking, this issue is regarded a decisive marker for realizing and identifying the developed societies and their stable political systems. Also, these patterns of disloyalty, sufferings, and discontent are related to these missing standards of values, religion, philosophy of Allah's messengers. These missing standards led to practice other different systems and dilemmas as shown by Plato and Aristotle, like the systems of Autocracy, Aristocracy, Timocratie, Oligarchie, Democracy and Tyrannie. This last system believes that spreading mess among the society's members to convince the need for a tyranny to control.The present study sheds light on the concept of leadership in political thought among philosophers and thinkers to find out these unique characteristics of a wise and right leader. For this purpose, the concept of 'the guardianship of the Islamic jurist' in its theoretical domain is unique since it mixes between both the divine and democratic leadership; this is to involve consultation and people's interests in leadership to fill up the political vacuum and choose and observe their leaders and dismiss them indirectly by their jurists wherever there is a benefit for the society. This theory has successfully revealed a deep understanding of the current political situations; of course, this is to accommodate the jihadi mental perspective among Imamah's scholars.The present study aims at identifying the unique standards for the right legislative leadership; the one that coheres with the true human intuition and that is able to maintain peace, stability, civil improvement and social justice. It also aims atBconsidering the political thought and philosophical and value systems in Imamah toestablish such a theory of leadership. A theory that is founded and based on thefundamentals and standards of Islamic Imamah on the one hand , and that is agreedamong people to rule up the umah in the absence of the twelfth Imam (pbuh).Despite the difference among Imamah scholars about its limits, the theory of'the guardianship of the Islamic jurist' is a practical step and attempt to fill up theabsence of the twelfth Imam (pbuh). Being an evident indicator of the developedintellectual stance of Imamah scholars, it is regarded a unique golden environmentbetween originality and modernism, no more no less. The study hypothesized thatthe standard formula of leadership intermixes between the divine will and people'swill, based on the initial concept of harmony of these wills. The theoreticalframework of this leadership cannot be realized unless it finds its reality andexistence in a real leader and a society that is totally convinced by his values and hissystems of philosophy and beliefs. The study also hypothesized the existence of sucha theory of leadership in the Islamic political thought of Imamah. This theory ofguardianship is able to maintain and lead the human societies by civilsed techniquesand procedures, which are in turn suitable to stimulate the new changes in theintellectual and political life.The study is of an introduction, four chapters and a conclusion. The threesections of the first chapter deal with the chronological development of concepts like'leadership' and 'guardianship'. Section One examines the importance, the actualneed, patterns, procedures, and the legislative resources of leadership. The secondsection studies the oriental heritage of leadership especially in Mesopotamia, AncientEgypt, Ancient China and Ancient India. The third section studies the concept ofleadership in the Western perspectives, starting by those of Plato, Aristotle, Socrates,the Roman Empire, and theories of Polybius, Cicero and Seneca. It also examinesthese theories appeared in the Middle Age like those of Pope Gelasius, SaintAugustine, Tommaso d'Aquino and Dante. It also sheds light on modern theories inWestern political literature like those of absolute leadership in Niccolo deiMachiavelli, Voltaire, Thomas Hobbes, and those of limited leadership like those ofThomas More, Jean - Jacques Rousseau, Montesquieu and Carle Marks.Chapter Two, which is in two sections, sheds light on theories of eadershipin the political thought of Imamah. The first section the theoretical background andthe chronological bases of the theory of te guardianship of the Islamic jurist. This isdone by examining its concept, types of guardianship, and its formulation in theexistence and absence of the twelfth Imam (pbuh). The second section deals with thetheories of the guardianship of umah, the guardianship of consultation, and theCguardianship of the Islamic jurist. It also examines the theory of gatering both the guardianship of consultation and the guardianship of the Islamic jurist.In its two section, the third chapter examines th theory of the guardianship of the Islamic jurist in detail by focusing on its preconditions, requirements, proofs, duties and the like.The first section examines a number of questions and debates related to the existence of more than one jurist, the possibility of implementing his guardianship outside his country, the difficulty of balancing between the divine will and people's will, the possibility of absolution in the jurist's guardianship and ruling, the mental proofs, sayings and evidence cited by Imams about his authority, and his basic characteristics. The important duties and limits of authority of the jurist are stated in the second section.The two sections of the fourth chapter deals with the opinions of earlier and recent Shiite jurists. In the first section, the opinions of Al - Kirki and Al - Naraqi. The second section, on the other hand, examines the opinion of recent Sitte scholars like Khomeini, Baqir Al - Sadr, Muhammad Muhammad Sadiq Al - Sadr.The main findings and an examination of the validity of the research hypotheses are presented in the Conclusion.

الطائفية السياسية واثرها على بناء الدولة العراقية بعد 2003 == Political Sectarianism and Its Effect on Building the Iraq State Beyond 2003

Author name: نضال عبد الرضا نصار
Supervisor name: اياد خلف حسين العنبر
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Thought
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: تتناول هذه الدراسة (الطائفية السياسية وتاثيرها على بناء الدولة العراقية بعد عام 2003) والتي تعتبر من الدراسات المهمة سياسيا في العراق ما لها من تاثير سيء في الحياة السياسية قديما وحديثا، والدراسة افترضت على ان مشروع الدولة الوطنية فشل في التعامل مع الحياة السياسية وتحول الى مغذي للطائفية بدلا من استئصالها وكذلك النظام السياسي ما بعد 2003 لم يجد حلا مناسبا لعلاجها ولم يتجاوز الاخطاء التي خلفها النظام السياسي السابق، وبذلك تحولت الى احد الركائز التي تقوم عليها السلطة وفشل مشروع الدولة الوطنية. وقد قسم البحث الى ثلاث فصول مع فصل تمهيدي، فضلا عن المقدمة وخاتمة. وقد تناول الفصل التمهيدي مفهوم الطائفية السياسية وجذورها التاريخية في الدولة العراقية. وتناول الفصل الاول تاثير الطائفية على الاستقرار السياسي من خلال العنف السياسي والمشاركة السياسية، والفصل الثاني تناول الطائفية وتاثيرها على بناء الدولة الديمقراطية بعد 2003، من حيث تاثير المواطنة وتطبيق الديمقراطية التوافقية.اما الفصل الاخير تناول الطائفية وتاثيرها على ازمة الاندماج السياسي بعد 2003. واخيرا الخاتمة التي من خلالها تم استنتاج العلاقة العكسية بين ضعف الدولة وقوة الطائفية السياسية. | There is a deep relation between the doctrinal or sectarian stress and the state establishment problem; the political regime failure in moving from the branch identities to the national identity is one of the most important challenge of Iraqi state establishment process after 2003. The political sectarian problem is no longer restricted to the relation between society and state from top to bottom, it changed into a basic element in the Iraqi political life, one of the political process, to represent the sectors, depending on establishing the political sectarian. Throughout the study chapters, we found a direct relation between the state weakness and the political sectarian strength, if the state is was weak in representing its society and controlling the social and political contradictories within a political regime, the political sectarian, via its representatives : - parties and powers and groups would be the stronger party, supporting the secondary belongingness phenomena to overwhelm the national belongingness. The political participation problem in the societies that lacks the national incorporation lies on the inability of producing a democratic system, so the political participation becomes an expression of the sectarian belongingness and the political institutions would be divided among the political parties and powers that had been formed on a sectarian base, as they represent these sectors. The political violence problem in Iraq after 2003 was and still explained on a sectarian base; it reached the climax in 2006 where we can describe as ( a civilian war).

