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السياسة الخارجية الامريكية والمشرق العربي مابعد الحرب الباردة == The American Foreign Policy and The Eastern Arabian Countries : The period After The Cold War

Author name: مصطفى جاسم حسين
Supervisor name: فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: This dissertation is concerned with studying the foreign policy of the United States towards the Eastern Arab countries after the cold war. It consists five chapters with an introduction and a conclusion.The first chapter tackles the development of the American policy towards the Eastern Arab countries and its aims. It is obvious that it did not take a special feature only at the end of the second world war. From the end of 18th.century on , the American policy was concerned with some economic interests especially with oil and some other cultural and religious concerns like those made by some protestant missionaries in different Eastern Arab countries. After the second world war when there was a great need for oil, the region has captured the interest of the American decision maker gradually. In addition, the increasing of tension caused by the cold war was another reason that the region becomes of increasing value for the Americans. It is possible to say that the most important American aims in the region are economic and cultural in order to generalize the American type besides other strategic and security aims.The second chapter studies the important features effective in the American foreign policy towards the Eastern Arab countries. The deconstruction of the Soviet union appears to be the most distinguishable international feature that enables the United States to impose its policies on the region. With out having an opponent , the region suffers some kind of political submission in order to be re - formed. The Iraqi occupation of Kuwait in 2nd of August 1990 was among the most important regional features that helped in prevailing the American policy in the region more than ever. More over, this chapter concentrates on studying other regional factors " variables" that work to suppress the American policy in the region, like the Islamic extremism and spreading of the weapons of mass destruction and terrorism. It also studies the features that helped in the success of the American policy in the region like the strategic role played by Israel and the existing of non - democratic regimesThe third chapter discusses the units and the institutions responsible for the foreign political decision - making. It is divided into two sections. The first section studies the formal units represented by the president, the role played by both the ministry of defense and the state secretary, in addition to the CIA and the national security council and the congress in determining the American foreign policy. The second section is concerned with the non - formal institutions effective in foreign policy decision - making, like the political parties, the Zionist lobby, the economic - military factor, besides the important role played by the institutions of research and thought development" Think - Tanks".The fourth chapter tackles the American foreign political behavior towards the region. It is divided into five sections. The first studies the American foreign political behaviour towards Iraq. The second one specializes with studying the Arab - Israel conflict and the attitude of the United States towards the Palestinian Issue. The third section focuses on the American attitude towards Syria. The fourth one deals with the American behaviour towards the security of the Arab gulf states. The fifth section studies the American behaviour towards Egypt.The fifth chapter envisions the future of the American policy towards the Eastern Arab countries. It is divided into four sections. The first one studies the political scene. The second deals with the scene (scenario) of the continuing of the present American policy. The third section suggests the change of this policy in away that enables the Arab countries to move in a space larger than that found in the scene of the continuing of the same policy discussed in the previous section. The fourth one work to intermingle the two previous scenes.

المتغير الامريكي في سياسة تركيا حيال الاتحاد الاوروبي من 1993 - 2008 == American Variable in Turkey Policy Toward European Union From 1993 - 2008

Author name: محمـد ياس خضــير
Supervisor name: فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The Foreign Policy for any State had divided from an internal situation in order to formulating specific strategy to be dealing with another strategy on the international scene . Especially that unstable state internally made it unable to make and achieving foreign policy. In concerning with Turkey , we could consider it as prevailing state toward growth and development , because of it s capacity in exerting too much work to integrating with western world. So that since establishing a new state (Turkish Republic) in 1923 , it had been begun another an era by establisher of this state the president (Kamal Ataturk) for linking Turkey Completely with the western world , and cutting all thing which were being connecting with the secularism and Islamic past. After that , Turkey could Difficulty had been achieving kind of integration within region , especially after affimiliation in NATO Organization, in addition to that reaching all efforts to the hold an agreement which so - called (Ankara agreement) in 1963 , until inaugurating European Union in 1993 after signed Maastricht agreement. The aim of Turkey is to be member in an European union by inter within regional agglomeration. So that it became a part of several objectives in Turkish Foreign Policy. This Thesis has tried to tackle several questions methodologically, to reach into certain approach about what nature of Turkish Foreign Policy Toward European Union? and what is the impact of formal and informal institutions to make Turkey Policy toward European Union? what are motives of Turkish Policy against European Union? and what are obstacles of this Foreign Policy? In addition to that it answered about the an effect of American Variety in Turkish Foreign Policy toward European Union. This Study has divided into four parts. The First part is dealing the relations between turkey and European state during 1945 - 1993 , and knowing impulsive of these relations. In Second Part has tackled the Turkish role in America Strategy , then studying the perspective of Foreign Policy of Turkey to their relations with U.S.A. by partnership principle in the international Policy. Ether third chapter or part from this thesis has researching about the role of formal structures in making foreign policy of Turkey , and How to be application by all of that . Then exploring the effect of informal institutions within Turkey political system to formulate Foreign Policy toward European Union. The Fourth chapter has been dealing an impact of U.S.A. in Turkey Policy toward European Union by Knowing , The manner of Turkish Foreign Policy to be member inside European Union , In the Shadow of American Variety toward this Policy to limit the nature of motivations and obstructers for all of that within framework of American effect and handling the future of Turkish foreign Policy toward European Union by specific Three scenarios. At all end , We are making several conclusions which are being formed specific views about subject.

الاستراتيجية الشاملة للولايات المتحدة الامريكية ومستقبل التوازنات الجيواستراتيجية العالمية

General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Strategic Studies
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
Key words:
  • العلاقات التركية الاوربية
  • العلاقات التركية
  • الامريكية
  • تركيا والاستراتيجية الامريكية
  • الدور التركي في الاستراتيجية الامريكية
  • المنظور التركي للعلاقات مع الولايات المتحدة الامريكية
  • صنع القرار الخارجي التركي
  • دور المؤسسات الرسمية وغير الرسمية في عملية
First pages:
Abstract: Through the study of "the comprehensive strategy of the United States and the future of the global geostrategic balances" it becomes clear that the rapid developments and changes in the global environment are redefining the global geostrategic balances, with the dawn of the twenty - first century many indicators and variables that indicate the movement of global balances on the verge of moving into a new phase have accumulated to confirm the decline of the United States ability to control the direction the movement of balances individually, Although it is still the strongest but no longer the only party in the balance, Since the emergence of the world's major powers having the capacity, the will and active performance as well as and prowess to face or reduce the American capacity to control the movement of the soft power by means of balance and peaceful ascent or the so - called "fine balance" and to abide by the rules of international law and not to resort to military force in international crisis management and processing the objectives and interests depending on the basis of partnership, the United States looks forward with growing concern to the shrinking margin over military and economic capabilities compared to those of China and Russia and a range of powers Described as emerging, including India and Brazil, which will accelerate the end of the era of the so - called American Empire is progressing chronologically and with amazing speed, with global powers being able to join forces with geopolitical and geo - economic partnership frameworks as well as the military to stop the expanion of U S hegemony on the world.The international system has seen structural shifts made him go away slowly on the imbalances that were dominant in the international hierarchy since the end of the cold war, coincided with the relative decline of the economic strengths for most Western capitalist countries and especially the United States, as a result of the economic and financial crisis that began in 2008, global powers rising in Asia and Latin America continued to achieve high rates of economic growth despite the nature of the interdependence of the world economy, promoting the growing economic power inevitably strengthens the strategic power of the forces balancing with the United States, both with regard to the implementation of development plans drawn or military budgets or strategic capacities make it an active actor having formulating will in the future of the World geostrategic balances. Thus the polarization of international forces is moving towards the formation of groupings and international strategic partnerships between influential world powers active in regional and international policies, and in the geopolitical, economic, military, and technological areas, depending on their material and moral potential, as well as elements of the external environment and providing an incentive for future influential roles in the future of the global balances movements.The United States recognizes that the transition strategy is great, and it should adapt to the developments of the global system, witnessing the rise of new forces which have the power and ability to build partnerships and organizations with strong influence over some nation States, despite the fact that the United States is the largest military force in the world, we found it stumble in its wars of expansion, and the economy weakens more and more because of the stiff competition faced by the economies of other emerging powers And, if the U.S adapts to those changes, with better cooperation with world powers, we will see a smooth and peaceful transition to a pluralistic system and geo - strategic balances evenly without disasters and wars, the United States will become an important actor beside the other world powers.And by analyzing the extensive strategy of the United States and that of the world powers towards issues, crises and areas of influence dealt with by these forces, and knowing the main variables that affect the international environment, several conclusions were reached as follows : -  There is a relationship of mutual influence between the nature of the international system, its structure and its mechanisms and the existing global geostrategic balances, in the unipolar system in the case of imbalance the balances are under the control of a single pole and its allied forces, that Pole dominates on the interactions and strategies of its rival powers and deter them. Under the bipolar system the established geostrategic balances are closer to relative parity between the poles or the two blocs and often their relationship are with conflicting strategies rather than cooperative ones, which pushes the movement for change in balances more quickly. In the multi - polar system world balances are based on three or more poles, which makes them more stable. Geo - balances in That its more cooperative and partnership strategies that to compete and conflict and move towards a complementary relationship finding mechanisms to ensure the interests and objectives of all States and prohibit overtaking them. all strategic variables affect the change of states power positively or negatively, and accordingly, the global geostrategic balance change occurs, the State which possesses mechanisms to control and manipulate those variables, enable it to achieve the greatest impact in the movement of balances for achieving its objectives, this was evident in the achievements and performance of the extensive American strategy after World War II, and then after the collapse of the Soviet Union enabled by mechanisms of the capitalist system as well as its capabilities and potentials, employing events and strategic variables, To achieve strategic balance with the Soviet Union and continued superiority or maintaining control over balances after its collapse through the use of the soft power and hard or smart power that enabled it to achieve many of the benefits of preventing the emergence of rivals and winning the support of the largest possible number of States to its side, to control the movement of geostrategic balances for achieving its goals and its national security.  with the dawn of the twenty - first century the U.S strategic performance is witnessing change and decline in its influence and interests, at the level of the Middle East after the destruction and occupation of Iraq and supporting Arabic movements change, and perpetuating crises as the Syrian crisis, the United States withdrew from direct interaction settings depending on the strategy of driving from the back and giving active roles for regional and international powers it had put them in a list of enemies and rivals such as Iran, Russia and China, Which is reflected on their active roles to approach new areas of influence. After a series of U.S political and military failures, in Afghanistan and Iraq, and the global economic crisis and deflation and recession in the United States and Europe it, began looking for new alternatives to lead the world in a more stable and secure, less unique and unilateral domination, So some great powers found that it can influence worldwide reactions, and the participation of the United States to let the world stand on solid substrates, to become more balanced and stable. the emergence of global forces with strategies backed by strategic performance aimed at ending U.S. geostrategic balances Singularity in the world, especially in the areas of influence of the strong competition for the United States. In this chaos and the American decline globally, Russia and China have found their chance in pushing balances movement through the Syrian crisis especially as the Arab countries witness the Arab spring setbacks and uncertain future, Russia and China have also found that the EU suffers from economic crises hitting its members, and the United States is not better than the EU it is preoccupied with finding new opportunities to revive its collapsed economy, while Russia and China lead a role that rejects any American trends both toward Syria or Iran and Ukraine, As well as the rest of the spheres of influence which threaten national and energy security. the geostrategic balance theory derive from the basic assumption that, if States are not associated with each other in lasting relationships, but in the case of constant change driven by considerations of power, and seeking to increase investment of their capacity. components and reorganizing their relationships and the quality of their interactions to achieve balance with the United States. On that basis, China turned to a new strategy, which seeks to restore its former influence, through the initiative of the new Silk Road project, which integrates with waking up Russia and the presentations of dissertations Uras union integrated. with India's wishes, looking for new maps, here, the new formations and clusters, such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the community and the Group of 20 Bricks, become an objective and necessary response, to reproduce a new world, with multiplier balances, which provides a safe departure for human society, towards the prospects of cooperation and integration, and to get out of the crises, And thus came the international orientation of the strategic triangle (Russia, China and India) to lay the foundations of this world, through enhanced cooperation among the three countries and increased economic ties, forming a image of an Asian pole having its own system. No doubt, the bilateral and multilateral strategic partnerships formed between the forces of competition would have widespread impact in steering reactions and global geostrategic balances, since the movement of their own balances will be controlled by global trends in corporate strategy formation held with States converged in interests and goals, as well as its capabilities contributing to the success of strategic performance.  the future of the geostrategic equilibrium which started after the U.S downturn posed by features and confirmed by facts and events in international interactions and strategic partnerships formed by world powers competing with the United States indicate the direction of future balances movement towards equivalence in potential and capacities and resulting performance of strategic and global influence shared by world powers with a view to defending their interests and objectives of the powers allied with it

مكانة النفط في الاستراتيجية الامريكية للقرن الحادي والعشرين == Position of Oil in The American Strategy in Twenty - One Century

Author name: مالك دحام متعب الجميلي
Supervisor name: رفاه شهاب احمد الحمداني | عبد علي المعموري
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The study deals with the Oil variable in The American Strategy of the Twenty - One Century . It deals with the American strategic thought during the World War I and II, and channels of this thought and how this thought is turned in the era of neo conservatists for keeping the Capitalist System leading against the communist thought which led the Soviet Union .For Keeping The American United States as world ruling , it draws the basic features of world post - Cold War . It draws the Gulf War II the general features of American strategy represented by global ruling and Controlling upon the areas filled with oil after considers the certain truth whose basis is depletion of oil wells and for keeping its economic strategy , it follows states , blockading it , then weaking the structural frame for oil trade represented in OPEC organization and controlling over it via depending on some of states this organization .Without doubt , this movement has led to the appearance of rivalries for the American United States over oil areas 6 it goes in to American - Chanian rivalry , The American - Russian rivalry and Possibilities of developing this rivalry in to conflict between the important poles for controlling over oil wells .In the maltitude of these events , an important phenomena is appeared and it must be deat and taken in to consideration in this study which is the global financial crisis which effect noticeably on the capital global economics in particular .The American economy example has never been accepted after discovering deep negatives in this hard stage , in the one hand and motivates to search for anew system which over comes such negatives which may lead the global economics in to depression .As an example assures the importance of oil variables in the war and peace time , the importance of Iraqi oil in the American Strategy is studied and this variable is affected on determining the relations channels with Iraq whether occupation or destroying the infrastructure beginning with imposing oppressive rules on oil materials as an attempt to return the foreign companies for Controlling on oil production in terms of marketing and pricing and then the future of oil relation between Iraq and American United Nations

