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سياسات التكتلات الاقتصادية الدولية والاداء الاقتصادي العربي : دراسة مستقبلية == The policies of international economic blocs and Arab Economic performance (future study

Author name: سعد عبيد علوان السعيدي
Supervisor name: عماد عبد اللطيف سالم | مازن الرمضاني
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The economic blocs phenomenon is a relatively modern phenomenon, as wells its recognized for continuous change from its shape. contain mechanism and means from time to another in accoreling to economic objective requirement from one hand and, strategic and political objectives from other hand. the half part of the twentieth century was wide field to grow different economic coalitions stand on the bias of the minimum level of requirement to establish union economic market between group of states in established free economic area, them followed by consolidate and coalition steps, in number of regions in the world. so we become facing number of different economic coalition for coalition and feature degree also the contrast shape. in according to units different that consist of it, and as a result of that, there is contrast in efficiency and influence degree internal and external. there are economic blocs basing on special region.(south east Asia) the other basing on connect between more then one continent .there are blocs established between states companies and economic blocs are Deeping and due to affection or super fkial.so its not effected and effect by negative secretion of the other economic blocs during to diffent behaviors group. that followed by economic blocs including especially field. so as political military, social and cultural fields. these political are practice two main roles. the first one is protection role to protect the bloc from negative effection that muse up inside and outside the bloc. and the other one is aggressive enable the bloc to effected on other and to improve its global place. in according as this stady.the Arab home will be effect by global economic political by protection and aggressive role. the Arab states are not success in setup of special economic bloc till now. the present events and future indicators (in middle range).are not indicate to probable setup to that bloc in true shape although the work it was spent in achievement to that aim.so.the middle future in according to the results of this study it will increase in global economic blocs procedure whether in its growth or especially in unity or efficiency degree. therefore the Arab home will be more facing to negative effective in polices results of global economic blocs. these are more unity and efficiency in international level. the result of the present economic and future indicators are refer to the Arabic economic performance will be negative effective by great global polices of economic blocs inside of the most expected future scripts to the global and Arabic. economic environment except than the Arabic economic blocs of formation scene but that scene is not certain. well see great threat to Arabic economic security and great dedine for Arabic competiting abilities in facing of global competition abilities and great disequilibrium in the most of assented sectors of the Arabic economic All of these will by find in assumptions that the study reaches to it in according to the growth of the global economic blocs from one hand and the future of the growth of Arabic economic blocs. In according to the probable events of future scene in related to global economic that mean the polores,institution and blocs which contain of Arabic economic from other hand.

مكانة ايران الاقليمية في الاستراتيجية الامريكية بعد عام 2003 == Iran's Regional Status in the U.S Strategy After 2003

Author name: احمد عبد الكاظم موسى
Supervisor name: محمد كريم كاظم
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

ازمة الاقتصاد الامريكي وانعكاساتها على الاقتصاد العالمي : حالة بلدان الجنوب == The Crisis of the American Economy and Its Reflections Upon the International Economy (The Condition of Southern Countries)