الاصلاح السياسي في دول مجلس التعاون الخليجي بين المحفزات ... والمعوقات

Author name: همسة قحطان خلف
Supervisor name: رياض عزيز هادي
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: لاحقت رياح التغيير والاصلاح السياسي دول المنطقة العربية خلال السنوات الاخيرة، وقد تفاوت معدل التاثر فيها من دول الى اخرى، وقد تعاطت دول مجلس التعاون لدول الخليج العربي مع الاتجاه العالمي بشكل او باخر نحو الديمقراطية والحرية والسياسة بالمعنى الليبرالي - بشكل اكثير ايجابية ومرونة من دول عربية اخرى قديمة العهد بالتطور الديمقراطي والحراك السياسي بمعناه الشامل، اذ شهدت دول مجلس التعاون الخليجي خلال العقد الاخير موجتين للاصلاح السياسي : كانت الاولى : في مطلع التسعينات من القرن الماضي، وجاءت الاخرى : في نهاية ذلك العقد، ومطلع العقد الحالي، وكلتا الموجتين وضعتا النظم السياسية الخليجية على اعتاب مرحلة التحديث، بعد ان ظلت حالة الركود مسيطرة عليها لعقود طويلة، وتمثلت ابرز معالم الموجة الاولى في مظهرين جديدين في دول لم تعرف من قبل وجود مؤسسات وتشريعات تنظم الحياة السياسية، وعملية المشاركة فيها، المظهر الاول : هو تاسيس مجالس للشورى (بالتعيين) في المملكة العربية السعودية، وفي البحرين في العام 1992، والمظهر الاخر : اصدار تشريعات وانظمة اساسية في السعودية العام 1992، وفي سلطنة عمان في العام 1996. اما الموجة الاخرى فقد شهدت قيام النظم السياسية الخليجية باصدار دساتير دائمة، ومثال على ذلك اصدار دستور قطر في نيسان في العام 2003، مع ظهور توجه لاعتماد الية الاقتراع العام سبيلا لتشكيل المجالس التشريعية بدلا عن طريق التعيين، ومنح هذه المجالس صلاحيات اوسع، ومن الامثلة على ذلك ماجرى في البحرين في بدايات العام 2002، وتبنت دولة الامارات العربية المتحدة في عام 2006 اسلوبا يتم فيه انتخاب نصف عدد اعضاء المجالس الاستشارية، والنصف الاخر يعين من جانب الحكومة، وعمدت سلطنة عمان في العام 2000، الى الغاء الدور الحكومي في اختيار، وتعيين اعضاء تلك المجالس مع توسيع قاعدة المشاركة في العملية السياسية. ومن اهم الاسباب التي حفزت دول مجلس التعاون الخليجي لتبني النهج الاصلاحي منذ مطلع تسعينات القرن الماضي ما ياتي : - التطورات الاقتصادية والاجتماعية التي شهدتها تلك الدول خلال عقدي السبعينات والثمانينات، بفعل تزايد العوائد المالية النفطية، والتي ادت الى ظهور شريحة من المثقفين طالبت بالاصلاح السياسي، والمشاركة السياسية، وكان لهذه الشريحة دور في احداث تحول نوعي في الوعي السياسي للمواطنين. - اثارت المتغيرات الناجمة عن عملية غزو الكويت في العام 1990، وحرب الخليج الثانية في العام 1991، وما بعدها تساؤلات عدة دارت حول طبيعة النظم السياسية، وعملية التطور السياسي المنشودة في دول الخليج، بعد اتضاح هشاشة تل النظم، وانكشافها الامني، وضعف قدراتها العسكرية رغم المبالغ الهائلة التي انفقت على التسلح، وشراء المعدات العسكرية، الامر الذي شد المواطن الى الاهتمام بالعملية السياسية، والتطلع للمشاركة فيها بعد ان كانت حكرا على شريحة اجتماعية معينة اثبت الواقع العملي عدم كفايتها في ادارة العملية السياسية، وفي مواجهة الازمات. - توجه النظم السياسية الخليجية للحصول على الشرعية عبر توسع قاعدة المشاركة السياسية، وصناديق الاقتراع عوضا عن شرعية الانجاز التي تقوم على فكرة دولة (الرفاه)، ويضاف الى الاسباب التي اشرنا اليها انفا ما ياتي : ا. تصاعد الضغوط الدولية المطالبة بالتحول الديمقراطي، وتصاعدها بعد احداث 11 ايلول 2001، في الولايات المتحدة الامريكية. ب‌. الادراك الخليجي المتزايد لاهمية الاصلاح السياسي باعتباره حصانة ووسيلة من الوسائل التي تقلل او تضعف الميل للعنف، وقد شهدت البحرين اعمال عنف واسعة النطاق في العام 2005. | The trend to change has overrun the Arabian states in the region during last few years, and the rate of its influence varied from one to another. The Arabian Gulf States delt with the global inclination towards democracy, and political freedom in terms of liberalism in a posative, and flexable manner better than many Arabian States more ancient in being tuch with democratic evolution in its significance. The member of Arabian Gulf States Cooperation Council witnessed two waves of political reforms during last decade, the first one took place in the nineties decade last centry, and the second started at the end of that decade, and it is still on process. Both waves put political systems of Gulf States on modernization threshold after long time of stagnancy. The features of the first wave resemble in two aspects in countries never knew before the existance of institutions, and legislations that control political life, and the process of contribution in it. The first aspect was the establishment of the state consultative courts by assignment in Saudi Arabia, and Bahrain in 1992. The second aspect was the legislations, and principles issued in Saudi Arabia in 1992, and in Oman in 1996. The second wave witnessed Qatars initiative in issuing its permanent constitution in April 2003 in conjunction with adopting the mechanism of general election to form the state consultative courts instead of assignment. The United Arabs Emerates adopted a system combined between assignment, and election , while Oman canceled governmental role in selection, and assignment of the courts members, with enlargement of the base of contribution in political process. There were reasons behind Gulf States pursue to adopt political reforms since the decade of nineties last centry and they are : - Economic, and social evolutions in these states during seventies, and eighties decades last century due to petrol revenue increases, which led to emergence of aducated section of society claimed political reforms, and participation in political process. This section played a role in making a specific change in political awarence among the citizens. - The variables followed the invation of Kuwait, and the war in 1991 has risen questions about the nature of political systems, and the expected political evolution in Arabian Gulf States after the clarity of weakness, security disclosure, and debility of military power in those states dispite their huge defence expenditures. These variables inspired people to pay attention to political process, and they looked forward to take share in it, and not to let it quitrent to a particular section of society, practical reality prove its defects in facing crisis. - The trend of Gulf States to achieve legitimacy through enlargement of base of political partnership and resorting to elections instead of achieving it through fulfillment, because of the following : a. The increase of international pressure demanding democratic change especially after September 9.11th 2001. b. The recognition of increasing importance of political reform in Gulf states as an immune method to reduce possibilities of violence like what happened in Bahrain at large scale in 2005.The present study comprises an introduction, a preliminary section, five chapters, and a conclusion. The preliminary section is about the concept of political reform. The first chapter deals with the first reform endeavor in Gulf States. The second chapter investigates elements of political reform in Gulf States, the first section studies internal elements, while the second section examine external elements.The third chapter devoted to constitutional reforms in three sections. In the first one we study the constitutional amendment in Kuwait, and in Bahrain. The second section is devoted to study legislation, and principles issued in Saudi Arabia, and Oman, while the third section examines the permanent constitution in Qatar, and in the United Arabs Emiretes. The fourth chapter deals with political reform through investigations of elections, and contribution in political process, human rights, civil society, and the right of expression. The fifth chapter deals with political reform deterrent through studying regulations, and constitutional frame work feebleness with in the members of the Arabian Gulf States cooperation council, besides investigates social, economic, and cultural elements taking into consideration the future of political reform in these countries. The conclusion of the thesis includes a summary of the results reached to through the present study

اداء النخبة السياسية في اقليم كوردستان العراق (1991 - 2013) == Performance of Political Elite in Kurdistan Region of Iraq (1991 - 2013)