الحركات الاسلامية وعلاقتها بالنظام السياسي في جزائر

Author name: علي سلمان صايل السلامي
Supervisor name: اكرم عبد الله الجميلي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: Up to this page we have turned over a long chapters that dealt with the links between the Islamic movements and the political regime in Algeria, we have been put before many events in which a tiny one was simply a main cause for next pace , and some large one gave rise to a wider and a more important one . A midst events we found that a geopolitically important country such as Algeria struggle for his objectives and interest facing European and American influence and hegemony . From page to page, we were, committed to draw the issues openly and objectively, by which scientific aims over ride any other obsessions . A cross these & chapters the researcher reached many contents that expressed the relation between the Islamic movement and the Algerian political regime. in many fields . formost among them was the nature of the political orientation of the regime as a loosing and tighting for Islamic movement and their attitudes in the process of change, especially after a wide sector came to a full consent in a peaceful approach to reach the power through the political process which lie in the centre of the process of democracy . Any way Where dose this analysis lead us ? What is the outcomes that may be incurred on the logic aspect of this study in five chapters : - We had set forth the development of domestic political relations between Algerian regime and the political parties ( seculia , and religious ), especially the Islamic powers , headed by Islamic front for rescue, and we focused on the nature of Algerian regime in connection with inner limits and type of reactions, As this regime along the period from 1991 - 2006 do not permit total multiplity, despite the existing parties law, where depriving the Islamic front for rescue and canceling legislation elections this is simply represents the weakness of the regime, and the unwillingness to achieve the democracy with its multiple shape , whether the winner parry in election is secular on Islamic the Islamic front for rescue sees that Algeria is connected with the Islamic world firmly . and thinks that the Islam is the most sign ficant pillar in Arab nationality Hence , it believes that the unopeness of the Algeria regime is relative and not indefinite over the surrounding Islamic and Arabic world . and its openness globally toward Eastern counties . This has turned the educational balance of the Algerian people Eventually these has been changed the Arab nationality to become slender specialty in Algeria Based on this, the Islamic front for rescue and all other Islamic movements see that the power generated from joining is nothing but a great will that can bestow and prohibit, it can also ( remonstrate) the resources of Arab ( wealth) . Which can be a strong credit (reserve) that can be seen globally by their friends, so the policy of the Algerian ragtime has been focused on what the front believes in cooperation with the great state policies especially france and USA , on a raving plans and taccs that ensure encountering the Islamic current in Algeria attempting to contain them one time and strike them by military force another time . there is no difference the vitality the Algerian regime favored has based on great degree of legitimacy as an election outcome that lead the President Bo tafliqa to the power rein for two turns . we can say that the present period in the development of the political regime in Algeria and the inner connection with the other political and Islamic powers especially after the referendum on constitution 29/9/2005 , would be the true streak of the regime capability to achieve the full political participation and continuing in applying democratic approaches in harmony with pietism plurality required . this phase the regime ensure the major consent or deprived of then if the major consent has not been acquired the regime would reach the fragmentation period in which it can witnesses its gradual collapse . It seems that the new Algerian regime has achieved some now a major consent and acceptance especially after a larg number of rescues leader announced in exile their approval for national accord and their support to the referendum , urging the armed groups in the mountains to abandon their weapons and came into a dialoge with the authority . therefore , it would beachange to say that the Algerian regime has truly succeeded to get over the sharp crisis that the country faced through several years , their regime political decisions that is being issued would give its results for next long years . Hence the Islamic front for resue should not gain its legitimacy and the justification for their existence that based on past consideration only , but basically on the necessity of the present situation and the future needs therefore it should see the future form viewing full cooperation and dialogues with regime plus several dialoges to get rid of and finalise the political isolation , moreover to get back their role in the required political participation .

مكانة اليابان في النظام السياسي الدولي الواقع والمستقبل == Japan's stAtus in the international political system : Present and Future

Author name: علي رسول حسين المسعودي
Supervisor name: فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

مستقبل الامن الاقتصادي العربي في ضوء المتغيرات الاقليمية الراهنة == The Security Future of The Arab Economy in The Light of The Current Regional Variables

Author name: احمد باهض تقي الحميداوي
Supervisor name: سرمد زكي الجادر | عماد عبد اللطيف سالم
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: This study is among the studies which are concerned with the future .It discuss significant issue i.e. the Arab Economic Security, the methods of achieving it, and the problems that impede realizing it in our times. The difficulty of the study emanates from the difference in vision for the topic(National Security) in general and the economic security in particular among the Arab countries depending upon the political system prevailing there and its Arab,Regional,and international orientation.There are some Arab political systems that do not put among its priorities the process of building and achieving the Arab economic security while some non - Arab political systems do have orientations towards working within the national frame so as to achieve that goal. This study works from the premise that the deterioration of indicators expressing the influential variables of Arab economic security will pave the way towards the demolition of the Arab economic security under regional variables which do not work for the interest of consolidating that security,therefore the study aims at either proving or disproving that hypothesis. The study falls into six chapters. Chapter one is an introduction into the economic security through the theorization on some concepts. Chapter two discusses the political variables affecting the Arab economic security. Chapter three handles the economic variables affecting the Arab economic security.Chapter four is about is scientific variables influencing the Arab Economic Security Chapter five discusses the current regional variables(The Iraqi variable and the joint Arab economic cooperation) and their reflections on the Arab Economic Security Chapter six discusses the future visions which are likely to happen to the Arab Economic Security. The Dissertation concludes in an ending, conclusion and recommendations

الادراك الامريكي للعلاقات الاقتصادية مع دول مجلس التعاون الخليجي في ظل المتغيرات الاقليمية والدولية == THE AMERICAN PERCEPTION TO THE ECONOMIC RELATIONS WITH COUNCIL CO - OPERATION GULF COUNTRIES UNDER AND INTERNATIONAL THE REGIONAL VARIABLES

Author name: عبد الصمد سعدون عبد الله الشمري
Supervisor name: فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني | عماد عبد اللطيف السامرائي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The American Perception of the economic relations with the Arab Gulf Coopration Countries is at the essence of the American strategic thought, expressed as strategies and objectives towards the Arab Gulf area as a whole. Such relations, in turn, represent the American superior in such territory of the World. Further, various tools and justifications involved in these relations have been distinguished by security cover with in a wide American security strategy in the Arab Gulf from the mid - 1970 an beginning of the 1980. This issue was clearly stated in the political sequent speeches of the U.S Presidents at such period The present study aims to analyze, according to the systematic approach the structure of the aspects of the behavioral and dynamic variable of both the Gulf and American societies, as well. Some of such variables conduct as motivating and some are for the American realization towards these relations. Hence, to reach the implied concept for such realization. On the other hand , present study includes also aspects of the regional and international variables tackled in the Arab Gulf area which, these variables, are considered to be external impacts, pratising directly or in directly to fix the above realization inconformity with the American objectives or aims achieving the Imperial project in the middle east, taking the Arabian Gulf as a launching point. This is due to the fact that the Arabian Gulf is the wealthiest area in the world in the new millennium. For the above reasons, the U.S have under taken New inter national system formation from the beginning of the 1990s in line with the fall the Russian union in the end of the 1991.The New Inter national system is the neo - Liberal substitution to support the American trends in such anew project, enhanced by firstly the superior military technical of the U.S in the world, and secondly by guan teed all the political and economic efforts of both the U.S western and Gulf a llies for accomplishing the American aims and plans in this area of the world. From the events of September /2001 and beyond, the American imperial ambitions in the A rabian Gulf area have become more recognized, yet such period has correlated with has become to known as concept of terrorism which has been set according to the American view. Consequently, the U.S has guided the so called A nti - terrorism War,starting from A fghanston, along With the occupation of Iraq in 2oo3. In such war, the U.S has utilized the military power as the sole an ideal means to achieve the objectives set behand such a strategy for rest,ucturing the middle east in conformity with the American model . This new coure of the conducted by the U.S is an indication that it has become , the first super power which has become, in turn ,the leader of the world with in the New International system. But in contract ,violence and op - violence will be the main feature and the ongoing thretening of the furtural scane fasing the American project in the Arabian Gulf . Hence, the U.S has no more need for an international legislation for implementing its plans in such an area, since it relies highly on the American legislation to establish the economic realization on reality.

السياسة التركية تجاه سوريا بعد 2002 == Turkish policy toward Syria after 2002

Author name: عباس سعـدون رفعــت
Supervisor name: محمد كريم كاظم
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: he subject thesis deals with international politics issue and it is useful because it clarifies how to deal with foreign regional and international environment and how to arrange it to serve a state interest in general as far as in understudy interest to make use of its results in national issues. The subject of this thesis (Turkish policy toward Syria) is very important due to the several variables like Turkish and Syrian policies and their mutual effects on Iraq. Studying Turkish foreign policy toward Arabic region in general and Syria specifically clarifies its change from being stable then dropping Arabs and Syria as a choice before 2002 then act intensively with the issues of Arabs including Syria since 2002 while in 2011 Turkey left its neutrality and non - interference in internal Arabic issues as Arabic revolutions broke up and started interfering to express its existing power with points of view to what happening in its neighborhood. As the Syrian condition specially after 2011 regarded as a special case, studying the Turkish dealing with it is important because it gives us evidences about what Turkey plans for coming years depending on the development scale of its policies in the past years in general and toward Syria specially. The Turkish policy toward Syria as we clarify in this thesis, passed several stages of development as it started with a revolution and multi - contents struggles but it turned to stability after 1998 then started cooperation specially after 2004 till 2011 when it was turned hard down then the struggle indications begun between the two countries with strong clashes and high level interference. The conflict of this thesis is linked to the following question : Why the Turkish policy toward Syria figured in this way since 2002 and the answer of this question as it was shown in this thesis refers to the wide effect of Justice & Development Party on the Turkish policy that push Turkey to play its role in accomplishing changes in the Arabic and regional countries including Syria as a result of the international changes and pressure. In other meaning, Turkey designs its foreign policy in depending on two factors : The first one is related to its commitments with NATO and western relationships which is the main factor pressing on all circles of interests. As western countries represent the main circle of interest and all the roles of turkey are as a results of the NATO and west demands. The second factor is related to its power and historical reasons which were aroused toward Arab region in 1970s rationally when the western countries ignored Turkish interests in Cyprus and also because Turkey as an industrial country in need for energy, markets and capitals was influenced by Arabs oil ban and also because Arab region is encouraging to open chances to turkey. Within 1990s, several controversial issues appeared in Turkey - Arabs relationships generally and with Syria specifically like : - Water issue, Turkey has plenty of water resources with ambitious economic trends but also has problems with Kurds. So turkey used water to have several aims for instance to develop Kurdish areas to push them to leave politics to production and also used water in making peace in middle east to have central statue in the regional relations but that thing caused crises with Syria and Iraq because it lowered water level in the two countries. - Kurdish issue, Turkey does not admit about the Kurdish existence in turkey while it helps Iraqi Kurds by giving them facilities to world via Turkey that revealed the Turkish dual standards in dealing with Kurds problem for its cooperation with Kurds in other countries as a pressure method while all rights of Kurds in turkey are forbidden. Syria made use of that to gain benefits in its relationship with turkey from 1995 to 1998. - Border issue, Mosul and Iskenderun are the main problems. Turkey demands to take Mosul because it was not under the alien's occupation in the First World War in the time of signing peace agreement between fighting countries while Turkey kept its control over Iskenderun as a result of its agreement with France when turkey agreed to participate in the Second World War beside the aliens. From time to time, that subject is aroused and influences on the two countries relations. As a result of the two factors activity (west and Turkish trends) we found that turkey started to take part in Arab countries generally and toward Syria specifically after the demonstrations begun as it was related to internal factors interaction (related to the public desire to end political introversion) and also related to external factors ( the American desire to rearrange the political map in Arab countries in general through chaos and inner struggle in Arab societies). So, turkey involved in internal roles and its policy was implementing in accordance with west countries desires for example, Turkey threatens use military power to protect civilians but stop going further because the western countries do not like that. On the light of what presented before, the conclusions are : 1. Turkish policy is influenced by several internal, regional and international factors and the most important one is its links with west to do what they like turkey to do in its region as changes occurred after cold war.2. The Turkish policy toward Arabs is not stable for its link to the west because the economic reasons and (energy, water and Kurds) are pushing to make bilateral relations not confronting while we find out how turkey gives high importance to its relations with Israel (in spite of what happened in Lebanon in 2006, what happened in Gaza in 2008 and also the freedom fleet in 2010). In other meaning, the Turkish will is under the west control.3. The Turkish policy toward Syria moved from clash and difference before 2002 to cooperation after2004which refers to bilateral readiness of cooperation in spite of difference issues in Turkish - Arabs relations. Turkey is aware of the stress that Arabs can use against it just like Kurds issue. So if Arabs lack legitimate in govern, turkey did not decide yet the identity of state and the future of Kurds in turkey.4. The link between Justice & Development Party and Islam might produce some Turkish attitudes toward Arabs including Syria but the type of the Turkish interference in the Syrian event after 2011 showed that the Islamic factor is not active among Turkish government and its trends as strong as the link with the west. 5. Future suggests that turkey will have more interference in Arabs region issues because of its link to the west and also due to the continuous western efforts to push turkey to play roles in Arab countries that gave turkey significant statue after 2002, so turkey won’t sacrifices what gained as it inherits the Ottoman State and the regional change (the rise of Iran and also the rise of sectarianism in regional treatments for several reasons). None of that will make Turkey withdraw from interference in Arabs issues especially in the Syrian developments.Finally recommendations are : 1. Making importance to study all aspects of Turkish policy because it has developing trends, interests, issues to deal with and participating powers.2. Giving importance to studying all regional policies because studying Turkish policy toward Syria showed how regional implement its plans at the expense of other region states and people interests including Iraq. Therefore, it is important to make all that studies to help the Iraqi decision maker to take decisions and act in accordance with scientific and theoretic visions.3. Paying attention to the interconnectedness regional relations and interests. The Syrian crisis and its results presented that interconnectedness between regional countries in historical, geographical, political, ethnic and religion while ignoring that cause chaos in all countries.4. Making importance to study all the ways that lead to enhance Iraqi interest in regional relations as serving Iraq is the final aim of every thesis. Then making that studies deep to enable Iraq in accomplishing regional balance and achieve his interests in the region. What is related to this thesis we have to as a recommendation encourage building full regional security system to prevent some powers to possess alone the regional actions to fulfill its or another international interests.