Author name: وسن احسان عبد المنعم العزاوي
Supervisor name: سرمد زكي الجادر | عبد علي كاظم المعمور
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The course of development and progress, which the United States historically enjoyed, has made it emerge as a representative of power and authority in a way that it has not been matched by the greatest empires since the late 19th century. This is basically because of its profound economy that is based upon consistently scientific and technological developments, which has lead it stand for a luxurious economy, and consequently has pushed it to grow its military power and industry.Eventually, US now enjoys the privilege of being the only super power in the world. This last state by itself means the necessity of maintaining a war economy. This first decade of our millennium is witnessing the US as the sole supreme power in the world both military and technologically, especially after the collapse of the Soviet Union, so that it has become a surpassing example.Yet historically speaking, the US as an example has not been void of symptoms of weakness or crises that the American Economy has undergone. These have been the same economic problems that are manifested in any capitalist system and are peculiar to it the extent that this system has typically been identified with them. This is because the capitalist system is subject to the law of periodical development that transforms economy from the state of boom to a state of bust through crisis, then recycles the same course all over again, together with its bond with a group of renewals that have changed the organic structure of the capital as well as the production relationships with all the economic courses whether they were short, middle, or long - term. Economists proved that these courses were disorganized or interrupted and fragmentary by their nature, the thing which they called " inconstant monotony ". These are five economic courses starting with the wave of textile, machinery and ships; second, the wave of railways; next the development of cast iron production; then, the course of electricity, automobiles, and chemistry; finally the course of speedy armament, the importance of oil up to now, a long with the third scientific revolution based upon the course of knowledge and information technology.All these phases with their developments have led to transforming the nature of economic crises from crises sprung from excess in production to structural crises since 1970s up to day. The structural crises in the capitalist system is an international one including the whole capitalist world marked by reduction in the rates of industrial production growth, and weakness and break down in the conventional branches of heavy industry with a states of unbalance in the world trade and payments, with an inclination to excessive speculations.In order to exhaust the developing countries with such crises as unemployment, indebtedness, fund; in addition to severe financial crises. The American Economy's problem started post World War II. The questions, then, was how to maintain its high - standard growth, and how to lead the capitalist system and its expansions after it came out of the war with a potential economic power. In fact, this was particularly true when it observed in the horizon such problems like weakness in the rates of capital accumulation, merchandizing (demand), with deterioration in profit rates. By 1970s, the relative weight of US retreated by reason of the increase in merger among capitalist economies, and by the growth of world trade, international credits, direct external investments, together with the emergence of Europe and Japan as forces that had the aspects of economic ascent and competition against US.Therefore the American Economy witnessed economic unstableness started with the crises between the world fund and the US dollar, a long with the increase in the American benefit rates, the international financial crises, the crises of the American industry and the subsequent deficit in the balance sheet of US, which Regan's administration failed to solve. Rather, its utmost aspiration was to delay the deficit's growth, or at least to keep it at an annual rate of $ 140 billion.Despite the economic boom of 1990s, it was by no means due to the competitive factors of the Americans goods, nor were they due to the entirely successful economic policies or their convenience, but the essential reason was that the capitals' flow to US on a large scale ( from $ 88 billion in 1990 to $ 865 billion in 2001), and the increase of direct foreign investments, which by 1999 reached about $ 1087 billion with a raise in the American Stock purchases that attained its utmost peak in 2000 by foreign investors $192.7 billion, while the value of stock shares was $292.9 billion for the same year. Still, this does not mean that there were no instabilities or economic crises. These were because the decline of the revenue on investment as a result of unexpected decline in the profitability may lead to a keen negative correction in the American Stock market. In addition, the decline in the value of assets is in the turn bound to continues falling in the economy. Moreover, indebtedness increased for a decade till it reached $5.5 trillion.The debtors, in effect, found it hard to pay their debts, the thing which eventually caused deterioration of bank holdings and disappearance of every tendency for financing new companies. The deficit in the balance of trade also increased from $131 billion in 1993 to $257 billion in 1997 and further to $275 billion in 1999. as for the deficit in the current account, it increased from $ 70 billion in 1993 to $105 in 1999. all these led the competitive capacity of the American Goods to deteriorate in many fields. The issue pushed US to force many countries to open their markets for American Goods, whether through World Trade Organization (WTO) or by the inclusive trade law of US particularly as per article 301, which considers a country indebted if it does not open its markets for the foreign goods, services, and investments.Social crises, such as a wide spread of drugs, development of armed conflicts between the federal authorities and the armed groups, too, caused negative impacts upon the American Society, these became incurable social dilemmas in the lights of the economic - social situation's chastity in the American Society. Both American companies' crises and events of September 11 1 had their influence not only on the American Economy, but it extended to include all the economies of the world; on a larger scale, it covered almost all the manifestations of the economic life (international trade, US dollar's value against other major currencies, stock markets and bond business, investments, international economic organizations, oil, etc.). These two events also had political, military and social trails and dimensions - they influenced them in all the countries of the world, whether advanced capitalist countries or even the newly born ones, and including of course, the advanced developing countries, and finally the developing ones such as the states of our Arab Region.In the view of all this, future remains bound to meeting a certain provision, which it could be possible to count on. The possible scenes of the American Economy's crises is highly related to the present events; having into consideration the foreign changes that can with hold or enhance the referred phenomena. Accordingly, the present study specifies three possible, provisional scenes : continuity, singularity, by the access to the 21st century there were two serious developments in the American Economy horizontally so that they caused an economic reluctance in a rather unexpectedly fast manner.1.The first one was represented by a decline in the investment expenditure on information technology coincided by its increase in some other sectors with instabilities in the companies budgets.2.The second one was manifested by an acute retreat in the consumer's confidence that led to the reluctance in consumption expenditure.In the lights of these economic conditions which the American Economy has been undergoing, the huge explosions that hit World Trade Center and Pentagon in September 11th, 2001, had a very bad impact on this economy including such sectors as aviation, tourism, and insurance. They also affected the American Financial system and its major sectors such as : liquidity, insurance, stock markets and bond business. They also influenced the American Foreign policy and the national security that subsequently led to full targeting of terror in the world, and hence allocating the required human and material resources for it and breakdown. Each has its role in the possibility of that scene to take place according to its variations, its enhancing aspects, or the improbability of its occurrence by its with holding reasons. Also its advisable to observe that the US is still representing the only super power in the World and this states quo is conditioned by its economic, military, and political superiority. That can keep, develop and maintain it at least for the first half of the 21st century.