Author name: ياسين اشور جوهر
Supervisor name: مها عبد اللطيف حسن الحديثي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: مما لاشك فيه ان كل مجتمع ينقسم على شريحتين رئيسيتين، وهما عبارة عن الشريحة الحاكمة والمحكومة، غير ان خصائص وسمات هاتين الشريحيتين تختلف من مجتمع لاخر، وتختلف باختلاف الامكنة والازمنة. وان الاسباب التي تولد تلك المفارقات ترجع الى مسالة تطور المجتمع وتجاوز الظروف السياسية والاقتصادية والاجتماعية والتراثية المتخلفة. لذا نجد ان صفات وخصائص النخبة الحاكمة في المجتمعات المتقدمة والمتحضرة مقارنة بمثيلتها في المجتمعات المتخلفة او المجتمعات النامية، مختلفة. ففي المجتمعات المتقدمة والمتحضرة نجد ان النخبة الحاكمة نتيجة لالتزامها بسيادة القانون وعقلانية ادارة السلطة ومحاولاتها بناء دولة مؤسسات وفصل السلطات والايمان التام بعملية تبادل السلطة بين القوى السياسية وايمانها بمبادئ الديمقراطية والحريات الفردية والجماعية، هي نخبة لها القابلية على التجديد والتغيير من خلال التعبير الصادق والحقيقي عن اهداف وامال الافراد في المجتمع الواحد، هذا من جهة، ومن جهة اخرى، نايها عن احتكار السلطة من اجل الاستمرار بالبقاء على كرسي الحكم لمدة طويلة، فضلا عن عدم قدرتها استغلال الدستور وتغيير القوانين من اجل مصالحها الخاصة. ان الافراد في المجتمعات المتقدمة والمتحضرة ليسوا مكتوفي الايدي تجاه النخبة الحاكمة، بل ان وعيهم السياسي يبلغ مستوى يجعل منهم قادرين على منع الحكام من التهور وارتكاب الخروقات الدستورية والزامهم بالخضوع لبنود القوانين والاحكام المتفق عليها بين الطرفين، ولهذا نلحظ وجود التعاون والتوازن المشترك بين النخبة الحاكمة والمحكومة في تلك المجتمعات من ناحية القوة والشرعية ووسائل الصراع، ونجد باستمرار ان التغيير في تلك المجتمعات يكون مستندا الى القانون والدستور ويكون خاليا من اي عنف او انقلاب عسكري. وفيما يتعلق بالمجتمعات المتخلفة او المجتمعات التي هي في طور الانتقال الديمقراطي، فنجد ان العلاقة بين النخبة الحاكمة والمحكومة هي علاقة غير راجحة مليئة بالمشكلات. ان ما تمتاز به النخبة الحاكمة في تلك المجتمعات، انها نخبة منطوية على ذاتها ومنعزلة لا تفسح المجال للتغيير وتتبادل باستمرار السلطة فيما بينها، ولاجل ذلك يلجاون الى اعتماد شرعية سياسية ضعيفة وخالية من المضمون وانتخابات غير بناءة، او استخدام العنف والظلم بحق المواطنين. من جهة اخرى، ان النخبة الحاكمة في مثل تلك المجتمعات بغية بقائها في السلطة والتمسك بمقاليد الحكم، تلجا الى خطاب قومي او ديني او اشتراكي او ليبرالي او اي خطاب اخر تجذب من خلاله الحس العاطفي للجماهير، وفي الوقت نفسه نجد تلك الخطابات خالية من اي مضمون حقيقي او التزام بالمفاهيم الواردة فيها. ان هذه اللامبالاة والبعد عن الخطوط العريضة لتلك الخطابات تولد شيئا من التشاؤم لدى شريحة المحكومين، فضلا عن ذلك، ان هذه الخطابات لم تفلح في ان تصبح بديلا جيدا لانتماء الفرد للعشيرة او القبيلة او الاسرة او المنطقة، بمعنى اخر لم تستطع ان تؤسس لهوية عليا هي في غنى عن الهويات الفردية او الفرعية الاخرى في المجتمع، حتى يتقيد به الجميع بغض النظر عن الانتماء الديني او القومي او اللغوي او الطائفي او الجغرافي. كل هذه الامور تقف عائقا امام تلك المجتمعات وتحد من قدراتهم على تاسيس سلطة مدنية تتكفل حقوق وواجبات الافراد بلا فارق. في المقابل نجد في اغلب الاحيان ان موقف الجماهير في تلك المجتمعات هو موقف المتفرج اذ لا دور له في بناء القرار السياسي وحضوره السياسي محدود، فينتهي في اغلب الاحيان بالتصويت في الانتخابات فقط، وليس له وعي سياسي كافي بحقوقه ولا يملك وسائل استحصال تلك الحقوق، لذلك نلاحظ ان التغييرات التي تحصل في تلك المجتمعات في الغالب تكون اما بتدخل خارجي او عن طريق العنف او القوة المادية او انقلاب عسكري او ثورة. وفي المحصلة نجد ان تلك المجتمعات تدور في فلك اللاستقرار والازمات السياسية ولا تستطيع ان تصل الى مرحلة المؤسساتية والتصالح الاجتماعي والسياسي التام. هذه الاطروحة الموسومة بـ (اداء النخبة السياسية في اقليم كوردستان 1991 - 2013)تتضمن اربعة فصول، يتناول الفصل الاول مدخل نظري مقسم على عدة موضوعات، اما الفصل الثاني فيتناول الحديث عن تاريخ النخبة السياسية في اقليم كوردستان العراق، وقد قسم على ثلاث مراحل رئيسية، المرحلة الاولى تبدا من (1919 - 1939)، تحدثنا فيها عن بدايات ثورات الشيخ محمود الحفيد وغيره، فضلا عن محاولات بعض المنظمات السياسية والجهات الكوردية التي سعت كثيرا لاستحصال حقوق الكورد في عيراق تلك الفترة. اما المرحلة الثانية فتبدا من تاريخ (1939 - 1979)، تحدثنا فيها عن بدايات التنظيمات السياسية، فنجد ان النخبة السياسية استطاعت ان تنظم نفسها في عدد من الاحزاب السياسية في محاولة منها لنيل حقوق الكورد. وفي هذه المرحلة تحدثنا عن دور ( الملا مصطفى البارزاني) الذي خاض الثورة في بدايتها كشخصية عشائرية ضد الحكومة العراقية انذاك، ثم اصبح قائدا سياسيا وقوميا كورديا على مستوى داخل وخارج العراق. اما المرحلة الثالثة فتبدا من (1975 - 1991)، تحدثنا في بدايتها بشكل مختصرعن تلك السياسات والمظالم التي حلت بالكورد من قبل الحكومات العراقية في تلك الفترة، ثم تطرقنا الى الحديث عن اعادة النخبة السياسية الكوردية لصفوفها في عدة احزاب سياسية مختلفة في ارائها الفكرية والايديولوجية والتنظيمية والجماهيرية. اما الفصل الثالث من هذا البحث فيعد بداية لمنعطف كبير في الكفاح السياسي والعسكري للنخبة السياسية الكوردية والشعب الكوردي على حد سواء. في بدايته تحدثنا عن الجغرافية البشريةوالطبيعية لاقليم كوردستان كمدخل ضروري من اجل فهم اداء النخبة السياسية الكوردية، لغنها بعد انتفاضة (1991) تقلدت السلطة في اطار قانوني ومؤسساتي بصورة فعلية. كذلك تحدثنا عن محاولات النخبة السياسية الكوردية في مسعى منها لتنظيم انتخابات برلمانية بعيدا عن سلطة الحكومة المركزية، وتاسيس برلمان وحكومة ومؤسسات حكومية مستقلة. فضلا عن ذلك، تحدثنا فيه عن التوجه الفكري واهداف تلك النخبة عن طريق الاحزاب السياسية الداخلية التي كانت لها دور وتاثير وثقل في تلك الفترة، اضافة الى الصراعات الداخلية التي نشبت بين الاحزاب كنتيجة لمحاولات كل منها فرض سلطتها الحزبية والمناطقية في اقليم كوردستان. اما في الفصل الرابع فتحدثنا عن اداء النخبة السياسية الكوردية بعد سقوط النظام السياسي في العراق عام (2003)، كيف كانت، وكيف استطاعت ان تؤقلم نفسها مع التغييرات الجذرية التي حصلت في العراق عامة واقليم كوردستان خاصة. تكلمنا ايضا عن دور النفط كورقة اقتصادية مهمة ورئيسة له دور كبير في تعزيز سلطة النخبة السياسية الكوردية في الاقليم. كذلك سلطنا الضوء على التبادل الدوري الحاصل بين النخبة السياسية وبقائها في السلطات التشريعية والتنفيذية. وفي الختام تحدثنا عن دور النخبة السياسية الكوردية في ايجاد الحلول او تفاقم ازمات التنمية السياسية في اقليم كوردستان العراق. توصل البحث الى عدة نتائج منها : ان كل مجتمع يتمتع بنخبة سياسية تقوم بتنظيم شؤونه السياسية على مستوى الداخل والخارج، وتعبر عن امال واهداف افراده. اما فيما يخص النخبة السياسية الكوردية قبل(1991)، فانها كانت باستمرار في جبهة الدفاع وقيام الثورات ضد الحكومات العراقية اذ لم تكن صاحبة سلطة في الاقليم، ولكن هذا لا يغنينا عن الاعتراف بان هذه النخبة، ونتيجة لاسباب داخلية وخارجية، كانت في كثير من الاحيان تقف ضد بعضها، حتى ان احتدام العداء بينها دفعها الى اللجوء لقوى خارجية في سبيل محو الاخر، فضلا عن انها لم تكن نخبة سياسية موحدة وهذا ما اثر سلبا على تحقيق اهدافها السياسية. بعد عام (1991) على الرغم من ان هذه النخبة استطاعت سد فراغ السلطة في اقليم كوردستان العراق، لكن لم يكتب لها النجاح في ذلك، لانها فشلت في ماسسة السلطة، كما لم تفلح في الانتقال بالمجتمع الكوردي الى مرحلة الاستقرار السياسي والاقتصادي والاجتماعي المتين، ولم تستطع ان تنظم السلطة وفق المبادىء الديمقراطية، وفشلت في تثبيت مبدا تبادل السلطة، وتجديد نفسها، وفسح المجال امام القوى السياسية الاخرى حتى يكون لها دور في العملية السياسية وصياغة القرار السياسي في الاقليم، هذا ولم تستطع ان تغني نفسها عن ميراث الاقتتال الداخلي ومحو الاخر من خلال اتفاق سياسي وحزبي فيما بينها بالاعتماد على انفسهم لحسم صراعاتهم وخلافاتهم، ولكن على النقيض من ذلك نجد تلك النخبة ولحد الان تعتمد على القوى الخارجية اكثر من اعتمادها على جماهيرها. بالرغم من ذلك لم تستطع تلك النخبة ان تحسم نفسها ويكون لها خطاب سياسي واضح وصريح توجهه الى الداخل او الى السلطة المركزية في العراق، بل الذي نجده انما هو خطاب سياسي متغير معتمد على اهداف واستراتيجية الاحزاب الكوردستانية وخاصة الحزبين الديمقراطي الكوردستاني والاتحاد الوطني الكوردستاني . ومن النتائج الاخرى التي توصل اليها البحث، ان النخبة السياسية الكوردية بالرغم من تحقيقها بعض التقدم على المستويات السياسية والاجتماعية والاقتصادية في الاقليم، لكنها فشلت في تاسيس اقتصاد قوي يلبي - في الاقل - الاحتياجات الداخلية للاقليم، وبدلا من ذلك، ذهبت الى الاهتمام بتنمية الاقتصاد الاستهلاكي والاعتماد الكلي على قطاع النفط لادارة المجتمع الكوردي في العراق، وهذه السياسة كانت لها تداعيات سلبية مثل : تحطيم البنى التحتية للاقتصاد الزراعي والصناعي، كذلك توسيع القطاع العام على حساب القطاع الخاص، وربط مصادر عيش المواطن بالحكومة ومصادر تمويل الحكومة بالاحزاب السياسية، والاسوا من ذلك، ان هذا النوع من الاقتصاد الى حد بعيد، اصبح سببا من اسباب تقوية الاحزاب من خلال استحصال رؤوس اموال كبيرة والسيطرة على اقتصاد الاقليم. اما من الناحية الاجتماعية، فان هذه النخبة وخاصة بعد عام (1991) اصبحت سببا من اسباب احياء الروح القبلية والعشائرية والاسرية، بدلا من ريادة المجتمع باتجاه العقلانية وبناء دولة مؤسسات، هذا لان المجتمع الكوردي في الاساس هو مجتمع تقليدي وقبلي، وبدلا من تجاوز وكسر هذه العادات الاجتماعية واضعافها، لجات الى تقويتها وتقديسها، كل هذا من اجل بقائها في السلطة والحكم، وفي المحصلة فشلت هذه النخبة في تاسيس هوية واضحة لسكان اقليم كوردستان، وبناء شرعية قوية لها، فضلا عن هذا، لم تستطع تحقيق العدالة الاجتماعية والسياسية والاقتصادية في المجتمع الكوردي، وتوجيهه نحو تحقيق اهدافه وتخليصه من ازماته. ايجازا، نستطيع