دور مؤسسة الرئاسة في صنع الاستراتيجية الامريكية الشاملة بعد الحرب الباردة == Role of the Presidsncy Office in making General U. S. Strategy after the Cold War Era

Author name: عامر هاشم عواد
Supervisor name: منعم العمار
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Strategic Studies
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

سياسة الاتحاد الاوربي حيال المشرق العربي == Policy of the European Union Towards the Eastern Arabic Region

Author name: صباح صاحب العريض
Supervisor name: نادية عبد القادر المختار | فكرت نامق العاني
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: اشارت الكثير من الدراسات والاراء الى الفرص المتوافرة امام الاتحاد الاوربي للبروز ولاداء ادوار دولية مهمة كاحد ابرز القوى الدولية الصاعدة والتي لها حظوظ كبيرة في تبوء مركز دولي بارز يضعه في مجال الندية لقوى ودول كبرى اخرى، خاصة في ميدان التنافس الدولي على اقاليم العالم ودوله المهمة ذات الثقل الاستراتيجي الكبير والتي تتقدمها منطقة المشرق العربي، بما تمثله من كم هائل من الموارد المختلفة ومصادر الطاقة المتعددة، وعناصر الاستثمارات الدولية، بشكل خاص بعد بروز عدة متغيرات دولية منها نهاية الحرب الباردة وتفكك الاتحاد السوفيتي ومن ثم تشكل الاتحاد الاوربي بصيغته الحالية وتوسيعه المستمر اضافة الى المنافسة الامريكية المحمومة على النفوذ والهيمنة على هذه المنطقة والتي افرزت غزو العراق واطلاق مشروع (الشرق الاوسط الكبير)، مع ترافق كل ذلك وومتغيرات دولية اثرت في صيغ التفاعل الدولي واليات التفكير المرتبطة بها، وخاصة في المدة التي تلت الحادي عشر من ايلول (2001) وما سبقه من الترويج لفكرة العولمة والعمل على تعميم الفكر الراسمالي ليشمل كافة دول العالم على وفق اليات التوحيد الاقتصادي، وهذا منعكس تداعياته على اعادة بناء وتشكيل العلاقات الدولية بين دول العالم واقاليمه المتباينة، تلك التداعيات التي ساهمت في تعميق انقسام العالم بين شمال وجنوب، وصراع محتدم بين الحضارات التي تسعى الى رفض ومقاومة اطروحات ذلك الفكر الراسمالي المتسلط.وهذا كله ياتي في سياق جدل واسع يدور ـ خصوصا بعد تفكك النظام الدولي القديم ـ حول القوى التي تشكل النظام الدولي (الجديد)، والتي ترى كثير من الاراء الى ان الاوضاع الجديدة تتجه بالاتحاد الاوربي صعوده وزيادة دوره السياسي والاقتصادي وهذا بدوره سينعكس بشكل تلقائي على السياسة التي سيعتمدها الاتحاد الاوربي تجاه باقي دول العالم واقاليمه والتي تاتي منطقة المشرق العربي في المقدمة منها، وهذا ما سيؤدي ـ بالنتيجة ـ الى توافق مساحة لا باس بها امام بلدان هذه المنطقة لاستغلال التنافس الدولي الواقع في نطاقها، والافادة من التحالفات الدولية لخدمة قضاياها، خاصة مع تصاعد مستوى حرص الاتحاد الاوربي على ابقاء معظم مناطق (الشرق الاوسط) وشمال افريقيا ضمن دائرة النفوذ الاوربي المباشر.يشير البعد التاريخي لسياسية الاتحاد الاوربي حيال منطقة المشرق العربي الى عدد من النقاط الرئيسة تاتي في مقدمتها الرغبة الواضحة من قبل دول الاتحاد ـ وهو ما انعكس على مؤسساته ذاتها في السياق نفسه ـ في تفعيل الجوانب الاقتصادية المختلفة في تلك السياسة وتطويرها بالشكل الذي يحقق لها اكبر قدر من الفائدة، وبالمقابل تعمل على عدم الاغراق في البعد السياسي الا بالقدر الذي يتطلبه البعد الاقتصادي نفسه، او بقدر لا يزيد عليه، وقد استمرت تلك السياسة قائمة على هذه الرؤية لمدة من الزمن ولم تشهد تغيرا الا بعد تغيير الترتيبات الدولية على اثر تفكك الاتحاد السوفيتي، حيث حاول الاتحاد ـ كغيره من الفاعلين الدوليين ـ على زيادة حجم التواجد على الساحة المشرقية بسبب الاعتقاد الذي ساد في تلك المدة والذي مفاده توافر فرص اكبر بعد نهاية الحرب الباردة، وهامش اوسع من الحركة والذي كان محكوم سابقا بالمعادلة ذات الطرفين او القطبين، الا ان الواقع السياسي لمنطقة المشرق العربي لم يتحول على وفق هذا السيناريو بل تم وضعه في اطار سيناريو الفاعلية الامريكية واضحة التاثير والنفوذ فاصبح كغيره من اقاليم العالم الهامة يتحرك بشكل او باخر وفق سياقات معينة حاولت الادارة من تطبيقها على دوله، وهذا ما جعل الاتحاد الاوربي يدخل في زاوية حرجة واظهر في الوقت ذاته الدرجة غير المتكافئة ما بين الطرفين فيما يتعلق بمدى التاثير في مسارات المنطقة وسياساتها.لقد بدا واضحا من خلال فصول ومباحث الاطروحة ان السياسة الخارجية للاتحاد الاوربي الموجهة حيال منطقة المشرق العربي انما تعاني من عدة اشكالات تعوقها عن ابداء الفاعلية المطلوبة منها ازاء شؤون وقضايا المنطقة، ومن ابرز تلك الاشكالات سيادة السياسات الخارجية للدول الاعضاء في الاتحاد الاوربي وفي كثير من الاحيان على السياسات الموحدة له، وهو ما يعني اضافة الى بقاء فكرة تغليب المصلحة الذاتية لكل دولة عضو في الاتحاد، فانها تعني تعدد وجهات النظر بل واختلافها وتقاطعها في احيان اخرى تجاه المتغيرات الحاصلة في المنطقة المشرقية وهو ما يؤثر بالنتيجة في نجاح السياسة المشتركة، ومن هنا نستطيع ان نعلل عدم الحضور الفاعل والمؤثر للاتحاد الاوربي في الساحة الاقليمية وعدم التناسب في ما بين الحجم الاقتصادي الهائل والاخذ بالنمو له وما بين الدور السياسي ذي الاطر المحدودة والذي لا يرتقي الى ذلك الحجم الاقتصادي، خاصة وان الاتحاد يسعى من خلال اهتمامه بدول المنطقة الى حماية مصالحه الاستراتيجية وتعزيزها والمحافظة على الاستقرار والامن في الضفة الجنوبية للمتوسط التي تشكل امتدادا جغرافيا لحدود دوله المتوسطية، هذا فضلا عن ان البلدان في المشرق العربي تشكل سوقا واسعة واساسية لصادراته المختلفة، الامر الذي ادى بدوره الى جعل هذه المنطقة شديدة التعرض للضغط الاقتصادي الذي قد يستخدمه الاتحاد تجاهها وبالتالي فان اي مشروع يوضع من قبل الولايات المتحدة الامريكية لدول المنطقة، من دون ان يكون لاوربا دور فيه، هو بمنزلة خطر على مصالحها وامنها، وبخاصة في ظل التنافس الذي تشهده العلاقات الاقتصادية والسياسية بين دول الاتحاد الاوربي والولايات المتحدة الامريكية.ومن هنا، وفي ضوء جملة المعطيات السابقة، فانه يتوجب على الاتحاد الاوربي الذي يسعى الى تعزيز دوره السياسي في المنطقة، ادراك ان اي خطوة في اتجاه الامن المشترك في منطقة المشرق العربي وما يجاورها من الدول لا يمكن ان يتحقق الا بالتزامن مع حصول تقدم في العملية السلمية، وعليه، فان على الاتحاد ان يضطلع بمسؤولية اكبر في تسوية الصراع العربي ـ الصهيوني وحل القضية الفلسطينية، وان على سياسات الاتحاد عدم الاكتفاء بالدور الثاني الذي يكمل الدور الامريكي وان لا تقتصر المسؤولية الاوربية تجاه الصراع العربي ـ الصهيوني على المستوى المالي والاقتصادي فقط، بل ينبغي ان تمتد هذه المسؤولية لتشمل المستوى السياسي، كما يترتب على الاتحاد ان لا يكتفي بالطلب من الولايات المتحدة الامريكية ان تحدد له فصلا سياسيا معينا يضطلع بدوره من خلاله، بل يجب عليه ان يحدد هذا الدور بنفسه تماما، كما فعل سابقا ازاء بعض القضايا والمواضيع الهامة، كاعلان تاييد لقيام المؤسسات الفلسطينية مثلا، وعليه يمكن القول ان عدم تسوية الصراع العربي ـ الصهيوني، سوف يبقى يلقي بضلاله السلبية على السياسة الخارجية للاتحاد حيال دول المشرق العربي وعموم العلاقات العربية مع الاتحاد الاوربي.وان من المتوقع ان يشهد المستقبل القريب زيادة واضحة في قوة الاتحاد الاوربي على الصعيد الدولي، بحيث يؤدي ذلك الى خلق واقع جديد في النظام الدولي يرتكز على سياسة التوازنات وليس على نظام القطبية الثنائية او المنفردة، كما كان عليه الامر قبل تفكك الاتحاد السوفيتي وما تلاه، فالعصر القادم هو عصر التكتلات والتجمعات الاقليمية، اذ ان لكل تجمع او تكتل قوة تاثير تختلف عن قوة الاخر في معالجته للقضايا الاقليمية والدولية، وبالتالي فان الاتحاد الاوربي الذي قد يشكل ابرز القوى الدولية الجديدة المؤثرة على الصعيدين الاقليمي والدولي، يتحفز لمواجهة التحديات التي تعترض تقدمه، بخاصة العقبات التي تضعها الولايات المتحدة الامريكية للحد من اي دور سياسي له على الصعيد الاقليمي وخاصة في منطقة المشرق العربي، بكثير من المسؤولية والوعي، لكن ذلك لا يستطيع ان يمنع تلك التحولات الهامة التي ستغير معادلة القوى على المستويين الدولي والاقليمي غير ان تلك التحولات لمراكز القوى العالمية ستكون في اطار تدريجي، وبخاصة ان هناك عددا من العوامل التي قد تكون مساعدة او معطلة لاي تقدم او تراجع لاحدى القوى الدولية الموجودة او التي تسعى للظهور كقوة دولية مؤثرة، وهذا كله سيترك اثارا واضحة وهامة على مستقبل سياسة الاتحاد حيال منطقة المشرق العربي ودولها التي من الواجب ان تكون قادرة على استيعاب طبيعة تلك التغيرات والتعامل معها بدقة وسرعة مما يجعلها لا تفوت الفرصة التي قد تتاح لها واستثمار ذلك التغيير لصالح قضايا المنطقة المصيرية. | European Union is considered today as one of the most influential units on the International political arena. It is expected that its power and size will eventually increase among the other powerful unions in the world. Thereby, its effect is great on the Eastern Arab region and countries. Its policy towards this area is one of the most important policies.The European unity has its effect on the paths of work there since it has first initiated in (1957). It has effect on many urgent issues and problems in the Middle East; and this effect has increased clearly after the October War1973 because Europe had undergone the negative side of the stoppage of oil supplies from the Arab countries. Then the relations and interests between the eastern Arab countries and Europe began to increase excessively and to become more complicated until the European Union was founded in its final structure.When the European Union began to get enlarged horizontally and vertically, its relations with Arab eastern countries also began to enlarge. So this has been reflected on its external policy towards our region. Also there have been a kind of some intensive and huge pressures from the United States of America on Europe to make it change its attitudes in the area and to build new strategies which will not affect the American interests here. America, of course, will not change its policy; it has a lot of vital interests and it will never think of changing its attitude in any circumstances. This thesis will give answers to these inquiries us follows:1. What is the historical range of the European policy (in general) towards the Arabic eastern region?2. What are the most important issues that have unified state in the European policy towards the Arabic eastern region? 3. What are the European policy motives now towards the Arabic eastern region? 4. What are the structures and frames of taking political decisions (the external attitudes in particular) towards the Arabic eastern region? 5. What is the political behavior of the European Union towards the most important issues in the Arabic eastern region? To have clear answers to these critical inquiries in this thesis, and the additional scientific difficulties inquiries that might rise, and to accomplish most accurate answers to the nature of the European policy towards the eastern Arabic region, we have followed scientific investigations and scientific logical steps that allow the researcher fulfill his goal. We have followed the (historical origin) in studying the (joint) European policy since 1973 till the date of initiating the European Union in 1993. We focused on some important issues of that era, and we will depend on the (descriptive method) in the second chapter of this thesis in order to describe the strategic importance of the eastern Arabic region with regard to the potentials of natural raw materials of power in addition to the critical strategic position. We will also depend on (organizational method) in collecting facts and information about the subject of the thesis (the entries), then apply (operational method) to enrich tools and methods of the scientific research. Later - and as a result- reach scientific outcomes and facts (outlets) which supposed to be part of new entries for the information circle; and this is (reversal feeding). In order to deal with the circular inquiries about the thesis subject and its numerical points arisen, we have taken a scientific method of categorizing the thesis into main chapters and researches has been depended on. This thesis is composed of: • Introduction• The first chapter: (Europe policy towards some issues of the eastern Arabic region).• The second chapter (Motives of the European Union towards the eastern Arabic region).• The third chapter: (frames and ways of formulation the European Union policy towards the eastern Arabic region).• The fourth chapter: (the political behavior of the European Union towards the issues of the eastern Arabic region); • Finally, the abstract in which we stated the most important conclusions we have reached. This thesis has shown the nature of the policy regarding the eastern Arabic region which the European Union depends on during a very complicated and important period simultaneously; and during changeable and unstable circumstances which impose many difficult potentials and substitutions. This kind of circumstances resulted in many obvious failures, and have created a status of disability in dealing with them in the right way. We have tried to throw light on the largest scope of the political work of the European Union in the eastern Arabic region clear way, and we have focused on the most important complicated issues not only in this critical area but also in the whole world.

تطور ظاهرة تدويل النشاط الاقتصادي وانعكاساته السياسية والاقتصادية على البلدان النامية : مصر انموذجا == The Evolution of Internationalization Economy Active Phenomenon and Reflex on Developing countries (Egypt Case Study)

Author name: سلام جبار شهاب
Supervisor name: عبد علي كاظم المعموري
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: …. The Internationalization is wide term, so the study began in definition the Phenomenon the mean of Internationalization, Economy Internationalization, Political Internationalization, and differences between the Internationalization and the Globalization. (ch.1). the beginning this Phenomenon in old civilization, and the vision of economic systems (Islamic, Capitalism, Socialist systems) (ch.1).The Internationalization theories wall taken for important, (International trade theories, Foreign Investment theories). (ch.1)…. There are many motives for this Phenomenon which differentiates between political and economical motives, (ch.2). What forms of this Phenomenon, (ch.2), and determine the machine that organized the Internationalization. (ch.2)…. In last chapter, this phenomenon lead to many of effects, in political and economical sides, that taken about Egypt state. (ch.3)For that, what is the future of this Phenomenon? The researcher put three visions for the future, first, the Americanization, second, the transnational corporation, third, the international integration. (ch.3) …. Finally, A number of important conclusions emerge from our analysis of the (Internationalization Phenomenon).