العلاقة بين التمويل الدولي ومستقبل التنمية في العراق : دراسة تحليلية

Author name: مهند حميد مجيد الربيعي
Supervisor name: احمد الحمداني | عماد عبد اللطيف
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The International financial becomes one of the important variables in the international field, which achieved especially when revealed its positive role with the economic improvement process in developing countries, according to that booming of international economic institution. Despite of dearness varies in the distribution of International financial flows between the developing countries, these countries applied the condition of international economic institutions (IMF, International Bank, WTO) which it imposed on the states and it applied the capitalistic system as it ideology, philosophy, and as a manner to attract the international flows inter to it’s markets and increase the volume which flow in it. In Iraq, there are urgent needs, during the new conditions, for economical rearrangements. In present, there is no longer, says about independent development, self dependency, be logic any more.Even there is abundance of natural resources (which is one of the vital reasons in the international finance flow); it doesn’t mean that there is no requirement for the international society support (through releasing of finance flow), especially in the new world, which has very complex economical relationships. Therefore, any economical rehabilitation, that curried out in Iraq’s economical structure, towards the market system transformation, are reasonable and quit logic, according to this country needs and also for international economical changes.Since Iraq’s economy has special characteristics and heritage, that adopt taking care of living conditions of their citizens, it is very difficult to approve direct transformation, which leads to take off these responsibilities. It’s obvious that any economical changes will be rejected and refused. So, gradual and sequential transformations will be necessary, in order to create general and social acceptance to these crucial changes and finally to obtaining good and positive results.

السياسة الخارجية الامريكية والمشرق العربي مابعد الحرب الباردة == The American Foreign Policy and The Eastern Arabian Countries : The period After The Cold War

Author name: مصطفى جاسم حسين
Supervisor name: فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: This dissertation is concerned with studying the foreign policy of the United States towards the Eastern Arab countries after the cold war. It consists five chapters with an introduction and a conclusion.The first chapter tackles the development of the American policy towards the Eastern Arab countries and its aims. It is obvious that it did not take a special feature only at the end of the second world war. From the end of 18th.century on , the American policy was concerned with some economic interests especially with oil and some other cultural and religious concerns like those made by some protestant missionaries in different Eastern Arab countries. After the second world war when there was a great need for oil, the region has captured the interest of the American decision maker gradually. In addition, the increasing of tension caused by the cold war was another reason that the region becomes of increasing value for the Americans. It is possible to say that the most important American aims in the region are economic and cultural in order to generalize the American type besides other strategic and security aims.The second chapter studies the important features effective in the American foreign policy towards the Eastern Arab countries. The deconstruction of the Soviet union appears to be the most distinguishable international feature that enables the United States to impose its policies on the region. With out having an opponent , the region suffers some kind of political submission in order to be re - formed. The Iraqi occupation of Kuwait in 2nd of August 1990 was among the most important regional features that helped in prevailing the American policy in the region more than ever. More over, this chapter concentrates on studying other regional factors " variables" that work to suppress the American policy in the region, like the Islamic extremism and spreading of the weapons of mass destruction and terrorism. It also studies the features that helped in the success of the American policy in the region like the strategic role played by Israel and the existing of non - democratic regimesThe third chapter discusses the units and the institutions responsible for the foreign political decision - making. It is divided into two sections. The first section studies the formal units represented by the president, the role played by both the ministry of defense and the state secretary, in addition to the CIA and the national security council and the congress in determining the American foreign policy. The second section is concerned with the non - formal institutions effective in foreign policy decision - making, like the political parties, the Zionist lobby, the economic - military factor, besides the important role played by the institutions of research and thought development" Think - Tanks".The fourth chapter tackles the American foreign political behavior towards the region. It is divided into five sections. The first studies the American foreign political behaviour towards Iraq. The second one specializes with studying the Arab - Israel conflict and the attitude of the United States towards the Palestinian Issue. The third section focuses on the American attitude towards Syria. The fourth one deals with the American behaviour towards the security of the Arab gulf states. The fifth section studies the American behaviour towards Egypt.The fifth chapter envisions the future of the American policy towards the Eastern Arab countries. It is divided into four sections. The first one studies the political scene. The second deals with the scene (scenario) of the continuing of the present American policy. The third section suggests the change of this policy in away that enables the Arab countries to move in a space larger than that found in the scene of the continuing of the same policy discussed in the previous section. The fourth one work to intermingle the two previous scenes.