القول، ان اداء النخبة السياسية الكوردية في فترة حكمها، كان اداء ضعيفا، اذ لم تستطع خلق نموذج ايجابي ومختلف لنظام حكم في العراق والمنطقة، بل اخذت صفات وخصائص المجتمعات المتخلفة التي اشرنا اليها سابقا. | Undoubtedly, each community of humans is divided into two levels : the first level consists of leaders, governmental officials, while the second one is the ordinary citizens. The characteristics of these two levels differ and vary from one society to another, and change from specific place and time to others. This occurs when the communities are stepping toward development in the political, economic, social, and cultural aspects. The characteristics are entirely different in progressed societies rather than those in non - developed ones or newly developed. In the developed ones, and due to the superiority of law, reasoning the authority, having an establishment system in disturbing and handing out the power depending on democratic basics accompanied by society’s and individual’s freedom, it can step forward both into flourishing and renovation. This will be achieved through having a clear public goals and wishes of all the population, and through non - monopolization of power for the sake of lasting longer times as much as possible. On one hand, we notice that all the individuals in developed societies are more cautious about the performance of the government and they do not let them deviate from every segment of the country’s constitution and its authorized power and make them be abided by the law.as a result, we could easily observe that there’s a mature sort of cooperation between the people and government, and even the changes will be done according to legislative processes which are not opposing the items of law and constitution. On the other hand, the non - developed societies or the initial democratic ones face current problems and unhealthy relations in the terms of both the people and the government. Leaders in the government will not allow the throne to flee from them and they try their hard not to be dethroned and not to lose the power, and to sustain this, they rely on misleading election process to deceive the public or to oppress them by using power to force them to be yielded. Sometimes for convincing the public, they announce their false enthusiastic nationalism or their entire faith for religion or their cunning liberal, social policy for running country. Therefore, people would not touch any hopes in their meaningless emblems that could not be even suitable alternatives for the tribal, religious, and regional beliefs in which people had been suffered a lot because of them. All these factors helped not to have serious steps toward establishing a very modern and systematic government that reserves the rights and duties of all without hindrances and injustice. Besides, people sometimes are not aware about the complete items of their official rights, and they act like onlookers only watching and staying disconnected to what are going on. So, a foreign force may interfere to uproot a specific regime as the people are idle in attempting to make changes, or through an internal codetta or an uprising, the change may be happened. And this will bring great damage in a way that security would be lost for longer times and a chaotic state spreads everywhere in country. The dissertation, is entitled (The Performance of the Political Elite in Kurdistan Region from 1991 to 2013), consists of four parts, the first one includes a theoretical entrance to the subject of the project which is divided into several sections, each on has an abstract on what relates to Elitist Theory. The second part explains a historical survey of elitism in Kurdistan region, and it’s graded into three stages, the first stage starts from 1919 to 1939, includes Shekh Mahmud’s revolution and some groups who tried to regain Kurd’s rights from different Iraqi regimes. The second stage, from 1939 to 1975, witnessed an organized way of political system to have some parties for acquiring the national rights of Kurds, and Mala Mustafa Barzani was one of the prominent figures who started first as a tribe leader to revolute against the regime, then he turned to represent Kurds as a political and national leader that affected the political process to certain extends. The third stage, 1975 to 1991, sheds lights on the tyranny of Saddam’s policy and the regime’s oppression against Kurd, also it surveys the reorganization of all the Kurdish political parties to direct people to new ideological trends. The third part, from 1991, elaborates a very important period in the history of Kurds since they achieved their real autonomy and separated from other parts of Iraq, and they started to rule themselves. This will be the core for the project to observe the political elite. In this part, the project elucidates the Kurdish political elite and how they, for the first time and far from Iraqi regime’s threats, were able to hold an election, besides, their being able to establish parliament and government and other governmental directorates. And the political parties tried their best to obtain more popularity in order that they might gain more posts in the authority, and this caused several conflicts and struggles among those parties. The Fourth part explains the Kurdish elite performance after the crashing down of Baath’s regime in 2003, and how they were capable of handling the political role in both Baghdad in Kurdistan. Also, the case of oil as a significant economic and political sector which fostered Kurdish elite. The last pages of this part clarify their positive and negative contributions in decreasing and increasing the obstacles and problems. This project (dissertation) has reached some conclusions like each society has its own elite politicians that organize society’s political affairs as well as representing the wish and needs of people on both internal and external levels. In relation to the Kurdish political elite prior to 1991, they’ve always been in defense and rebellion against the central government in Iraq and with no power in Kurdistan. Due to many internal and external factors, these elite groups have often been in bitter fighting with each other in a way that they sometimes sought help from foreign forces to defeat each other. They have always been in difference and not united which made them unable to achieve their political goals. However, after 1991, despite filling the power vacuum in Kurdistan, these elite were unable to transfer the Kurdish society to the state of political, economic, social and cultural stability. They could neither regulate the power democratically and bring about the bases for peaceful power transfer in Kurdistan nor renew themselves and give way to other political factions to have roles in the process of decision making and the political process in Kurdistan region. Furthermore, instead of making some kind of political agreement and depend on themselves for settling their disputes, they could not rid themselves from deleting each other and the inheritance of the civil war. These elite groups have continuously and still relied on foreign support rather than their people. Moreover, they have not been able to make their mind up and have a clear message to Kurdistan region or the central government in Iraq. What they have is a political message that changes according to the goals and strategy of the parties in Kurdistan especially (P.U.K) and (K.D.P). Another conclusion of the project is that in spite of some progressing that the Kurdish political elite achieved but they failed in founding a very enhancing and strong economic system which conveys the internal needs of Kurdistan region, they depended on oil sector to provide the assumptions, but on the other hand it created a great damage in agricultural and industrial sectors which are considered the most vital bases into development. It led to the declining of private sectors and expanding the public ones, and they connected the people’s earn living with the government and the latter was matched with the political parties. Thus, the Kurdish political elite monopolized all the economic and commercial sectors of the region. In social sense, and for the sake of lasting in the throne as much as possible, they helped the tribal culture to be strengthened again since the Kurdish society was still a very traditional one which reflected negatively in the process of development. They could not make a true, modern, updated, and developed identity for Kurdish people in Iraq and the Middle East, and they were not able to invent a very standardized style of government so as to be taken as a unique sample for Iraq and other countries