المحددات السياسية والاقتصادية لسلوك الدولة في العالم الثالث : الدولة النفطية انموذجا == POLITICAL & ECONOMICAL LIMITATIONS ON BEHAVIOR OF THE STATE IN THE THIRD WORLD : OIL COUNTRIES AS SAMPLES

Author name: سعد صالح عيسى علي الجبوري
Supervisor name: وصال نجيب عارف العزاوي | علي كاظم المعموري
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: تتكون الاطروحة من مقدمة وفصل تمهيدي وثلاثة فصول اخرى لتغطي عنوان الاطروحة الذي هو : المحددات السياسية والاقتصادية لسلوك الدولة في الجنوب : الدول النفطية انموذجا ( السعودية ، فنزولا ، نيجيريا ) . وهي متوزعة على الشكل التالي : الفصل الاول : وجاء في ثلاث مباحث ، الاول ويتضمن الاطار النظري والتاريخي لنشوء الدولة في العالم ، حيث يتضمن تعريف الدولة مفهوما وخلفية تاريخية مع النظريات المفسرة لنشوء الدولة ، ونشاة الدولة في ظل الاستعمار ومفهوم الدولة في المدارس الفكرية المختلفة ، ومنها الفكر الغربي ، ولدى مفكري العالم الثالث والفكر العربي الاسلامي ومفكري عصر النهضة ، والفكر العربي المعاصر 0 في حين يتناول المبحث الثاني نشوء وتكون الدولة في عالم الجنوب من حيث خصائص الدولة حديثة السيادة والتكوين الاقتصادي والاجتماعي لدولة الجنوب وكيفية تكون الدولة في ظل علاقات السيطرة ( التبعية ) 0 اما المبحث الثالث فقد ذهب لبيان خصوصية الدولة في عالم الجنوب من حيث وظائف الدولة وخصائصها0 وياخذ الفصل الثاني في تحليل المحددات الفوقية ( الخارجية ) والتحتية ( الداخلية ) لسلوك الدولة في الجنوب ، حيث يتطرق للمحددات السياسية والاقتصادية والمجتمعية خارجيا وداخليا ، وانعكاس هذه المحددات على نمط سلوك الدولة في الجنوب 0 اما الفصل الثالث فياخذ منحا فكريا متضمنا اتجاها تحليليا للعوامل المحددة لطبيعة الدولة النفطية الريعية / نموذج الدولة في الجنوب ، وواقع وطبيعة الاقتصاديات الريعية من حيث البنى الاقتصادية والاجتماعية والسياسية لدولة الجنوب الريعية ، وعلاقة النفط والريع النفطي بالتنمية والتحديث واتجاهاتها في الجنوب ، واهمية النفط والريع النفطي وطبيعة السياسات المرتبطة به في هذه الدول على الصعيد الاجتماعي والاقتصادي والسياسي والاثار السلبية للريع النفطي 0 في حين خصص الفصل الرابع لعرض انماط السلوك السياسي والاقتصادي والمجتمعي لانموذجات مختارة من دول الريع النفطي ، فمن الدول النفطية الاسيوية تم اختيار ( المملكة العربية السعودية ) ، ومن افريقيا ( نايجيريا ) ومن امريكا اللاتينية ( فنزويلا ) ، اذ يتناول المبحث الاول السلوك السياسي بمؤثراته الخارجية والداخلية ، وفي المبحث الثاني السلوك المجتمعي ( الاجتماعي ) ، اما المبحث الثالث فيتناول السياسات الاقتصادية في دول الجنوب ( المالية والنقدية والانفاقية والاستثمارية وتوزيع الدخل ) ، وفي المبحث الرابع تتناول الرسالة تحليل لانماط السلوك السياسي والاقتصادي والمجتمعي لكل من العربية السعودية ، نايجيريا وفنزويلا ) ، من حيث امكانياتها المادية والبشرية والمالية والسياسات الاقتصادية والاجتماعية ودور الريع في هذه السياسات لهذه الدول 0 فيما جاءت خواتيم هذه الاطروحة بجملة من الاستنتاجات والتوصيات ، متبوعة بالمصادر العربية والانكليزية والملخص باللغة الانكليزية . | The thesis is entiteld “ Political and Economical limitations on behavior of the state in the third word : oil countries as samples ” The thesis is composed of an intrduction ,the more three introductory chapters and other three chapters . The researcher has hypothesized that the more as much you explain the impact of political , econimical , and social determiners with globalization towrds increase of its activity and its reactive impact on the behaviour of a state in the Third World , these states or countries will be margined more and its activity will decrease to the benefit of the international capitalistic system and globalization mechanism represented through the international organizations and multi - national companies through the study of Venezuela , Saudi Arabia and Nigeria and those countries under control compulsorily or optionally to globalization and internationalization and continuous exposition to regional enviromental challenges . The study aims at : 1. Defining the country in general in terms of its theoretical and historical foundation and its privacy in the Third World . 2. Country stereotypes and its concepts in the south countries and how to form a national country . 3. Self - independece of a country in the south and the traditional charactersitics of the contemporary country . 4. Revealing the role of globalization and other external factors and changes in the international environment and global balances and its impacts on the degree of the country development in the countries of the south in specfic . 5. Comprehension of variance in the attitudes of the Third World countries in general and countries of petroleum rent especially concerning changes in the economic world and growth of multi - national companies’ role over the role of national governments . 6. The impact of political , economic , and social limitations in the country conduct in the south countries in general and countries of petroleum rent in specific . The thesis consists of an introduction and an intrductory chapter and other three chapters . The chapters were were dealt with as follows : Chapter 1 consists of three sections ; first section includes the theoretical and historical frame of the foundation of the country in the world . It also includes definition of the country conceptually and a historcal background with the interpretive theories of the foundation of the country under occupation and the concept of country in the various cognitive schools , of them the Western thinking , and by the world thinkers and the arabic islamic thinking and renaissance period thinkers and the arabic contemporary thinking Section 2 deals with the foundation and creation of the country in the south having the characterstics of the modern country , and the economical and social creation of the southern country and how the country is created under control relations Section three deals with the privacy of the country in the south world in terms of the country and its traits in the south world Chapter 2 analyses the upper determiners (external) and lower (internal) of the country conduct in the south . It exposes the social , political , and economic dterminers internally and externally , and reflection of these determiners on the conduct sterotype of the country in the south . Chapter 3 analyzes the thinking frame and the determining factors to the nature of the petroleum rent state /sample of the country in the south . Also it shows the situation and the nature of petroleum rent economies in terms of the economic , social , and political infrastructures of the southern countries and the relation of petrol and the petroleum rent with development and modernization and their decisions towards the south . Also the importance of petrol and petroleum rent nature of the policies related to these countries socially , economically , and politically and the side effects of petroleum rent . Chapter 4 deals with the political , economic , and social conduct of samples chosen from the countries of petroleum rent (Saudi Arabia , Nigeria and Venezuela) . Section 1 deals with the political behavior with its impact externally and internally . Section 2 deals with the social conduct . While section three deals with the economic policies in the southern countries (financial , monetry , expenditure , investmental , and distribution of rent ) . Section 4 deals with an analysis of the political , economic , and social conduct of each of Saudi Arabia , Nigeria , Venezuela) in terms of their financial , human , monetry , political , economic , and social abilities and the role of petroleum rent in the policies of these countries . The final chapter of thethesis exposes the conclusions drawn , and recommendations supported by a number of statistical tables related to the topic .

علاقة المجتمع المدني بالنظام السياسي التاثير والتاثر : دراسة حالة مصر والاردن == The Relationship of Civil Society With the Political System Influence and Effect - Jordan and Egypt as Case in Study

Author name: ســداد مــولــود ســبــع
Supervisor name: وصال نجيب عارف العزاوي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: This study tackles a very important subject not for being the subject of debate and argument by the politicians and researchers , but it comes in period that witnesses an increasing calls and pressures for applying the democratic approach in ruling and these pressures come in time that many of the Third World countries submit to the despotic and dictatorial systems that raising democratic slogans without applying this approach .Here , to study the mechanism of modernization and developing these systems , We should study the role of civil society in these systems which represented by alleviating the burden thrown on the state through social , economic and cultural functions of these systems in addition to the political one .The study of the relationship of society with the political system , requires the search in the theoretical fram for main reason and that is development happened on the human science especially , political science . These developments led to the emergence of new concepts , some are disappeared and the other are developed and expanded which requires the study of these developments to understand the public frams of each concept and then apply it on the Arab situation and the study patterns . And this what we tried to do through studying the developments that happened on the political system . more over the rapid development of civil society in the western states and does it reach to our Arab societies .But , the existence of civil society in some our societies evoked an intellectual political debate for being one of the concepts that there is no agree on it's historical background in the Islamic political thought , and some definetly refuse it's existence not only in the Islamic Political thought , but also in the institutions of Arab contemporary state and they do assert that what is existing is traditional institutions took the form of civil society institutions in the west , but the indication is a mere traditional society that devotes the tribal fanatic and this clear in Jordan .This extremist opinion is considered denial of many efforts and activities of civil society institutions , because some could break the barrier of central despotisim of political system in order to explain his opinion and demands freely , as Egypt that has the pioneer role in this respect .The civil society characterized by effectiveness and motion which supported by great powers on purpose or non , these great powers promoted Egypt to appear in a nominal democracy not the real one , because they realize that the real democracy means the choice of Egypt society and this is appropriate with the regional Function of Egypt by the great powers .There is a fact hatcould not be deny that Egypt is considered institutions state , in spite of the domination of decision maker on the political life and puplic life in Egypt , and this domination is one of the problems of Arab states , Thus some systems justified it by using many means one of these is the belonging to the messenger of God ( pray and peace be upon him ) and this indeed what happened in the Jordanian political system which has a little freedom according freedom measurements . This political system a doped multiplicity as the Egyption … , but dealt with it cautiously and this matter left it . clear hard influence especially and civil society and the society generally on here the ability of civil society influence on the political system is very hard that we find some of it's indications in Egypt through its participation beside the government and private sector in commen development programs among the three seetors .After the explanation of this short brief about the subject significant , we must explain the structure of this subject which consisted of four chapter , introduction and conclusion .The first chapter tackles the conceptual fram of each civil and political society with all developments took place in this respect , more over studying the relationship between the two variables after the assumption that the strength and effectivness of the first political system is taken from the effectiveness of civil society ( second ) and revers is true .The second chapter studies the lawful , political , economic and social features through studying the accompanianed problematic of political parties action and the administration of head of state and king for the political process which reflected directly process whether in elections or through political process .While , the third chapter tackles of great interest the accompanianed problematic of concept using by enhance or limit concept borders and also the problematic of civil society existence in Egypt and Jordan but according to the Arab peculiarity and then the main characteristic of Egypt and Jordan .Where as , the fourth chapter tackles the influence of the political system on the civil society through affected the later by the first , but this will not abolish the influence of civil society on the political system , because of the need of political system for civil society or part of it's components to perform development programs and this is clear in Egypt . Finally , the conclusion represents a summary of the main ideas in this study and the conclusions that resulted from this study

الدور الاقتصادي والسياسي للعملة الاحتياطية : الدولار انموذجا == The economic and political role of the reserve currency - American’s dollar