المتغير الامريكي في سياسة تركيا حيال الاتحاد الاوروبي من 1993 - 2008 == American Variable in Turkey Policy Toward European Union From 1993 - 2008

Author name: محمـد ياس خضــير
Supervisor name: فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The Foreign Policy for any State had divided from an internal situation in order to formulating specific strategy to be dealing with another strategy on the international scene . Especially that unstable state internally made it unable to make and achieving foreign policy. In concerning with Turkey , we could consider it as prevailing state toward growth and development , because of it s capacity in exerting too much work to integrating with western world. So that since establishing a new state (Turkish Republic) in 1923 , it had been begun another an era by establisher of this state the president (Kamal Ataturk) for linking Turkey Completely with the western world , and cutting all thing which were being connecting with the secularism and Islamic past. After that , Turkey could Difficulty had been achieving kind of integration within region , especially after affimiliation in NATO Organization, in addition to that reaching all efforts to the hold an agreement which so - called (Ankara agreement) in 1963 , until inaugurating European Union in 1993 after signed Maastricht agreement. The aim of Turkey is to be member in an European union by inter within regional agglomeration. So that it became a part of several objectives in Turkish Foreign Policy. This Thesis has tried to tackle several questions methodologically, to reach into certain approach about what nature of Turkish Foreign Policy Toward European Union? and what is the impact of formal and informal institutions to make Turkey Policy toward European Union? what are motives of Turkish Policy against European Union? and what are obstacles of this Foreign Policy? In addition to that it answered about the an effect of American Variety in Turkish Foreign Policy toward European Union. This Study has divided into four parts. The First part is dealing the relations between turkey and European state during 1945 - 1993 , and knowing impulsive of these relations. In Second Part has tackled the Turkish role in America Strategy , then studying the perspective of Foreign Policy of Turkey to their relations with U.S.A. by partnership principle in the international Policy. Ether third chapter or part from this thesis has researching about the role of formal structures in making foreign policy of Turkey , and How to be application by all of that . Then exploring the effect of informal institutions within Turkey political system to formulate Foreign Policy toward European Union. The Fourth chapter has been dealing an impact of U.S.A. in Turkey Policy toward European Union by Knowing , The manner of Turkish Foreign Policy to be member inside European Union , In the Shadow of American Variety toward this Policy to limit the nature of motivations and obstructers for all of that within framework of American effect and handling the future of Turkish foreign Policy toward European Union by specific Three scenarios. At all end , We are making several conclusions which are being formed specific views about subject.

مكانة النفط في الاستراتيجية الامريكية للقرن الحادي والعشرين == Position of Oil in The American Strategy in Twenty - One Century

Author name: مالك دحام متعب الجميلي
Supervisor name: رفاه شهاب احمد الحمداني | عبد علي المعموري
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The study deals with the Oil variable in The American Strategy of the Twenty - One Century . It deals with the American strategic thought during the World War I and II, and channels of this thought and how this thought is turned in the era of neo conservatists for keeping the Capitalist System leading against the communist thought which led the Soviet Union .For Keeping The American United States as world ruling , it draws the basic features of world post - Cold War . It draws the Gulf War II the general features of American strategy represented by global ruling and Controlling upon the areas filled with oil after considers the certain truth whose basis is depletion of oil wells and for keeping its economic strategy , it follows states , blockading it , then weaking the structural frame for oil trade represented in OPEC organization and controlling over it via depending on some of states this organization .Without doubt , this movement has led to the appearance of rivalries for the American United States over oil areas 6 it goes in to American - Chanian rivalry , The American - Russian rivalry and Possibilities of developing this rivalry in to conflict between the important poles for controlling over oil wells .In the maltitude of these events , an important phenomena is appeared and it must be deat and taken in to consideration in this study which is the global financial crisis which effect noticeably on the capital global economics in particular .The American economy example has never been accepted after discovering deep negatives in this hard stage , in the one hand and motivates to search for anew system which over comes such negatives which may lead the global economics in to depression .As an example assures the importance of oil variables in the war and peace time , the importance of Iraqi oil in the American Strategy is studied and this variable is affected on determining the relations channels with Iraq whether occupation or destroying the infrastructure beginning with imposing oppressive rules on oil materials as an attempt to return the foreign companies for Controlling on oil production in terms of marketing and pricing and then the future of oil relation between Iraq and American United Nations