التعددية السياسية في الفكر السياسي الاسلامي المعاصر

Author name: مـعـد صالح حــسن العبيدي
Supervisor name: مها عبد اللطيف حسن الحديثي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: There are many Quranic verses put us in front absolute truth should be considered by every mindful beings is the omni existence of the Allah, and the diversity of his creatures. We should admit that multipality and diversity beside the difference is a theological act that induced by Allah wisdom and indicated to it by Islamic doctrine from its essential sources : The Quran and prophetic tradition, Islamic doctrine urges us to positive diversity which guides to the acquaintance and cooperation in addition to intimacy, mean while it’s preventing the negative diversity and difference which lead the nation to fighting and mutual killing, and the last one is the worst according to Islamic doctrine and for the necessity of development which witnessed in all humaninty fields, some of Islamic thinkers and intellectuals, in plus to some Muslim pioneers, presented their opinions and ideas which related to the topic of diversity and differences in all it’s aspects, weather it is religious or cultural or even ethnic or political that enrich wildly the modern Islamic political thought, specially after the wide spreading of “Diversity” as term and a concept linked to western liberal political thought innorated by western thinkers like : Jean Jack rousseay and Jean luck. Islamic political thinkers endeavour to extract their pretext and evidences from Islamic doctrine sources for the purpose of coexistence with political diversity according to up mentioned rules so the thinkers divided in to groups, some of them refuse it definity and other who support it with some disciplinasy conditions, mean while the others who support it definitely in Islamic Society and every one of of them has its own pretext and justifications that addressed to enhance his position of this subject whether they are with or no. Despite nemurous supporters for the political diversity of Islamic society in context with Islamic doctrinal rules and its traditions but we should realize that all controversy about this topic among all political currents not considering more than the oritical intellictural debut if it’s not transferred to be applied as political act on reality wether it was in the past or in recent century, there is no Islamic society applying Islamic gouverning system complety according to religious teachings so that the interesting people in political systems affairs could emit their judgment at validity on political diversity in a such society or not. So all which exposed by a Islamic scientists and juriprudents and followed pioneers of modern Islamic political thoughts of their opinions in this concern not consider to be more than a vow for purportedly. Islamic society does not exist on the ground of reality in our recent century. In concerning with Iraqi Islamic political parties indicate in their intellectual programs the topic of political diversity of Islamic society but they are not come out of General outline which was drawing by modern Islamic political thought.

القوى الاقليمية والقوى الكبرى دراسة في استراتيجيات الشراكة والتوظيف : دراسة حالة (العراق والولايات المتحدة الامريكية) == Regional Powers and great powers study in Strategies of the Partnership and the appointing Case study Iraq and American united state