Author name: زينب سعد شمس الدين الشيشاني
Supervisor name: هجير عدنان زكي امين
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: ان الاساس المؤثر في النظام النقدي الدولي هي العملة الاحتياطية او العملة القائدة كماهو متعارف عليه، وهي التي تعمل عمل المحرك لهذا النظام وان اي دولة قائمة على نظام اقتصادي مستقر قادرة بذلك على تحقيق النمو والاستقرار وبذلك هي تضمن علاقات تجارية مزدهرة مع دول اخرى، ذلك النظام الاقتصادي الذي بدوره يضمن توفير السيولة من خلال نظام المدفوعات الدولية والاشراف على تنظيم المعاملات الدولية، ومن المتعارف عليه ايضا حسب اراء بعض الادبيات الاقتصادية والنقدية ان العملة الاحتياطية هي عبارة عن عملة وطنية تقوم بوظائف النقود الدولية، ويدعمها اقتصاد قوي متنوع، وتؤهلها العديد من الميزات لتؤدي دور الوساطة في تسوية المدفوعات وسداد الديون، ولتكون ايضا وسيلة فعالة في تحقيق التسويات مما يؤهلها تلقائيا لتقوم بمهام النقد الدولي. ومن اجل ان تبقى هذه العملة محل ثقة واستخدام المجتمع الدولي، فمن المفروض ان تحقق توازن لمصالحها الوطنية والدولية في ان معا دون ان تاثر احداهما على الاخرى، ومع ان النظام النقدي قد انفصل بعض الشيء عن علاقته الوطنية، فاصبح التاثير الاكبر عليه ناتج عما يحدث في مجموع العلاقات الدولية، وان تفاوتت نسب تاثير الدول في تلك العلاقات. وتخضع العملة الاحتياطية الى العديد من التاثيرات، رافقتها منذ قدم تاريخها حتى يومنا هذا، فهي خاضعة لمؤثرات ناتجة من العوامل الاقتصادية والسياسية والقانونية والاجتماعية ترافقها في كل حقبة تاريخية، وبذلك نذكر ان النظام الدولي يعود الى جذور اوربية وتحديدا القرون الوسطى التي شهدت احتدادا للتنافس بين الكنيسة، المسيطر الروحي ذلك الوقت، وبين اصحاب الشان الرفيع لتاتي النتيجة لصالحهم، وبذلك يكون منتصف القرن التاسع عشر هو بداية انشاء الدول القومية في اوروبا. وبتتابع التطور التاريخي للنظام النقدي الدولي، وتحديدا بعد نظام بريتون وودز انتهى شكله الاخير باعتماد العملات الاحتياطية الرئيسة ياتي الدولار الامريكي بالدرجة الاولى على راس هذا العملات. ويحتم علينا القول بان نظام بريتون وودز مهد الطريق امام الدولار ليحتل مكانته كعملة احتياطية اولى ذلك عن طريق منحه امتياز خلق السيولة الدولية من خلال عجز ميزان المدفوعات الدولية، وهذا مايعنى بالامتياز الفائق او المفرط، وهو مصطلح اطلقه الفرنسيين عندما انتقدوا نظام النقد الدولي باعتماد الدولار كعملة دولية, لانه بذلك يعفي الولايات المتحدة الامريكية من العديد من الالتزامات تجاه الدول، ناهيك عن المكاسب الجمة التي تحصل عليها الولايات المتحدة الامريكية باعتبار عملتها عملة احتياطية دولية اولى. ان تمتع الولايات المتحدة الامريكية باقتصاد قوي وقوة نفوذ الدولار الامريكي سياسيا وعسكريا، وذلك كون عملتها عملة احتياطية اولى في العالم، قد منح الولايات المتحدة الامريكية امتيازات فائقة، ومن هذا المنطلق انتهجت الولايات المتحدة الامريكية منهجا خاصا في صنع سياستها الخارجية واقعة بذلك تحت تاثير جهات ضاغطة مثل اللوبيات والشركات متعددة الجنسية او الشركات العملاقة ومن اهمها شركات السلاح وشركات النفط. ان هذه الامتيازات التي تتمتع بها الولايات المتحدة الامريكية، والناتجة من كون عملتها عملة احتياطية اولى في العالم، ساهمت كثيرا في دعم القوة العسكرية الامريكية في سبيل تحقيق اهداف الامن القومي الامريكي، وتمثل ذلك في عسكرة الاقتصاد الامريكي على مدى اكثر من نصف قرن وتمويل الحروب بطرق متعددة، وان كانت الولايات المتحدة الامريكية تعاني من مشاكل اقتصادية لعل ابرزها العجز التجاري القائم في ميزان مدفوعاتها، وذلك نتيجة العديد من الاسباب منها الحروب المكلفة التي خاضت غمارها الولايات المتحدة الامريكية، ولعل ابرزها الحرب الامريكية على فيتنام والحرب الامريكية على العراق، وقد انعكست هذه المتغيرات على طبيعة وسياسة الادارة الامريكية الحالية التي تتبوا مركز القيادة والزعامة في العالم مما اعطى ملامح واضحة للدور السياسي للدولار الامريكي. | The growth and economic stability to any state does not take place only when the availability of the monetary system is capable of providing the necessary liquidity to the economy, monitoring and controlling the various indicators which reflect the economic performance. As well as the international level does not represent a booming trade and economic relations between States unless there is a monetary system including rules and mechanisms to stabilize the international monetary and provide liquidity to the international payments and supervising the organization of international transaction. Probably one of the main components of international liquidity is what is known conventionally currency reserves and the task of leading the international monetary system. Throughout the nineteenth - century and until the beginning of the First World War transactions States were according to the gold standard system, and its banknotes issued by central banks, it's used in state of gold, a cover 100%, The pound sterling, as well as gold, were treated at the international level, and ranks first among reserved currencies. That the power enjoyed by the pound sterling before the First World War was a reflection of the political and economic power and military encamping in that period and was practiced in the field of international trade. The dollar did not play any role at the international level in this period. Since the First World War began, and expanded the requirements of war efforts and military expenditures, it's went out, states began to issue massive amounts of paper money to equal the size of military expenditures, collapse the international monetary system of gold standard, and continued system of international monetary system suffers from many crises since the end of the First World War until the Second World War. The dollar at the beginning of the year 1945, it work began (the Convention on the Breton Woods) and it is covered with gold by 100%, and become the first currency reserved in the world, was awarded the international monetary system concession to U. S. A, and it is a possibility to create the international liquidity through the U.S.A balance of payments deficit. This is what we mean by the word exorbitant privilege. We discussed the associated political and economic side of what is known to privilege, a term reportedly at the France when it blames the adoption of the international monetary system, the dollar as an international currency and providing state - exporting to it, the U.S.A, a privilege exempting them from the real commitment to other countries. The fact that the U.S.A. dollar, supported by a strong economy with high productivity, control over global trade, access to foreign markets, the ability to increase exports, military power and political influence is clear, making it the first reserved currency in the world. The American dollar is supported by strong economics that has high productivity and controls on the world trade and has an access to the foreign markets and it is able to increase the exports , clear military power and political influence making it the first reserved currency in the world that currency which has political dimensions.The international reserved currency through the dollar experience assures the political effects and dimensions of that leading currency through the American foreign policy and demands of the American the national security before and after the events of Sep.2001 and it explains that the most effected sides of making the American foreign policy is the lobbies or the pressure groups and also the multinational companies or the giant companies .The most important ones are the weapons companies and oil companies. The economic momentum supporting the military power in achieving the goals of the American national security represents encamping the American economics more than half century and supporting the wars in multi ways ,the most important ones are taxes , Treasury bills that the American government presents ; the citizens and the foreign people that finances wars that it is engaged in that it suffers from the economic problems ,the most important ones is the deficit in the trading balance.The most prominent American wars that they have high economic and financial costs ,the American - Vietnam wars and the American war on Iraq and it reflects the variables on the nature of the current American administration and the policy of the United states that predicts the leading centre that it gives clear features for the political role of the international reserved currency - the American dollar as sample - that it deals with through the chapters of the research.The Framework of ResearchThis research is divided after the introduction into four chapters ,it deals with the variables concerning with that chapter ,the subject of the first chapter is a conceptual access dealing with the reserved currency in the international currency system through two researches, the first sections deals with the concept of the concept of reserved currency and its contents ,section two deals with the functional role of the reserved currency in the international currency system.Chapter two deals with the international reserved currency during the historical development and its current reality through three sections. Section One deals with the development of the international reserved currency ,section two deals with the dollar as an international reserved currency in the international reserved system and section three deals with the role of the other currencies in the current international system. Chapter three that discuses the economic role of the reserved currency(dollar as a sample)through three sections, section one deals with the financial sides for the economic dominance on the international level, section two deals with advantages and the arranged costs on the American national currency (dollar)as a tool in settling the debts and section three deals with the political economics of the international currency. Chapter four of the research studies the political role of the international reserved currency (dollar experience)through three sections, section one discusses the American foreign policy and interests of the national security and the partners that have an effect on the operation of the American decision making, section two the role of the economic momentum supporting the American military power, that power which is used for achieving the American political goals, the American military factorial community that the United States of America, section three studies the American military power and the most prominent wars of the United states of America and what has happened in the current American policy.

التنمية السياسية العربية بين الاصلاح السياسي ودعوة التغيير الخارجي == Arabian Political Development Between Political Reform & External Change invitation

Author name: زيد عدنان محسن العكيلي
Supervisor name: لبنان هاتف الشامي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: مع نهاية القرن العشرين واطلالة القرن الحادي والعشرين شهد العالم ولادة نظام دولي جديد ، اطلق بداياته بحرب الخليج الثانية التي قادتها الولايات المتحدة الامريكية في منطقة من اهم المناطق الاستراتيجية في العالم الا وهي منطقة الوطن العربي حيث شهدت هذه المنطقة حربا اقليمية التمسية ، دولية التاثير ، عالمية الابعاد ، لتعلن ميلاد حقبة دولية جديدة . تمتاز بهيمنة القطب الامريكي الذي اخذ يفرض مفاهيمه على العالم في اطار ظاهرة تحركها قوى المال والاعلام الا وهي " العولمة " واحيانا تستخدم القوة العسكرية لـ(مكافحة الارهاب ، الحد من اسلحة الدمارالشامل) هذه الظاهرة هي التي حملت شعارات الديمقراطية وحقوق الانسان والحريات العامة لتجعل منها معيارا للثواب والعقاب فمن يرفع هذه الشعارات وينفتح على النظام العالمي الجديد يحظى بالثواب ، ومن يعرض عن الديمقراطية وحقوق الانسان والحريات العامة يتعرض لخطر العقاب ، وبذلك وجدت الانظمة السياسية العربية نفسها امام عملية اصلاح ديمقراطي عالمية تقودها الولايات المتحدة مفروضة عليها من الخارج ، وهذه العملية العالمية انتخبت وانتقت مواقع ذات اهمية استراتيجية لتطل من خلالها على العالم . لذا فان الدول العربية امام عملية تغريب سياسي عالمي (الغربنة) من خلال فرض ايديولوجية الغرب الراسمالي ضمن موجة الديمقراطية التي جاءت كرد فعل للمتغيرات الدولية وقد سميت هذه المرحلة بـ(التحرر السياسي) ، لكن نتائج هذا التحول كانت قد اخذت شكل تناقضات شهدها العالم العربي ضمن هذه الايديولوجية المفروضة او الوافدة . اذ ليس بمقدور كل دول العالم النامي بصورة عامة والدول العربية بصورة خاصة ان تطبق هذه التجربة بمناى عن اي تخبطات او تعثرات ، لان بعض هذه الدول غير مهيا اساسا للاصلاح السياسي وبالتالي تنمية سياسية حقيقية ديمقراطية . اذ ان الشعارات والدعوات التي تطلق في ميدان حقوق الانسان والتعددية من قبل دعاة " النظام الدولي الجديد " ، لاتزال تخاطب مجتمعات - هشة - وتستغل الاوضاع المتردية لحقوق الانسان هذه ، لتدغدغ امال الشعوب والمجموعات والجماعات التي تعاني من القمع ، وتظهر وكانها هي المنقذ لها . كما ان الدعوات لملاحقة المسؤولين عن انتهاكات حقوق الانسان بصفتهم الفردية امام القضاء تمهد الطريق نفسيا لتقبل هذه الدعوات والترحيب بها والترويج لها واللجوء الى القوى الخارجية ، فاذا اظهرت الديمقراطية الليبرالية نظما غير متوائمة مع مصالح الغرب فليس هناك اي مانع من اجهاض هذه التجربة على الرغم من الشعارات التي ترفعها . لقد اصبح الفراغ الذي تعانيه المنطقة العربية بسبب غياب مشروع اصلاحي تنموي سياسي ديمقراطي يشكل فرصة سانحة للقوى الدولية التي تمتلك مصالح استراتيجية في المنطقة لتقديم مشاريع (اصلاحية) للانظمة التسلطية في المنطقة هذه الانظمة التي كانت تحظى في السابق بدعم نفس القوى التي بادرت لتقديم هذه المشاريع (الاصلاحية) . حيث ساد الاعتقاد ان الاخذ بالانظمة الراسية وهيمنة الحزب الواحد (الوحيد) سيقود الدول العربية الى الاستقرار السياسي على اساس ان التعددية قد تخلق حالة من الفوضى بسبب الصراع على السلطة بين الاحزاب ، ذلك فضلا عن ان نظام الحزب الواحد سيقود الى انجاز مهم هو بناء الوحدة الوطنية ، والنهوض باعباء تحقيق التنمية الشاملة ، التي تحتاج الى سلطة قوية لاتتوفر في الانظمة البرلمانية التعددية ، لان التعددية تعني الفرقة والتنافر ، فضلا عن كل ذلك فان نظام الحزب الواحد قد حقق واحدا من اهم اهدافه وهو ضمان الاستمرار للنخب السياسية الحاكمة دون مضايقات القوى المعارضة لها ، بهذه القناعة حكمت الانظمة السلطوية العربية ، حيث حظيت هذه الانظمة بدعم احد المعسكرين ابان الحرب العالمية الثانية لابقاء نظام سلطوي يقمع المعارضة ويحول دون انتقال الدولة الى منطقة نفوذ المعسكر الاخر . ولهذا فان المطالبة بالتنمية والاصلاح تقع في صلب المعركة من اجل الوطن الحر السيد الموحد . وهذا الهدف لايتحقق الا في ظل انظمة شرعية تكفل حقوق المواطنين وتحظى بدعمهم وتكسب ثقتهم التي تشكك في المشاريع الاصلاحية المقدمة من قبل الحكومات بسبب خبرتها معها . اذن الاصلاح السياسي الديمقراطي ضرورة يفرضها واقع المجتمع العربي في الوطن العربي ، لخلق حالة من الاستقرار والعدالة داخل هذا المجتمع الكبير الذي اصبحت تنطوي بين جنباته على متغيرات الرفض للانظمة السياسية القائمة والرغبة بالتغيير والاصلاح ، وهذه المتغيرات اذ لم يتم استيعابها في اطار عملية سلمية فانها ستولد انفجار تعجز الانظمة السياسية القائمة على استيعابه ، اذن لايمكن الخروج من الازمة التي تتعرض لها الانظمة السياسية العربية من دون وجود عملية اصلاح شاملة وحقيقية ، تاخذ في اعتباراتها التطورات الدولية ومواثيق حقوق الانسان ، هذا لان نجاح العملية الاصلاحية العربية يتطلب العودة الى الاصول من اجل هضمها وغربلتها واستخراج شيء جديد منها اصيل كاصالتها ، لا ان يعتمد الاصلاح على هوامش الفكر الغربي او يكتفي بالتراث فالاصلاح لايمكن ان يؤسس على هوامش او جزئيات . بل هو كل متفاعل بين معطيات التراث التي تشكل خصوصية المشروع ، والاعتبارات الدولية التي تنطوي على الحداثة ، حتى ينجح المشروع التنموي الاصلاحي فانه يتطلب اذن ثقافة سياسية جديدة تعمل على احلال النزعة النسبية في الوعي السياسي محل النزعة الشمولية ، وتحل التوافق والتراضي والتعاقد محل قواعد التسلط والاحتكار والالغاء . لايمكن لاي مشروع اصلاح سياسي ديمقراطي في الوطن العربي النجاح دون وجود مجتمع مدني نشيط وحيوي يسهم بفاعلية لبلورة مشروع اصلاح سياسي ديمقراطي يناسب خصوصية كل دولة ويستوعب القوى المجتمعية ، وادت حالة التردي التي تعتصر الكيانات العربية وتحايل الحكومات على مشاريع الاصلاح الفرصة لتدخل الاجنبي لاجراء التغيير بعدما فشلت الانظمة السياسية العربية بتغيير نفسها ، اذن الاصلاح امر ضروري وعاجل ، ينبع من داخل مجتمعاتنا ذاتها ويستجيب الى تطلعات الجماهير في بلورة مشروع شامل للاصلاح ، يضم الجوانب السياسية والاقتصادية والاجتماعية والثقافية...الخ ، فالديمقراطية ليست مؤسسات فقط وانما هي ثقافة سياسية وسياسات اقتصادية واجتماعية وثقافية ...الخ ، متفاعلة مع بعضها البعض ، اذن اي مشروع للاصلاح الديمقراطي في الشرق الاوسط حتى يكتب له النجاح لابد ان يميز الوطن العربي عن سواه ، بسبب الخصوصية التي تمتع بها الدول العربية بحيث يسمح المشروع الاصلاحي بالتعامل مع كل دولة على حده ، وينتظم في نسق عام مع القواسم العربية المشتركة الاخرى ، بينما يتيح لكل مجتمع عربي كي يدفع خطوات الاصلاح الخاصة به الى الامام ، ويفعل من الوجود العربي على الساحة الدولية والاقليمية ، ويبعده عن التقوقع والتمحورعلى الذات . | With the end of the 20th century and the outset of the 21st century, the world witnessed the birth of a new world order. It began with the 2nd Gulf War led by the United States of America (USA) in one of the most important strategic regions the world - the Arab Homeland. This Region witnessed a regional and afflictive war marked with international dimensions and impacts announcing the birth of a new international era. This era is branded with the domination of the American pole that started imposing its concepts on the world in the framework of a phenomenon driven by money and media, i.e.," globalization". Sometimes the military force is used for (fighting terrorism or banning the proliferation of the weapons of mass destruction). This phenomenon raised the slogans of democracy, human rights and general freedoms to be used as the criterion for reward and punishment. Those who adopt these slogans and welcome the new world order will be rewarded, and those who reject democracy, human rights and general freedoms will be punished. Therefore, the Arab political systems found themselves facing a world democratic reformation process led by the USA. This process selected strategically important locations to dominate from these locations on the world. Consequently, the Arab states are facing a westernization process through the imposition of the ideology of the capitalistic western world within the wave of democracy that came as a reaction fro the international changes. This stage is called as (political liberation). However, the results of this alteration took the form of contradictions witnessed by the Arab world within the incoming or imposed ideology. Generally, all the developing and Arab countries cannot implement this experiment without stumbling and floundering. That is because some of these countries are not prepared for political reformation and hence a real democratic and political development. The claims and slogans raised in the arena of human rights and pluralism by the heralds of the "new world order", still addressing - fragile - communities and utilizing the bad situation of human rights there to titillate the hopes of the oppressed peoples and groups. They want to look as their saviors. The calls for hunting down those who are responsible for the violations of human rights, in persons, before courts, pave the way psychologically to accept, welcome and promulgate for these calls and resort to the outside powers. So, if the liberal democracy generates systems that are not inline with western interests, then there is no obstacle to abort this experiment despite the slogans it may raise. The vacuity from which the Arab region suffers due to the absence of democratic, political, developmental and reforming project gives a an easy chance to the international powers that have strategic interests in the region to provide (reformation) projects for the dictatorship regimes in the region. In the past, these regimes were backed by same powers that took the initiative of the provision of such reformation projects. There has been a tenet saying that the adoption of hierarchical regimes and the hegemony of one party (the only one) will lead the Arab states to political stability. That was based on the idea that pluralism or (a multi - party - state system) could result in disorder originated from the dispute on authority between the parties. This is in addition to the belief that a single - party - state system will leads to a significant accomplishment, i.e., building the national unity and upholding the extensive development that needs a powerful authority which the multi - party parliamentary systems lack. This is because the multi - party system means disunity and discord. Aside from that, the single - party system has achieved one of its biggest aims - insuring the persistence of the political elites in power without being annoyed by their opposing powers. According to this belief the totalitarian Arab regimes ruled their peoples. These regimes were supported by one of the two camps during the 2nd World War for preserving a totalitarian regime that oppresses the opposition and stands against the transition of the state to the influence of the other camp. Therefore, the call for reformation and development lies at the heart of the battle for a unified, sovereign and free country. This goal cannot be achieved unless there are legal systems that guarantee the rights of the citizens and enjoys their support and credit which suspiciously regards the reformation projects offered by the governments due to their experiences with them. It became clear that the democratic political reformation is a necessity dictated by the nature of the Arab community in the Arab Homeland. And that is to create a state of stability and justice inside the big community which is folding and encompassing the new conditions of rejecting the existing political regimes and the desire for change and reformation. These new conditions or variables, if they were not contained in the framework of a peaceful process, it will generate an explosion which cannot be contained by the existing political systems. Therefore, there is no way out of the crisis which the Arab political regimes face now unless there is real and extensive reformation process that take into its consideration the international developments and the human rights charts. This is because the success of the Arab reformation process requires from us to go to the origins in order to comprehend and sift them to extract something as a new and genuine as it is. Reformation should not depend on the margins of the western thinking or be limited to heritage. It cannot be based on margins and partialities. Yet, it represents the interaction between the given facts of the heritage that formulates the features of the project on the one hand, and the international consideration branded with modernity. In order that the reformation and developmental project succeeds, it requires a new political culture that works on replacing the relativism whim in the political perception with the comprehensive whim. Similarly, harmony and accord replaces the rules of hegemony, monopoly and revocation. No democratic reformation project in the Arab Homeland can succeed unless there is an active civil society that contributes vitally in the building of a democratic political reformation project that fits the specialties of each country and contains the powers of its community. The deterioration that is pressing out the Arab entities and the deception organized by the governments against the reformation projects, gave the opportunity for the foreign intervention to carry out the changing process after the Arab political systems failed to change itself. Reformation therefore is a necessity in our communities and it responds to the expectations of the peoples for the building of an extensive reformation project. This project includes all the political, economic, social and cultural aspects. These aspects react with each other. Therefore, if there is any project for democratic reformation to be successful in the Middle East, it should differentiate the Arab Homeland from the other regions due to features which the Arab countries enjoy. Such a project should give the chance of treating each state alone. It should have a general order with the things that the Arab countries have in - common. It also give the chance for each Arab society to push forward its own reformation steps and invigorates the Arab presence both on the regional and international levels and keep it off from confinement and introversion