Author name: علي حسين حميد عزيز
Supervisor name: مازن اسماعيل الرمضاني | منعم صاحي العمار
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Strategic Studies
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: ان الشروع في دراسة بحثية في اي فرع من فروع العلوم السياسية، لهو عمل يتطلب عدم الانصراف للجزئيات والاتجاه نحو الحالات الفردية، انما يتوجب ان ينصب على الكليات والظواهر العامة المشتركة، بعدم تعقب تفاصيل سياسات الدول بل استهداف الاصول العامة الكامنة وراء تلك التفاصيل.وهذا اختصاص البحث الاستراتيجي. فالقوة هي العنصر الثابت الوحيد بين العناصر الخارجية التي تحرك العلاقات السياسية/الاستراتجية الدولية. وعليه كانت مشكلة القوة هي المشكلة الحقة في العلاقات الدولية. ومن هنا اتجهت دراسة العلاقات الدولية بعناية كبرى الى ظاهرة القوة واحتلت القوة من تلك الدراسات مكان الصدارة. فالقوة ظاهرة موضوعية وشخصية اتسمت بها العلاقات السياسية/ الاستراتيجية الدولية على مر الاجيال، لذا فانها، وان كانت عنصر ثابت في العلاقات الخارجية كما اسلفنا، تكون، من حيث الماهية، غير ثابتة وانما تتشكل مع الظروف. فالواضح للمتابع والمهتم بالشؤون السياسية ان العلاقات الدولية، التي نشات في كنف القوة، ظلت تسيطر عليها هذه الظاهرة منذ بدء الخليقة حتى وقتنا الحاضر، وان تغيرت المعالم التي تميز هذه القوة من وقت لاخر، واستقراء تاريخ العلاقات الدولية يؤكد هذا الامر.يرجع الاهتمام الامريكي في العراق الى اوائل القرن العشرين الذي شهد صراعا شديدا بين القوى الدولية الرئيسية للهيمنة على الشرق الاوسط خاصة على منابع بترولها الغنية .وحسبما تذكر دراسات التاريخ العراقي الحديث ان الاهتمام الامريكي في العراق من خلال الشركات النفطية والاهتمام الامريكي بالنفط العراقي عام 1926، كذلك نلاحظ ان العراق افتتح له سفارة في الولايات المتحدة في فترة الثلاثينات من القرن الماضي، ولذلك بدات الولايات المتحدة ومن الشروع الاول لوراثة الامبراطورية البريطانية الى العمل على التخطيط لكيفية احتلال العراق والوثائق الامريكية تفيد ان الولايات المتحدة وعندما كان التمركز الامريكي في تركيا وفق معاهدة حلف شمال الاطلسي (الناتو) في فترة الخمسينات ارادت الولايات المتحدة الامريكية التدخل في ثورة 1958 لكن يبدو ان الوضع الاقليمي لم يكن يسمح بذلك ناهيك عن توازنات القوى العالمية في فترة الحرب الباردة وصراع مرير بين الاتحاد السوفيتي والولايات المتحدة، ولذلك بدات الولايات المتحدة تعيد النظر بعلاقاتها الاستراتجية مع العراق لتاخذ شكل العلاقات نحو الصراع اكثر من التعاون وخصوصا بعد مجيئ حزب البعث ليتسلم السلطة بعد عام 1968 لتاخذ العلاقات الطابع الصراعي ولتبدا الحد الفاصل بعد قرار التاميم العراقي للنفط لتعلن الولايات المتحدة ان الولايات المتحدة خارج السيطرة وانه لابد من اعادة التخطيط لكيفية اسقاط العراق ونظامه السياسي من اجل احتلاله وما كان لاحد المبشرين من المحافظين الجدد الا وهو بول ولفيتز ان يطرق مكاتب البيت الابيض والكونغرس الامريكي ليعلن على العالم ومنهم الادارة الامريكية انه لابد من احتلال العراق وكان ذلك في منتصف السبعينات لكن يبدو ان التغيرات الاقليمية في المنطقة ومجيء النظامين الراديكاليين في ايران ومن ثم العراق كان اعلان البداية لتنفيذ احتلال العراق والقضاء على القوتين الاقليميتين المنافستين للكيان الاسرائيلي والفاعلين الاساسيين في التوازن الاستراتجي في الشرق الاوسط ولكن يبد ان الحرب كانت السبيل لتفاعل العلاقات العراقية - الايرانية منذ بداية الثمانينات ولذلك تغيرت الاليات لتنفيذ ذلك المخطط الاستراتجي لبول ولفيتز والادارة الامريكية ونلاحظ بعد منتصف الثمانينات استطاعت الولايات المتحدة ان تجد الشرعية للتواجد الامريكي المباشر من اجل حماية موانئ النفط والناقلات التجارية النفطية، الى ان انتهت الحرب العراقية الايرانية في عام 1988 وتكللت بخروج الجيش العراقي قوي البنية ويتوافر على امكانيات تقنية عالية جدا لا ننكر انها جمعت من الخارج في العراق، لكنها سرعان ما دمرت القدرات العسكرية العراقية وبدا الموت البطيء للدولة العراقية بعد حرب الخليج وصولا لفرض خطوط العرض الى احتلال العراق بعد 9/4/2003.ولذلك دعت الادارة الامريكية الى لعب دور في بناء العراق ما بعد الحرب والذي يجب ان يقتصر على وضع اطار عام لاتفاق مقبول مع ترك التسوية النهائية للشعب العراقي نفسه وفي هذا الاطار يجب ان نجعل العراق لا يمثل بعد الحرب خطرا على الولايات المتحدة او على دول الجوار وان تتعاون الحكومات العراقية المستقبلية في جهود ازالة ترسانة الاسلحة الدمار الشامل والصواريخ البالستية وفقا لقرارات مجلس الامن وبناء ائتلاف متعدد يلبي مصالح كافة الفئات والجماعات الدينية والعرقية في العراق وخاصة المكونات الثلاثة الرئيسية حسبما يذكر التقرير .وان تعمل الولايات المتحدة على تبني مبادئ الديمقراطية وحقوق الانسان والسوق الحر وان يكون مؤيدا للغرب ويعمل معنا في حربنا ضد (الارهاب) وان يدعم المفاوضات للصراع العربي - الاسرائيلي.ولذلك لابد على الادارة الامريكية ان تعمل على تحقيق ذلك من خلال اولا دعم القوى السياسية العراقية في الخارج من اجل المساهمة في قلب النظام واحتلال العراق، ثانيا التاكيد على الفدرالية كمبدا للحكم في العراق ما بعد الحرب اذ انها ستضمن كل ذي حقا حقه وستعمل على منع تشكيل قوة عسكرية عراقية تهدد دول الجوار، ثالثا تطهير العراق من نظام حزب البعث العربي الاشتراكي وكما وصفتهم الوثيقة سواء كانوا داخل الحكومة العراقية او كاعضاء داخل المجتمع العراقي والتحقيق مع القيادات لحزب البعث العربي الاشتراكي ومحاكمتهم لارتكابهم جرائم ضد الانسانية ومحاكمة علنية وتزويد الحكومة العراقية الجديدة بالمساعدات الفنية اللازمة لذلك كما انه لابد من حظر عمل حزب البعث العربي الاشتراكي في العملية السياسية لما بعد الحرب على العراق. كذلك انه لابد على الجيش الامريكي اثناء وجوده في العراق بتقديم مساعداته للحكومة الفدرالية في تدريب جيش عراقي نوعي لا كمي بلا جدوى!! ويرتهن مستقبل العلاقات العراقية الامريكية بنوعين من الاستراتيجيات التي من الممكن ان تاتي ثمارها لكلا الطرفين وحسب طبيعة البيئة الداخلية (لكلا الطرفين) والبيئة الاقليمية والعالمية. فاستراتيجية التوظيف قائمة على فرضية ان الولايات المتحدة دخلت العراق بدون مشروع لتكوين الدولة انها حالت بالعراق الى البيع وبالتالي جعلت العراق ساحة لتصفية حسابات صديق الحرب الباردة وعدو اليوم الا وهم الحركات الاسلامية وبالتالي لا نعلم من اعطى الرئيس بوش الابن ان يكون العراق ساحة الارهاب الاولى وبالتالي نجد ان الولايات المتحدة وجدت بالعراق المكان المناسب لتوظيف الجغرافيا العراقية كمنبر للمشروع الامريكي في الشرق الاوسط وبالتالي ان الادارة الامريكية سوف تدير العراق كوصية عليه وان العراق وفق هذا المشهد الضبابي فاقد للارادة السياسية بسبب المتغير الامريكي وبالتالي هي عملت وتعمل الادارة الامريكية على توظيف العراق بشكل غير معقول في تحقيق اهدافها الاستراتجية. اما الاستراتيجية الثانية الشراكة وهذه الاستراتيجية تنطلق من فرضية مفادها ان حجم العلاقات الاستراتجية بين الطرفيين يتحتم على الطرفيين ان يدركوا ويصلوا بالعلاقات البينية اي العلاقات الامريكية - العراقية لحالة التعاون الاستراتجي الوثيق والقائم على الشراكة دون ان يكون هنالك اختلال في معادلة العلاقات بين الطرفين ولكن نلاحظ ان احد اطراف العلاقة مازال الغموض يكتنف سياسته تجاه الولايات المتحدة الامريكية وذلك بسبب عدم وضوح شكل النظام السياسي العراقي لحد الان وعدم ثبوت المنهج الفكري/الايدلوجي ثم انه مازالت هنالك ملفات استراتجية لم تغلق بين البلدين لحد الان منها ملف الديون العراقية وحسابات الدولة العراقية في البنوك والمصارف الامريكية ثم ان هنالك عقود بموجب مذكرة التفاهم للنفط مقابل الغذاء مازالت لم تنفذ وقد قبضت الشركات الامريكية امولا او استحقاقات مالية كنسبة على العقود من صندوق العراق في الامم المتحدة، ناهيك عن الوضع الداخلي العراقي غير المستقر والمنفلت لحد بعيد يجعل من الولوج لتطبيق هذه الاستراتيجية متعثر نتيجة لاسباب داخلية واقليمية مؤثرة. | To Start Studying Any Field Of Political Science Fields Requiring Not To Focusing Upon Particulates And Going To Individual Cases, But It Requires Centering Over The Sharing & Overall General Phenomenon By Not To Tracking The States Policies But By Studying The General Origins Behind These Details, This Is The Specialty Of Strategic Research.Power Is The Lonely Invariable Factor Among The External Factors That Motivating The International Relations. So The Power Was A Real Issue In International Relations. According To That International Relations Study Focusing Upon Studying Power Phenomenon And Power Took The Priority. The Power Is A Subjective Phenomenon That Shaped The International Strategic /Political Relations All Times, So As It Invariable Factor In Foreign Affairs It Will According To Its Sole Not Constant But Shaping By Situations. Any Observer That Interesting In Political Affairs Can Notice International Relations Rose Within Power Continued Controlled By This Phenomenon Since The Old Ages Tell Now.American Interesting In Iraq Back To The Beginning Of 20th Century Which Had Hard Conflict Between Main International Powers To Dominance Over The Middle East And Its Oil. According To Iraqi Recent Historical Studies American Interesting In Iraq Were Through The Oil Companies Since 1926.We Can Notice That Iraq Opened Embassy In U.S.A At 1930’s Of Last Century. So U.S.A Started To Planning How To Occupy Iraq, American Documents Showed That U.S.A Tended To Interfering The 1958 Revolution In Iraq It Was In Turkey According To NATO Treaty, But Because Of The Regional Situation And Global Balance Of Power In Cold War Prevent Them, All Of That Reflected In Reviewing It’s Strategic Relations With Iraq To Be More Shaping By Conflict Than Cooperating Especially After The Revolution Of 1968 That Made The Arab Baa’th Party Took The Control Of The Power. The Relations Between Iraq And U.S Got More Conflicting After The Decision Of Nationalization Of Iraqi Oil. At That Time U.S Announced That Iraq Is Out Of Control And Should Remove His Political Regime And Occupy Him. This Were Clearly Announced By Paul Wolfitez At The Middle Of 1970’s That Iraq Should Be Occupied, But Because Of The Regional Changes Especially Tow Radical Regimes Came To Control In Iraq & Iran Were The Starting To Occupy Iraq & Destroying The Regional Powers That Competition Israel & Effective Actors In The Strategic Balance Of The Middle East .Because Of The Iraqi - Iranian War U.S Changed It’s Mechanism To Execute The Strategic Plan .At The Mid Of 1980’s We Can Noticed That U.S. Found Legitimacy For Its Direct Existing To Protect Oil Carriers & Harbors, Tell The End Of The War That Resulted Although In High Technology Army & Powerful Iraqi Army, But It Destroyed And Started Slow Death Of Iraqi Governmental System After The Gulf War, Forcing The Lines 36,32 & Ending By Iraqi Occupation April 09,2003.U.S Administration Called To Play A Role In Building Post - War Iraq Which Should Be Limited To Put The Framework For Accepting Agreement And Let The Final Settlement For Iraqi People. Regarding This We Should Not Make Iraq Representative Any Dangerous Toward U.S AFTER THE War Or Its Neighbors, Iraqi Future Government Should Cooperating With Efforts Of Removing WMD According To UN ORDERS And Composing Multilateral Coalition Agreeing With All Parties (Racial,Religious..Etc), Especially The Three Main Parties.U.S Should Works To Adopt Democratic Principles, Human Rights And Free Market. According To This Iraq Should Be Supporting To WEST, Working With Us In Our War Against (Terrorism), And Supporting The Negotiation Of Arab - Israel Conflict.US Should Work To Achieve That By Supporting Iraqi Political Powers Outside Iraq To Anticipating In Removing The Regime And Occupying, Assuring Federation As Principle To Rule In Post - War Iraq, Cleaning Up Iraq From Arab Baa’th Party Regime (As They Described By The Report)Either Inside The Iraqi Government Or Members Within Iraqi Society & Investigating The Arab Baa’th Regime Leaders Prosecuting Them For Their Crime Against Humanity And Provide The New Iraqi Government With All Necessary Means , Arab Baa’th Party Should Banning In Political Process Of Post - War Iraq. Beside All of That American Army Should Provide Any Help To Iraqi Federation Government And Training Iraqi Army With Good Quality Not Quantity.Iraqi - Us Future Depends On Tow Kinds To Strategy That Their Results Should Be Satisfied According To The Regional & Global Environments. Employing Strategy Relying On A Hypothesis Saying That US Came To Iraq With No Project Aiming To Form A State That Resulted In War Between Cold War Friend & Recent Enemy (Islamic Movements). So We Don’t Know Who Allowed President Bush To Make Iraq The First Battlefield Of Terrorism. According To This That U.S Found In Iraq A Proper To Employee Iraqi Geography As A Step To American Project In Middle East ,So U.S Will Control Iraq As Regent Upon Him.According To This Foggy Scenario Iraq Will Be Without His Poetical Well Because Of The American Variable, So U.S Did & Working To Employing Iraq In A Conceivable Manner In Order To Achieve It’s Strategic Goals. The Second Strategy Is The Partnership, This Strategy Relying On A Hypothesis Says: The Strategic Relations Between Iraq & U.S Directing Them To Realize & Achieve In Their Relations To A Case Of Closed Strategic Relations That Depends On Partnership With No Disturbance In Their Relations, But Unfortunately That One Of The Relation Parts Have A Mystery Policy Toward U.S Because Of Unclear Iraqi Political System Yet, And No Consisting Ideology Doctrine Beside Unclosed Strategic Files Between Them Such As Iraqi Debts ,Iraqi Accounts In American Banks , Many Contracts Should Be Done According To The Oil Against Food Memorandum That Still Not Done , Many American Companies Got Money Or Financial Privileges As A Ratio For Contracts From Iraqi Box In UN And Unstable Iraqi Interior Situation That Reflecting In Difficulties To Apply This Strategy As Result Of Many Interior & Regional Factors .

العولمة والتنمية البشرية المستدامة في الوطن العربي == Globalization and Sustainable Human Development in the Arabian Homeland

Author name: رعد سامي عبد الرزاق محمد سعيد التميمي
Supervisor name: Maha A. Al - Hadithi | Abd Ali Almaamori
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Science
Language: Arabic
Key words:
  • العولمة
  • التنمية البشرية
  • التنمية المستدامة
  • التنمية البشرية المستدامة
  • الديمقرطية والتعددية السياسية
  • الحكم الصالح
  • عالمية حقوق الانسان
  • السكان
  • التعليم
  • البيئة
  • الارهاب الدولي
  • الشركات متعدية الجنسية
  • صندوق النقد والبنك الدوليين
  • شبكات الامان الاجتما
First pages:
Abstract: The end of the Cold War and the dramatic collapse of Soviet Union, and the failure of most development states including the Arabian countries to reach the development which is represented by ensure the human rights and there freedom to solve there problems especially in poverty, unemployment and to reach the growth, empower of human which all that raised the voices which calls for the failure of central planning and the interfere of the state to reach the development and highest in all levels, political, social, and economic. These circumstances raising many thoughts of new Liberalization which is call for the Globalization, and it’s aims for pluralism and ensure the human rights and refresh the role of civil society and also it insist to state to leave all things concerning to the development for free markets erase the obstacles trade and financial administration, in the same time it insist to Globalization which led to success comes from freedom trade and the movement of capital and the specialist of privet sectors, rearrange the economic of international bank which lead to increase the growth of productions and the best use of technology and also to protect the environment and sustainable on the limited natural resources. Based on above basics, all of the third world states, including the Arabic Countries to change to into economic markets and adopted all the fixed that the Globalization aims for. But in spite of all chances of Globalization, but it also born many challenges for this states specially the poverty and unemployment and also demographic problems, health and environment. For example the Globalization came centralize on growth as the aims which is lead it to limits human choices in one direction which is income, and from the other side it insure that the separate actually for growth without the entrance of the state and that means that the globalization came returns in new to ensure the close of economic which in human as (Trickling Down Effect) and this situation prove it’s failure because there are many states achieved it’s economical growth but this did not prove any increasing in job chances and also failed to end the poverty, also the growth which based on split down effect that led the phenomenon of different levels between states and also in the same state inside which is led to the concentrate the wealth in minority hand. As a result of this, sustainable human development. And on that basic they have to increase their choices such as health, education, higher standard levels and respect the human rights in social and politics and economics and also aimed to raise the empower of human and give them chances to produce which led them can be develop society from secure social capital. The figure of sustainable human development comes to show their important role of state against the Globalization thoughts and for this the state role it’s role from keeping watch and organize and to make sure of the ability of power market in reaching the public aims for sustainable human development and to stood against the Globalization aims. This figure insist to maintain the role of state to sub - devise the growth by three ways (State - Market - Civil Society) and from that way this research takes its important as it’s only trying to diagnoses the fare of sustainable human development and how to get chances which came from Globalization and to facing the challenges which impose it by it in order reach an empower of human and to make him inside the growth figure to make him can to participate and action in benefit way.

اثر التحالفات الدولية في تطوير الفكر الاستراتيجي الامريكي

Author name: محمد ميسر فتحي محمود
Supervisor name: منعم صاحي حسين العمار
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Strategic Studies
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

السياسة الخارجية التركية اتجاه منطقة القوقاز بعد الحرب الباردة == Turkish Foreign Policy Towards Caucasia Region after the Cold War