القوى الكبرى واعادة تشكيل النظام الدولي : دراسة في فرضيات الصعود والافول == Great Powers And Reforming International System A Study In The Assumptions Of Ascendancy And Decline

Author name: علي بشار بكر اغوان
Supervisor name: محمد ياس خضير
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: Constitute the rotation exponential relationship dimensions positive and negative between the international system over the different stages of the major powers in various manifestations, argumentative and extensive research and one of the main gates of understanding of international relations at the contemporary stage, this relationship has opened ample room for endoscopy and research in but the international system and major powers dramatically, impact, vulnerability and nutrition, nutrition reverse dual between the international system and major powers relationship has alternated according to each stage and this relationship is the main problem of the balance of power in several stages, and when he was urgently needed because of the international system is to be the foundation standard for classification of power arrogance in the world, we became our international system stable and clearly defined in terms of the formation of systemic in different structural dimensions, that the international system is established the concept of structural and quality of states and impose the rhythm of movement for many reasons, notably that the nature of the regime often imposes itself a great obligation for these forces because adopted for fear of imbalance or break up of certain international situation or threat to the status of this or that country. While it is possible that just the opposite is happening as they become the major powers in the zenith of its power is granted international system and give it structure and posed or change the balance, that is, the major powers here are the ruler and the clutch on the decision to change within the system and not vice versa.Of course, and as far as what the major powers and the international system and the issues of restructuring strategy and the required strategic supplies, it became clear manner that does not accept the argument that the concept of power and public and private as has changed helped broadly to re - read the beliefs of the strategic countries in terms of the ups and build self - mechanisms .Importance of the study : Centric importance of the study of it represents an attempt research earnest to form a new theory to explain how they can through the major powers arise strategic detail the destruction, they also offer hypotheses second supplement to the theory of looking at the mechanics of the fading of states and their tracks and provide detailed explanations of the forms of collapse and form, in the sense that the subject of major powers and reshape the international system based on the assumptions of ascent and decline, it represents an attempt to re - read international relations in general and major powers and the international system, in particular in the pot research focuses on the scientific methodology of the measurement, audit and observation and select the tracks.The problem of the study : The study generally runs from the two problems main ways : the first, which is problematic conceptual theory relating to the characterization of and what the big powers and the international system and the nature of the dialectical relationship rotating between the two, the second is problematic current major powers characterization and put it in its proper place according to the hypothesis of ascent and decline and the compatibility of all the power with these hypotheses.The dilemma conceptual first, since the study is trying through, and over the detective and three chapters, the first - the first, second and third - explain what the clash incident between the international system and major powers, as it is trying to study here and across this part of the dilemma that the disintegration of the complex Association about the presence of overlapping relationship is a clear path between the evolution of the international system on the one hand and major powers on the other hand, due to the complexity of the actors and their diversity and change the concept of power and its vocabulary, this relationship appears frequently as a rotational (ie, when they vibrate and weaken the international system, is restored and fed through strategic reaction of major powers on the form of finding a new strategic balance or maintain the strategic balance as and when it weakens the major powers, the system modifying itself in line with the size of the weakness incident to correspond to the requirements and elements of modernization that has occurred in the international environment and gives the stream additional to those strengths that have benefited from the decline in single actors function or polar strategic act also shall be either by maintaining a balance or modify it identifies with the size and manage change).While Applied dilemma second focuses on practical models of major powers and try to determine its position in the international system based on key assumptions that have been developed and adopted a basic criteria for the rise of the big powers and the eclipse, as it dealt with the last three chapters (IV, V and VI) the issue of the status of all power in the international system - models selected - based on the extent of approaching and distancing itself from the hypotheses that have been put forward both in terms of climb or, moreover study focuses in this part of the dilemma defines the shape of the future of the international order based on the data and the reality of the big powers. It is through this dilemma offers a number of central research questions that the study will try to answer them through the next research context, the most important of these questions are : 1. What is the fundamental nature of the relationship between the international system and major powers?2. How can identify the key ingredients that require their presence in the power of any wish to become a major international scope of the system?3. What are the main forms of balance known to international relations throughout history, the nation - state?4. Who are the actors function capable of control in the international system and restructuring?5. How can identify the entrances of change within the international system and who knows this change?6. What is the most important hypotheses that can be through to become a major force on the international scope of the system?7. How can identify the most important hypotheses decline that lead them to collapse?8. Do not slip United States a world power?9. Is Russia today is on its way toward building the same to you mean by itself as one of the poles of the future world again?10. Is China really able to replace the United States? And how?11. What is Japan's new site in the international system?12. What is the future of the international system in the light of data the rise and fall of great powers?Hypothesis of the study : Consistent with the dilemma that have been submitted and research questions that have been submitted and as well as the main hypotheses that have been adopted by the study systematically through the third quarter in an attempt to form a comprehensive theory, the study starts from the assumption president of that on the basis of (that there is a direct correlation "positive + negative" between the regime the one hand and major powers on the other hand. The more major powers more coherent and stronger the more you process the formation of the international system more discipline, and vice versa, the more the international system more solid whenever the major powers to maintain more balance and less likely to change. And branching out from this hypothesis President, two assumptions in two basic subgroups : The first hypothesis : Whenever any major international force backed away from its position, as it was an opportunity to push a new force to fill the vacuum, and this is a dialectical ascent and decline.The second hypothesis : Whenever a major international force backed away from its position as it was an opportunity to reshape the international system according to the new balance of power. This is the dialectical relationship between the international system and major powers.Curricula : The study used the six - round main chapters range of approaches that are used in scientific research on the scope of political science were as follows : 1. The historical approach, which sought the study through used to display the most prominent of the relevant idea of historical experiences and the subject that the researcher wants to clarify, this has been the approach one of the main approaches that have been through it to identify the mechanisms of the fading of the major powers and the conclusion of which many hypotheses have been one of the most important pillars of the study at various stages.2. Analytical Approach : The study used the analytical approach to the study of various plants for several purposes, the most important cases of the dismantling and re - installed in accordance with the main theme of her service, and the support of the conclusions of this approach is based on the basis of scrutiny of reality and studied extensively studied through strategic insight.3. Approach the international system Analysis : It is one of the most major and modern approaches that study sought to focus on it through international structural analysis and situations experienced by the international system and the dismantling of his limbs and its impact, the study was able bumpy this approach to reach many conclusions based on what provided by this approach of the mechanics to understand the phenomenon and absorbed significantly.4. Approach to measure the strength of nations : one of the most important approaches and, most recently that for its research tools have enabled the study to identify the most prominent features of the strength and the weakness of the major powers and greatly helped to explain many of the phenomena and dismantled as it should.5. Future Approach : It is one of the most important methods you used for the purposes of study, the most important of several identifying features scenes of the future of the international system according to the scene forward - looking unconditional. Structural study : As well as the introduction to the study and details and the conclusion and findings, the study contained two doors presidents by six central chapters, the first section by three chapters titled (conceptual framework and theoretical), while Part II came with three other chapters supplement entitled (Applied and future frame).Ensure that the first chapter of the study, which came under the title (the major powers and the international system), the two main two sections (Section I : what the major powers and the international system) while the second part, titled (forms of power in the international system balance).On the other hand Chapter II of the study, which was titled contained (actors in international relations and the entrances to change) on two sections two main (Section I : actors function traditional and new actors function of non - State actors in international relations), while the second section under the title (the entrances to the change in the system international).Also a third chapter of the study, which was titled (hypotheses rise and fall of great powers) of the two main two sections (Section I : hypotheses rise of major powers) while the second part, titled (hypotheses fading major powers).Chapter IV of the study contains two sections and two presidents, who came under the title (the major powers "core" and measuring hypotheses ascent and decline), was the first topic title (the United States) while the second section title (Russian Federation).On the other hand, Chapter V of the study complements the above by two sections presidents under the title of president of the chapter came a (major powers "emerging" and measuring hypotheses ascent and decline), was the first section of the chapter entitled (China), while the second part, titled (Japan) .