Author name: صبا سليم محمد علي الجبوري
Supervisor name: مصطفى جاسم حسين البهادلي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: بعد انتهاء الحرب الباردة وتفكك الاتحاد السوفييتي عام 1991 واستقلال دول القوقاز عنه، افضت تلك التحولات التي تبلور مجموعة من المتغيرات والقضايا التي اثرت في العلاقات التركية مع دول جنوب القوقاز، فشهدت السياسة الخارجية التركية مع هذه الدول الثلاث ارمينيا واذربيجان وجورجيا، حقبة من التفاهمات والاستقطابات بسبب هذه العوامل والمتغيرات الداخلية والاقليمية والدولية. وقد احتوت الرسالة المعنونة (( السياسة الخارجية التركية اتجاه القوقاز بعد الحرب الباردة )) على مقدمة وخاتمة وملخص باللغة العربية والانكليزية واربعة فصول . ونظرا لما تتمتع به منطقة جنوب القوقاز من اهمية سياسية واقتصادية وجغرافية، فقد اصبحت محط اهتمام العديد من الدول الاقليمية والقوى الكبرى وساحة للتنافس الاقليمي والدولي. اذ يبحث الفصل الاول عن الاهمية الاستراتيجية لدول اقليم القوقاز الجنوبي الثلاثة (اذربيجان وجورجيا وارمينيا )من خلال اربعة فصول رئيسة ،المبحث الاول يتناول الاهمية الجغرافية والجيوبوليتيكية لمنطقة دول اقليم القوقازالجنوبي ،والمبحث الثاني يتناول الاهمية الاقتصادية ،والمبحث الثالث يتاول الحالة الاجتماعية والديوغرافية ،والمبحث الرابع تناول القدرات العسكرية والامنية .اما الفصل الثاني فقد تطرق الى اهداف ووسائل تنفيذ السياسة الخارجية التركية اتجاه دول اقليم القوقاز الجنوبي ،وذلك من ثلاثة مباحث رئيسة ،فالمبحث الاول تناول عملية صنع القرارفي السياسة الخارجية التركية ،والمبحث الالثاني تناول الاهداف الرئسية للتوجه التركي لمنطقة اقليم القوقاز ،والمبحث الثالث تناول اهم الوسائل لتنفيذ السياسة الخارجية التركية تجاه المنطقة .اما الفصل الثالث ،فقد تطرق الى الادوار الاقليمية والدولية في منطقة اقليم القوقاز الجنوبي ،وذلك من خلال مبحثين ،المبحث الاول تناول الدور الاقليمي المتمثل بروسيا الاتحادية والجمهورية الاسلامية الايرانية ،والمبحث الثاني تناول الدور الدولي المتمثل بالولايات المتحدة الامريكية و(اسرائيل )والاتحاد الاوروبي .والفصل الرابع فقد تطرق الى مستقبل التوجه التركي لدول منطقة اقليم القوقاز الجنوبي ،وذلك من خلال ثلاثة مباحث رئيسة ،المبحث الاول تناول مشهد استمرارية التعاون مع هذه الدول ،والمبحث الثاني تناول مشهدالتراجع ،والمبحث الثالث تناول مشهد المؤامة . وبعد صعود حزب العدالة والتنمية، وتطبيق الحزب لرؤية جديدة خاصة بالسياسة الخارجية تقوم على توظيف مباديء جديدة تهدف لتحويل تركيا من دولة جسر لدولة مركزية في دول جنوب القوقاز الذي يمثل واحد من الاقاليم المهمة للسياسة التركية، وذلك لما يتيحه من فرص للسياسة الخارجية التركية في بناء علاقات متوازنة وبراغماتية مبنية على التعاون والتنافس وما يفرضه من مخاطر قد تهدد الامن القومي التركي. | After the end of the Cold War and collapse of Soviet Union 1991 and the independence of Caucasian States many changes and issues appears which effect the relations of Turkey and the states of south Caucasia .Turkish foreign relations with these states, Armenia ,Azerbaijan and Georgia witnesses period of understanding and polarize due to theses internal ,regional and international factors and changes This theses titled (Turkish Foreign Policy Towards Caucasia after the Cold War ) includes an introduction ,four chapters , conclusion and abstract . As south Caucasia enjoys political , economic and geographic it becomes the focus of the interests of regional states , great powers and the field of regional and international competition . The first chapter discusses the strategic importance of the three states of south Caucasia region (Armenia ,Azerbaijan and Georgia ) .It includes three enquiries .First enquiry discusses the geographic and geopolitical importance of south Caucasia region states .The second enquiry discusses the economic importance .The third enquiry discusses the social and demographic situation .The fourth enquiry discusses the military and security abilities .The second chapter discusses the 0bjectives and the methods of implementing Turkish foreign policy towards south Caucasia region .It includes three enquiries .The first enquiry includes the decision making in Turkish foreign policy .The second enquiry discusses the main objectives of Turkish policy for Caucasia region .The third enquiry discusses the most important methods to implement Turkish foreign policy towards this region . The third chapter discusses the regional and international roles in two enquiries .The first enquiry discusses the regional role represented in Russia federation and Iran Islamic Republic .The second enquiry discusses the international role represented in United States of America , (Israel ) and Europe union .The fourth chapter discusses the future of the Turkish policy for south Caucasia region in three enquiries .The first enquiry discusses the continuous cooperation with these states .The second enquiry discusses the withdraw. The third enquiry discusses the conspiracy. After the ascension of Justice and Progress Party, and the application of the new perspectives concerning the based on the employment of these new principles aiming at changing Turkey from a bridge state into a central power in the south Caucasus region, which is one of the important regions as far as the Turkish policies are concerned. Because the opportunities it provides opportunities for the building of a balanced and pragmatic relations based on the cooperation and competition, as imposed by forces that threaten the Turkish security

كورد وديثلؤماسيةتي ديفاكتؤ : ليكؤلينةوةيةكي راظةكاريي سياسيية دةربارةي ديثلؤماسيةتي كورد لة كوردستاني عيراق ثاش راثةريني 1991 تا 2003 == The Kurd and the De facto Diplomacy An analytical political study on Kurdish diplomacy in Iraqi Kurdistan Region after of 1991 till 2003

Author name: داود ميرخان داود
Supervisor name: منعم صاحي حسين العمار
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Erbil
First pages:

الازمة السياسية الاجتماعية في البحرين : دراسة في اسباب الازمة وابعادها == The political - social crisis in Bahrain : a study in the causes of the crisis and its dimensions

Author name: مصطفى عبد الجبار عباس ناصر
Supervisor name: سعيد مجيد دحدوح
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Strategic Studies
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

دور زبغينو برجنسكي في توجيه الاستراتيجية الخارجية للولايات المتحدة الامريكية == Zbigniew Brzezinski's role in shaping the United States of America's foreign strategy

Author name: خالد احمد حسن صادق
Supervisor name: سعيد مجيد دحدوح
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

المثقف والسلطة في العراق 1921 - 1958 : دراسة اجتماعية سياسية == The intellectual and the authority In Iraq 1921 - 1958 Social and political study

Author name: رهبة اسودي حسين
Supervisor name: بلقيس محمد جواد
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

التجربة الاسبانية في التحول الديمقراطي == Spanish experience in democratic transition

Author name: ياسر جميل باقر
Supervisor name: سعيد رشيد عبد النبي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

العقلانية في الفكر السياسي الاسلامي الحديث == Rationalism in the Modern Political Islamic Thinking

Author name: صابريـن ستار جبار
Supervisor name: تغريد حنون علي الساعدي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

السياسة الخارجية الايرانية تجاه الخليج العربي منذ عام 2003 وافاق المستقبل == The Foreign policy Of Iran Towards Arabian Gulf Since 2003 and The Horizons of Future

Author name: نشوان علاء حسين
Supervisor name: فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

الردع النووي الاسرائيلي في ضوء المتغيرات الاقليمية : الواقع والمستقبل == Israel Nuclear Deterrence In Spot Of Regional Variables ( Present And Future )

Author name: شجاع عدي محمد الحمادي
Supervisor name: محمد ياس خضير
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

الاستراتيجية الاسرائيلية تجاه افريقيا : منطلقات جديدة == Israeli Strategy toward Africa : New Trends

Author name: مناسك عبد الوهاب حكمت عبد القادر
Supervisor name: سرمد زكي الجادر
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Strategic Studies
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

سياسة القوة الامريكية في النظام الدولي للمدة 2012 - 2000 == The Policy of the U.S. Power in the International System 2012 - 2000

Author name: علي زياد عبد الله فتحي العلي
Supervisor name: خضر عباس عطوان
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Strategic Studies
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

مكانة الصين في النظام الدولي : دراسة مستقبلية في استراتيجية الشراكة الدولية == China's Status in the International System Prospective Study in the Strategy of the International Partnership

Author name: كرار انور ناصر البديري
Supervisor name: فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

صنع القرار السياسي في الديمقراطيات التوافقية : العراق انموذجا == Political Decision Making In Consensual Democracies (Iraq as a Case Study)

Author name: معتز اسماعيل خلف الصبيحي
Supervisor name: هشام حكمت عبد الستار العزاوي
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Strategic Studies
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

مستقبل الاصلاح السياسي في الدول العربية == The future of political reform in the Arab countries

Author name: جبار اسماعيل عبد
Supervisor name: حسين علوان حسين الربيعي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
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