النخبة السياسية في العراق 1958 - 2014 : دراسة في التوجيهات والاهداف == The political elites that ruled Iraq (1958 - 2014) studies in trends and goals

Author name: سعدي ابراهيم حسين
Supervisor name: ليث عبد الحسن جواد الزبيدي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The present dissertation consists of four chapters preceeded by an introduction and followed by a conclusion . It sets out from questioning and if the political elites henceforth (P.Es) successivly ruled Iraq for the period (1958 - 2014) are and the same trends and gools ?The dissertation replies This inquiry by hypothesising that the (P.Es) successively ruled Iraq vary in their trends and goals , as each has its own ones . The trends and goals mainle of (P.E) ruled for (1958 - 1963) concentrated on constructing Iraqi state . The (P.E) of (1963 - 2003) was of Arabic national trends and goals . As for the (P.E) came to power in Iraq after 2003 , they are of no clear trends and goals , considering their different national , religions and sectarian trends and goals .To verity of valility of this Aypothesis , Ch1 studies the (P.E) ruled Iraq (1958 - 1963) . Ch2 studies the (P.E) ruled for the period (1963 - 1968) . Ch3 studies the (P.E) ruled Iraq (1968 - 2003) . while Che4 concerns the study for the (P.E) ruled since 2003 till 2014 .The disser tation has come to the following conclusions : First : - the ruling(P.E) of (1958 - 2003) are of persons mostly come from military establishment , with an important exceptions when these elites by headed by civil leaders , as the case with the political (Abdulrhman Al - Bazaz) who became prime minster , and the former Iraqi president (Saddam Hussein) came to power in 1979 as a president. the later , in spite driving himself to the military establish meant by seizing the biggest military rank , he still being actually a civilian .Second : - The (P.E) ruled Iraq before 2003 depended on their own capacities to take the power by making revolutions coups . While the (P.E) came to power after 2003 till the time of concluding this dissertation , depended on external factor represented by USA support to expel the previous (P.E) and substitute it by recent (P.Es) .Third : - The (P.Es) ruled Iraq all over the period specified for the purpose of the present study didn't succeed to a achieve their trends and goals , moreover , they encountered by internal obstacles and the (P.Es) themselves , as well as home and external (regional and international) obstacles .So , we could say the trends and goals that helped (P.Es) to take power , were at the same time reasons behind losing the power , especially before 2003 .After 2003 , the (P.Es) national and sectarian trends and goals were negative factors led rulling system specially and the whole country in general to many economical , political and security problem and crises . the most prominent one is the national and communal political share in rulling Iraq .Finally , the dissertation comes to a list and suggestion , including : - 1 - concerning the future (P.Es) trends and goals it is suggested that the new (P.E) have to adopt popular national trends and goals of all Iraqi people suitable for Iraqi situation , which promots and at the same time supported by the a general unified national identity . the best possible suggested strategy to achieve this to follow the steps and rebuilt state resemble that and ancient Iraqi empires since it unified all Iraqi nation under their title , as no Iraqi Arabs , Kurds and other could deny his Hondo our to be belong to those civilizations .So , we could keep Iraq away from the risk of national and sectarian trends and goals .2 - concerning the mechanism to take the power : - The study suggests that the peaceful exchang of power is that best way must be adapted by the future(P.E) as it is founded by USA in Iraq after 2003, and they must leave the second alternative , i.e the violence to take the power which was the only way the past since 1958 .3 - concerning the political performance , the study concentrates the necessity of correspondence between trends and goals on one hand , and the (P.Es) , performance on the other hand . this could be achieved by adopting reviewing trends and goals periodically by the (P.Es) and reforming these trends and goals to be realistic of applicable within a reasonable and useful period for Iraqi people , not imaginary and Uri realistic like establishing national state , while the existed Arab countries are under the risk of partioning one after one . Neither trying to establish a communal (sinni or Shiite) state while Iraq realy consists of more than one religion or sect .

اثـر ادارة نـظام الابـداع الـوطنـي فـي استراتيجية التكيف والسيطرة : دراسة نموذج العراق

Author name: محمد مصطفى جمعة السعدون
Supervisor name: سرمد زكي الجادر | مازن اسماعيل الرمضاني
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Strategic Studies
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

القيادة واثرها في الاداء الاستراتيجي التركي الشرق الاوسط انموذجا == Leadership and its Impact on the Turkish Strategic Performance Middle East as a Model

Author name: محمد عبد الله راضي
Supervisor name: باقر جواد كاظم السوداني
General topic: Political Science
Specific topic: Strategic Studies
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The study addressed the issue of leadership, as one of the important topics in the field of political science, and in strategic studies. Political leaders are to give countries a regional or global status.The political leadership in the country, define the objectives, means of implementation, determine the power and weaknesses of the state, and monitoring the opportunities and difficulties, in the internal and external environment.Turkey, since 2002, witnessed the presence of a leadership with Islamic content, able to convey Turkey than doubled phase to phase power. And headed Turkey, under the control of the Islamists, to pay attention to the Middle East, as a strategic area.The Middle East, as a geographic area, includes : Egypt, Israel, and the Arab Gulf States, Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, Palestine, Iraq, Turkey, and Iran. And some of them add : Pakistan, Afghanistan, Arab Maghreb countries, and Sudan.Turkey lies in the Middle East, and during the period between 1923 - 2002, went secular, aiming to join Europe, and have been associated with NATO and the United States, ignoring its relations with the Middle East.The Islamists after taking power in Turkey, gave their attention to the Middle East, which was considered a pivotal area, to perform as a strategic actor.The study aims to : find a relationship between the role of Islamists leadership and the performance of Turkey in the Middle East. Within the period 2002 - 2020.And that raised the issue of the relationship between : the leadership of the Islamists, and Turkey's role in the Middle East, an important question : Is the effectiveness of the Turkish strategy, during the period 2002 - 2015, in the Middle East, linked to the presence of Islamists in power?The answer, verified the existence of a relationship between two variables. Turkey and the shift towards secular parties will push Turkey towards : a little get away from the Middle EastThe study was divided into three chapters, an introduction and a conclusion : 1. First chapter : (Turkish leadership and strategic perception of the Middle East), and it has to answer the question : How Islamists consider Turkey's role in the Middle East?And address this issue in two paragraphs, first : the theoretical framework for leadership, the relationship between leadership and strategic performance, and leadership connection with the strategic decision making in Turkey, and second : Turkish strategic perception of the Middle East from the aspects of political, security, economic and civilization importance.2. Second chapter (Turkish leadership and strategy in the Middle East). It has to answer the question : What is Turkey's strategic orientation towards the Middle East, and what is the content of the strategic performance?And it headed the study, in dealing with this subject, through three paragraphs : first, focused on variables effect Turkey's strategic performance in the Middle East. And second, it focused on the strategic orientation of the Turkish in the Middle East. And third, the history of Turkish strategic performance since World War II.3. Third chapter (Leadership and the future of strategic performance in the Middle East), and has to answer the question : Will the Islamists continue in the leadership of Turkey till 2023? And whether changes will happen in Turkey's strategy in the Middle East?And it headed the study, in dealing with this subject, through two paragraphs, first : the expected changes, in leadership, during the period between 2015 - 2020, inside Turkey, and second what changes is expected on the Turkish strategic performance, in the Middle East according to changes in leadership

السياسة الامنية الامريكية تجاه النظام الاقليمي في الشرق الاوسط بعد احداث 11 ايلول 2001 == United States Security Policy Toward The Regional Order In The Middle East After The Events Of September 11, 2001

Author name: ظفر عبد مطر التميمي
Supervisor name: سمير جسام راضي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: تعد السياسة الامريكية الخارجية بجانبها السياسي الامني من اهم المفردات التي تشكل احدى ادوات محور البناء والتغيير في منطقة الشرق الاوسط الموسع، وما يليها من مناطق مجاورة ، وذلك بعد انتهاء مرحلة الحرب الباردة، وتغير مراكز القوة العالمية، خاصة مع تصاعد مفاهيم مثل النظام الاقليمي، والاقليمية الجديدة، والامن الاقليمي والتي قد تبرز لتحل محل التعددية القطبية العالمية او على الاقل ستغير من مفهوم الهيمنة الامريكية على النظام العالمي الجديد. ولان القرن الحادي والعشرين بدا امريكيا بامتياز، فان الادارة الامريكية تحاول جاهدة فرض الصبغة الامريكية على هذا القرن حتى نهايته، او على الاقل حتى بداية ضعف الدولة الامريكية. ان منطقة الشرق الاوسط الموسع تمثل حالة من الوفرة في الموارد الطبيعية والديموغرافية فمن المؤكد انها ستمثل حالة من الوفرة ايضا في الخطط الامريكية التي ستؤدي الى تغيير المنطقة وفقا لتطلعات الادارة الامريكية وحلفائها، وبذلك تتناسب منطقة الشرق الاوسط الموسع مع التناغم الحاصل بين فوضى التغيير والنظام الاقليمي الجديد، والتي تمثل افضل السبل لجعل هذه المنطقة المشتعلة دوما باتون الحروب والصراعات اكثر ميلا نحو الاستقرار والسكينة وان تكلف ذلك مددا زمنية ليست بالقليلة او الهينة. وبالتالي فالادارة الامريكية امامها فرصة كبيرة في اعادة خلق المنطقة على وفق تخطيط استراتيجي اداري ناجح يتسم بصيغة المشاركة مع دول منطقة الشرق الاوسط الموسع والسماح بخلق محاور اقليمية جديدة تعتمد على تطوير نظامها الامني وربطه بالسياسة الامنية الامريكية والتي تفسح المجال امام القوة الذكية الامريكية لتؤسس مدارس فكرية جديدة غير بعيدة عن التوجه العسكري الامريكي ولا قريبة من التنازلات الخطيرة التي قد تغير من موازين القوى العالمية . | The American foreign policy is marked with political security one of the most important items that constitute one of the tools of axis construction and change in the broader Middle East, and its next neighboring regions, after the end of the Cold War era, and change centres of global power, especially with the escalation of concepts such as regional system, regional new, and regional security that may emerge to replace the multi - polar world, or at least will change the concept of American hegemony on the new world order , because the twenty - first century the start of U.S. par excellence, the U.S. administration is trying hard to impose American character to the end of this century, or at least until the beginning of the weakness of the American state.The broader Middle East region represents a state of abundance in natural resources, demographic. It certainly will be a case of abundance also in U.S. plans that will lead to change the region in accordance with the aspirations of the U.S. administration and its allies, and thus fit the broader of the Middle East with harmony happening between chaos of change and new regional order, which represents the best way to make this region a flaming always patron wars and conflicts are more inclined towards stability and tranquility and cost periods of time is not uncommon or soft. Thus American administration before a great opportunity to re - create the region according to a strategic planning successful management characterized format engagement with the countries of the Broader Middle East and allow the creation of regional hubs new depends on the development of its security system and link security policy of America, which gave way to smart power American establish schools of thought new non - far from the U.S. military approach does not close serious concessions that may change the global balance of power .

معوقات التنمية الشاملة فـي عـراق ما بعد التغيير السـياسي : دراسة في اثر عدم الاستقرار السياسي

Author name: جواد كاظم كطان الشمري
Supervisor name: صالح عباس الطائي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: Development in Iraq were problematic for the President of the successive regimes in spite of the differing motives and justifications have adopted a system in which to proceed, under the former regime was one of development solutions for the political legitimacy required to continue in power, and this is a natural fact that the Development Gateway always explains that contribute in giving some of the legitimate authority in the event it was not in accordance with the generally accepted elements of legitimacy and the most important of which voters choose voluntarily to the ruling authority, for this reason that the former regime began to implement major development during the Sbiniat of the last century is the first decade of the years of his reign, however, that poor Management Authority and the absence of democratic choice and the transformation of the ruling establishment to the individual institution has led to a decline in levels of development, after this process has gradually ceased during the years of the Iraq war - Iran and the subsequent drop in the continuation of the performance of the Iraqi economy by international sanctions imposed by the end of 1990 to show This decline in levels of development through a number of indicators including : deterioration of the Iraqi dinar, a decline in the average annual per capita income and therefore a sharp decline in the gross national product of the state, a gradual increase in the rates of unemployment and the high proportion of the total and starved of manpower, all of which had a bitter reflections indicators of human development, which is a component of overall development, as has the proportion who are literate (Literacy) and a decrease in the average life expectancy and this is what the Twcrh periodic reports of the United Nations and in particular its development program. With the political change that took place in 2003 an international resolution entered a critical juncture of development and perhaps even worse than previous years, if the former regime had been used based on the economic development of the oil wealth to solve the problems of input legitimacy, it is lost under the new system was of course the question of legitimacy with the adoption option the political process as a means of managing power in the country reduced to the question of development in the context of the provision of public services did not take place in this new political climate as a priority after Zahmtha other issues dominated the scene, despite the stated intentions of both the U.S. administration, which came to rule Iraq for about year or by the successive governments have been promising the reconstruction of Iraq and bring about comprehensive development in accordance with an international program along the lines of historical precedents of the heritage inspired by Japanese and German experiences, however, that the events that followed the political change and the reality of this project was postponed because of the continued deterioration of the situation of security and the rise of political conflicts potential between the parties to the political process and turned out to be a sectarian tensions so that the issue of development is not included in the government program, or it turned out to be just one small service delivery policies of local councils, in the sense that the latest development as planned according to a certain extent of time for a change in the social and economic realities as one of the central policies of the State Supreme ignored for the benefit of priority of security that drained a large part of the state budget in previous years remained in the funds allocated for development in the budget is weak and did not meet the real needs. It was the lack of political stability in Iraq is not in the greatest impact of causing FP stop the development process but also the decline of instability Fmkrjat, which were represented in the absence of consensus on government policy and the transformation of the sectarian tension to a civil war which lasted more than a year led to the spread of administrative corruption in state institutions because of poor oversight and accountability mechanisms result concerns the problem of security, which has become the obsession of both the state and the citizen, which in turn has led to disruption of the majority of reconstruction projects, as well as the flight of national capital to markets abroad in search of a more secure, without forgetting that Iraq's transition to a sustainable environment for the violence to make of foreign investment, both in its direct or indirect is not contained at all. On this basis, the security requirement is most urgent is the need for (for the citizen - the voter) and the legitimacy of the government is subject to its ability to provide a more secure environment which reveals a change in political behavior is the re - ordering of priorities in the collective mind on the basis of the prevailing circumstances so that it is to live in completion of a more secure environment proves the legitimacy of authority, and perhaps this new hierarchy of priorities in the collective mind has provided more space for corruption to become the administrative status of the membership of the inherent structure of the Iraqi state, have contributed significantly to the failure of development plans, on the basis of the fact that the conditions are intended to set priorities , development will become a political demand of voters where there is a safe environment so as to become synonymous with the legitimacy of their authority in the implementation of this requirement.

الحكم العالمي في دراسة العلاقات الدولية بعد الحرب الباردة == Global Governance In The Study Of International Relations Post Cold War Era

Author name: اياد هلال حسين الكنانـي
Supervisor name: قاسم محمد عبد علي الدليمي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: For a long time, governance was a syndrome of state sovereignty; the authority of governing all aspects of life in the frame of its regional existence. Its continuous pursue is that all remains under full control, in addition to its refusal to any foreign interference. Therefore the concept of a sovereign nation - state stood as an obstacle facing the process of dividing the authority of the state or even thinking of adopting any role opposite to that of its own. At the same time reality proves that no local or international tools have been developed in order to limit or hinder the power or authority of the nation - state. In that light there hasn't been a significant differentiation between the terms government and governance in the context of social sciences; governance never reached beyond the action of governmental institutions in a certain state. Both terms have been interchangeably used in their meaning and indication when dealing within the frame of nation state authority. This comprehension reflected on the subject of governance in international relations; studies appeared to attenuate centralized governance on international relations in order to reach peace, justice, no war, and organizing international affairs in the same manner of exercising them from inside the state; a vision that ultimately led to suggesting ideal theorists the concept of global governance in its different features.As globalization grows, it becomes more difficult for a state to exercise unlimited domination or produce an absolute social module that could be followed and scrutinized in an authoritarian way on its own and or territory. This kind of control has become totally unpractical. No matter how many institutions a state could build or laws it can legislate, it still remains short of imposing full control on its own lands. This crisis that hit the sovereign country accompanied the reality of governance sharing by other states. These out comers take part in setting standards and building basics and sometimes they might compete and triumph over the mother state itself. What was said represents the local level, and when speaking on the global level, globalization induced other forms of governance and authorities in the field of world policy, including the horizontal and vertical interactions ; sub state, supra state , and trans state, also including organizational initiatives presented by market institutions and the campaigns held by the international social movements. There is a focus on breaking the limits of a single state and heading towards a globalized governance system because of the narrow angle that conventional itself in when compared to a globalized system that enjoys trans - border reactions and exchange that seem to need more than a state's regulations to be controlled. At the same time many issues and problems came to surface that require international intervention. Awareness has also been raised concerning global threats that demand international action. Therefore the dominance of the nation state is gradually transforming towards to (post - national sovereignty) since it is losing its capacity to withhold its public affairs on both the local and international level. In addition to different sides emerging and taking a vital role in what was strictly in the hands of the nation - state alone. Representatives of nation - states today are obliged to be partners when exercising authority, with international organizations, multinational corps, and trans - national political and social organizations or movements in addition that those sides have a rising role in crystallizing interior affairs. This picture led to the demise of the main sign of conventional sovereignty in the past : borders and territory capture. In the light of what was mentioned above, researchers in the field of international relations, especially after the cold war, started the pursue to define modules other than that of a nation - state, as an alternative system. They developed their ideas and theories concerning global governance, and considering it the new analytical concept that describes world politics and power being spread and divided upon global level. Moreover, some researchers considered this a theoretical alternative for international relations perspectives.From this point, it becomes clear, why research in global governance is such an important issue. Since it is the theoretical alternative that could explain the breaking of states' power and how it spreads along different levels. Instead of the conviction that the nation - state reached its end socially and politically, and the retreat of its power, and the opinions that support the transformation of the state's powers and their direction towards a unified hierarchical structure (world government), theorists found a middle position between the chaotic demise of the nation - state and the central grip of the global government, by being more realistic and to the ground. They headed towards the global system that depends on different participating sides in managing state affairs. In addition to the importance of studying global governance by presenting explanations that apply to the global changes. Conventional analysis proved to be short from interpreting those changes in a realistic manner.

الاصلاحات الدستورية في الدول العربية (1991 - 2007) == CONSTITUTIONAL REFORMATIONS IN ARAB STATES (1991 - 2007)

Author name: حازم صباح احميد
Supervisor name: مها عبد اللطيف حسن الحديثي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: بدات الدعوة الى الاصلاحات الدستورية في الدول العربية منذ التغييرات الكبرى التي حدثت في العالم، خاصة في العقد الاخير من القرن العشرين بعد تفكك الاتحاد السوفيتي والكتلة الاشتراكية، وانهيار نظام القطبية الثنائية بانفراد الولايات المتحدة الامريكية في الساحة الدولية وطرح ما يسمى بالنظام الدولي الجديد، هذه الهيمنة السياسية والاقتصادية دفعت الى تصاعد الدعوات الى الاصلاح الدستوري ضمن اطار شعارات الديمقراطية وحقوق الانسان، وبناء مؤسسات المجتمع المدني وازدادت هذه الدعوات بشكل كبير بعد احداث 11 ايلول 2001 . وفي هذا السياق فقد مثل الاصلاح الدستوري في الدول العربية نوع من الاشكالية من خلال التناقض بين ما هو وطني وما هو عالمي، اذ ان الترابط ما بين مطلب الاصلاح وبين مطلب وضع الدستور وتعديله، هو ترابط تاريخي له ضرورات واقعية، فمن ناحية لا يمكن ضمان واستمرار واستقرار عملية الاصلاح بغير دستور يحميها، ولكن ليس الدستور فقط هو الضامن لعملية الاصلاح، اذ ان الدستور مهما كان صريحا واضحا، الا انه لا يمكن ان يضمن عملية الاصلاح الا اذا توافرت الارادة السياسية للنظام السياسي على البدء فيه او الاستمرار في دعمه وتطويره، فالاصلاح الدستوري هدفه احداث تغييرات ملموسة في بعض او جميع نصوص الدستور تقود في النهاية الى الاصلاح الشامل، اذ لا يمكن ان يتحقق اي اصلاح بدون اصلاح للدستور، ويتم ذلك من خلال وجود دستور يحدد العلاقة بين الحاكم والمحكوم وكيفية تشكيل السلطات العامة، وما مدى صلاحية هذه السلطات وما هي العلاقة بين كل سلطة واخرى، وان يكون هناك نص واضح يبين الحقوق والحريات العامة للمواطنين، واذا كان هناك دستور تجاوزه الواقع، فلا بد ان يتم اصلاح ذلك الدستور لينسجم مع الواقع القائم. وهنا يطرح الاصلاح الدستوري بهدف اصلاح القواعد الدستورية التي تشير عن سيطرة سلطة ما على بقية السلطات، او انتهاك حقوق المواطنين وحرياتهم، او تكريس نظام حكم معين. اما الاليات العملية لاصلاح الدستور فتنص عليها قواعد الدستور، وهي تختلف صعوبة او سهولة بحسب مرونة الدستور او جموده. كذلك فان الدستور هو انعكاس للظروف التي تعيشها الدولة، وعليه فلابد من تعديل نصوصه بما يتماشى مع تلك الظروف، والا حدث انفصام بين النص والواقع. اذ ان كثيرا من الدول العربية تخشى من اثارة فكرة اصلاح الدساتير رغبة في تحقيق وحماية الاستقرار، كما لو كان الاصلاح مهددا او معرقلا للاستقرار، وكيف ان الاصلاح قد يكون مطلوبا من اجل الاستقرار، وان عدم القيام بالاصلاحات الدستورية، او مقاومة متطلبات الاصلاح كثيرا ما كان من اسباب تهديد الاستقرار، وبذلك فقد اصبح الاصلاح الدستوري في الدول العربية هدفا ضاغطا وتحول شيئا فشيئا مع انكشاف ضعف الانظمة الحاكمة في الدول العربية وعجزها عن موازنة الضغوط الخارجية والداخلية، من خلال طرح اشكالية جديدة تتعلق بالعلاقة بين دور الداخل ودور الخارج في تحقيق الاصلاح الدستوري وضمان تقدمه ونجاحه.اهمية الدراسة : يعد الدستور اعلى مؤسسة قانونية في المجتمع، حيث يتضمن قواعد العمل السياسي المشترك ما بين كل قوى المجتمع للانطلاق منها وعبرها الى البرامج المختلفة لتلك القوى في داخل المجتمع عند الوصول الى السلطة، لذلك جاءت اهمية الدستور السياسة في الزام والتزام من في السلطة بتلك القواعد عند الممارسة السياسية. ان اجراء الاصلاحات الدستورية يقود الى ضرورة قبول كل قوى المجتمع بها، والزام الحكام بتطبيقها من خلال اولا الاتفاق على تحديد مجالاتها وثانيا السعي الى تطبيقها لمواكبة التحولات على الصعيدين الداخلي والخارجي.هدف الدراسة : تهدف الدراسة الى تتبع عملية الاصلاح الدستوري في الدول العربية منذ عام1991 - 2007، والمجالات الاكثر حضورا في تلك العملية. اضافة للبحث في مشاريع الاصلاح غير المنجزة ومجالاتها، ومعرفة التاثير السياسي والاقتصادي والاجتماعي لتلك الاصلاحات ومعرفة دوافعها الداخلية ومحدداتها الخارجية.فرضية الدراسة : تقوم الدراسة من اجل بلوغ اهدافها على فرضية اساسية مفادها : ان الاصلاحات الدستورية هي حاجة ملحة لمواكبة التحولات الاجتماعية والاقتصادية والسياسية في اي دولة، وقد تبنت الدول العربية مجموعة اصلاحات دستورية منذ عام1991 الى عام2007، الا ان هذه الاصلاحات ركزت بالدرجة الاولى على متطلبات المجتمع الدولي من جهة ومنح الحكام صلاحيات اوسع من اجل ضمان البقاء في السلطة اطول فترة ممكنة. ومن اجل اثبات ما جاءت به الفرضية، كان لابد من الاجابة عن التساؤلات التالية : 1 - ما هي خصائص الدساتير التي يمكن اجراء الاصلاح عليها؟2 - ما هي التحولات الاجتماعية والاقتصادية والسياسية التي تفرض عملية الاصلاح؟3 - هل للعوامل الخارجية اثر في توجهات الاصلاح الدستوري في الدول العربية؟4 - ما هو دور السلطات الحاكمة في تحديد مجالات الاصلاح الدستوري سواء على الصعيد الاجتماعي - الاقتصادي - السياسي؟5 - هل كان لمطالب المعارضة السياسية دور فاعل في عملية الاصلاح ومجالاته؟6 - هل افرزت هذه الاصلاحات عن نتائج ايجابية، ام بقيت غير مفعلة مبتعدة عن الواقع الاجتماعي - الاقتصادي - السياسي؟ منهجية الدراسة : ان المنهج هو الطريق الذي يودي الى الكشف عن حقيقة معينة، ويكون ذلك عن طريق مجموعة من القواعد والوسائل التي يتبعها الباحث للوصول الى هذه الحقيقة، ولذلك اعتمدت الدراسة من اجل التحقق من صحة الفرضية التي تقوم على منهجين هما : منهج التحليل النظمي الذي يقوم على جمع المعلومات واعتماد المنهج المقارن.اشكالية الدراسة : تبعا لما تقدم ذكره فقد باتت اشكالية الدراسة واقعا عمليا بين السبب وتفاصيله من ناحية الاصول والصياغة اذ تتجسد في تساؤلات عدة تضمنت : - ما هي الفائدة التي عادت على الدول العربية مما يطلق عليه بالاصلاح الدستوري؟ - وهل ما تم من تغيير او تعديل على نصوص الدستور يعد اصلاحا دستوريا حقيقيا؟ - وما هي القوى السياسية التي دفعت باتجاه القيام بتلك الاصلاحات الدستورية؟هيكلية الدراسة : تقوم الدراسة على هيكلية تتكون من مقدمة واربعة فصول وخاتمة وهي كالاتي : - الفصل الاول خصص للاطار النظري والمفاهيمي اذ سيتناول الاصلاح ومجالاته، من خلال ثلاثة مباحث. - الفصل الثاني فقد خصص للبحث في نشات وخصائص الدساتير في الدول العربية، من خلال ثلاثة مباحث . - الفصل الثالث فقد تناول دوافع الاصلاح الدستوري في الدول العربية من خلال مبحثين. - الفصل الرابع تناول الاصلاحات الدستورية ومشاريعها المستقبلية، من خلال مبحثين . | The interest of this study stand on the main changes that happened in the world, exclusively after the soviet union decline and socialist block, and the USA as a unipolar international system. The new world order pushed the states to take the constitutional reformation as one of the main issues, this issue developed after the 11 Sep. events and what were Arab States accused for it. The Constitutional reformation in Arab states occur between what's was democracy and what was nationally. And there was relationship between any reformation and the political will. Many of Arab states afraid to provoke the idea of constitution reformation in order to achieve and protect their stable. Because the Arab political regime saw that any constitutional reformation may threat their presence. Moreover the reformations goals in these states discovered it's weakened. Here, set some questions are : - What are the benefits that belong to Arab states from the constitutional reformation? - is what change to constitution considered as a really constitutional reformation? Study structure includes four units abstract and conclusion as below : - Unit one : aspects and theoretical frame in three chapters, the first : the aspects of reformation, second : reformation sides and its similarity aspects, third chapter : the constitutional reformation and its similarity aspects. - Unit two : the born and characterize of conditions in three chapters, first chapter : the beginning of constitutions born, second : the method of Arab constitutions, third chapter : the Arab states constitutions characteristics. - Unit three : the constitutional reformation in Arab states into two chapters, the first chapter : the legal, political, social and economic internal motivation, The second : political and economic external motivation of constitutional reformation. - Unit four : the constitutional reformation and its future protect into four chapter, first chapter : the political side, the second chapter : the social sides, human rights and public liberty, third chapter : economic sides and the last chapter : the main conditional reformation projects. Ended with abstract, conclusion and recommendations.Study conclusion : 1 - The Arab political regime has not the devise and will enough to act the constitutional reformations because they thought that and reformations threat their presence.2 - The importance of the Arab states constitutional reformation is very necessary because of threats and challenges that occur around them.3 - The constitutional reformations in many Arab states come from the political leadership alone and represented the decision maker vision in every change, after and remove constitutional provisions.4 - Major of constitutional reformation in Arab states occurs with isolation to their people and it seeks to control the power in one side without any participation in their life.5 - It's needed judicial and legislature reformations without any political obstacles that stop it like curfew.

السياسات الصناعية والمزايا التنافسية في ظل المتغيرات الدولية : دراسة حالة الصناعات التحويلية العربية == Industrial Policies And Competitive Privileges with International changes - Studying the State of Arabic Manufacturing Industries

Author name: ثائر محمود رشيد العاني
Supervisor name: وصال نجيب عارف العزاوي | عبد علي كاظم المعموري
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: ost of the countries in the world including the growing ones have carries out general repetition to their economical policies especially (industrial Policy) in order to be ready for facing any changes taking place and to be ready for 21st century just as looking for a place in international economic that its main sources distributed between liberation of international trade and probing deeply in details of excellent techniques.For this reason the computational abilities formed basic necessity for the state as well as for single producer and became train which drawing all other changes with it.The growing countries have realized these facts lately so they tried to improve their economic by depending on supposed forms of patterns that are published by international institutions (IMF, IBRD) in order to maintain or change the form of economic.The industrial sector did not be far from these changes but it was the important element of them especially that the policies of specialization amid it directly in order to reduce the support to this sector (Whether it includes goods for special or general benefit).And here the philosophy of change lies which means reducing the shortage in general budget of the state and prepare it to pay tits payable debts.We must refer here to the influence of (WTO) which affects all economic sectors including industrial one so that the liberation of international trade will dispose industrial goods in all countries to difficult challenges.The industrial policies used in Arabic countries led to emphasizes the deficion in form of their changing industries which made them lose the opportunity to support their competition abilities in order to face change that happened in international economic.This study depends on the program of research deals with general to special according to its point of view that all national (Local) and international environment play an important role in trace changing industry in addition to that it depends on description methods to analyze economical changes.The study has been divided to four sections, the first one included the main international changes that characterized last century such as establishment of many economical collections and organizing new agreements for international trade.The second section deals with economical policies and competitive ability international trace.Part of this study presents analyzing for the effects of industrial laws within the organization of international trade and possible profits which will given by general agreement of growing countries.This third section deals with challenges of international environment that faces Arabic industries and formal problems which they are suffer from as a result of general policies and changeable role of state. It deals also with what consider as a chances for region to improve the industrial sector.And work hardly to draw some important characters for industrial strategy to Arabic countries in order to support Arabic industrial abilities.
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