مكانة اليابان في النظام السياسي الدولي الواقع والمستقبل == Japan's stAtus in the international political system : Present and Future

Author name: علي رسول حسين المسعودي
Supervisor name: فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

مستقبل الامن الاقتصادي العربي في ضوء المتغيرات الاقليمية الراهنة == The Security Future of The Arab Economy in The Light of The Current Regional Variables

Author name: احمد باهض تقي الحميداوي
Supervisor name: سرمد زكي الجادر | عماد عبد اللطيف سالم
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: This study is among the studies which are concerned with the future .It discuss significant issue i.e. the Arab Economic Security, the methods of achieving it, and the problems that impede realizing it in our times. The difficulty of the study emanates from the difference in vision for the topic(National Security) in general and the economic security in particular among the Arab countries depending upon the political system prevailing there and its Arab,Regional,and international orientation.There are some Arab political systems that do not put among its priorities the process of building and achieving the Arab economic security while some non - Arab political systems do have orientations towards working within the national frame so as to achieve that goal. This study works from the premise that the deterioration of indicators expressing the influential variables of Arab economic security will pave the way towards the demolition of the Arab economic security under regional variables which do not work for the interest of consolidating that security,therefore the study aims at either proving or disproving that hypothesis. The study falls into six chapters. Chapter one is an introduction into the economic security through the theorization on some concepts. Chapter two discusses the political variables affecting the Arab economic security. Chapter three handles the economic variables affecting the Arab economic security.Chapter four is about is scientific variables influencing the Arab Economic Security Chapter five discusses the current regional variables(The Iraqi variable and the joint Arab economic cooperation) and their reflections on the Arab Economic Security Chapter six discusses the future visions which are likely to happen to the Arab Economic Security. The Dissertation concludes in an ending, conclusion and recommendations

الادراك الامريكي للعلاقات الاقتصادية مع دول مجلس التعاون الخليجي في ظل المتغيرات الاقليمية والدولية == THE AMERICAN PERCEPTION TO THE ECONOMIC RELATIONS WITH COUNCIL CO - OPERATION GULF COUNTRIES UNDER AND INTERNATIONAL THE REGIONAL VARIABLES

Author name: عبد الصمد سعدون عبد الله الشمري
Supervisor name: فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني | عماد عبد اللطيف السامرائي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The American Perception of the economic relations with the Arab Gulf Coopration Countries is at the essence of the American strategic thought, expressed as strategies and objectives towards the Arab Gulf area as a whole. Such relations, in turn, represent the American superior in such territory of the World. Further, various tools and justifications involved in these relations have been distinguished by security cover with in a wide American security strategy in the Arab Gulf from the mid - 1970 an beginning of the 1980. This issue was clearly stated in the political sequent speeches of the U.S Presidents at such period The present study aims to analyze, according to the systematic approach the structure of the aspects of the behavioral and dynamic variable of both the Gulf and American societies, as well. Some of such variables conduct as motivating and some are for the American realization towards these relations. Hence, to reach the implied concept for such realization. On the other hand , present study includes also aspects of the regional and international variables tackled in the Arab Gulf area which, these variables, are considered to be external impacts, pratising directly or in directly to fix the above realization inconformity with the American objectives or aims achieving the Imperial project in the middle east, taking the Arabian Gulf as a launching point. This is due to the fact that the Arabian Gulf is the wealthiest area in the world in the new millennium. For the above reasons, the U.S have under taken New inter national system formation from the beginning of the 1990s in line with the fall the Russian union in the end of the 1991.The New Inter national system is the neo - Liberal substitution to support the American trends in such anew project, enhanced by firstly the superior military technical of the U.S in the world, and secondly by guan teed all the political and economic efforts of both the U.S western and Gulf a llies for accomplishing the American aims and plans in this area of the world. From the events of September /2001 and beyond, the American imperial ambitions in the A rabian Gulf area have become more recognized, yet such period has correlated with has become to known as concept of terrorism which has been set according to the American view. Consequently, the U.S has guided the so called A nti - terrorism War,starting from A fghanston, along With the occupation of Iraq in 2oo3. In such war, the U.S has utilized the military power as the sole an ideal means to achieve the objectives set behand such a strategy for rest,ucturing the middle east in conformity with the American model . This new coure of the conducted by the U.S is an indication that it has become , the first super power which has become, in turn ,the leader of the world with in the New International system. But in contract ,violence and op - violence will be the main feature and the ongoing thretening of the furtural scane fasing the American project in the Arabian Gulf . Hence, the U.S has no more need for an international legislation for implementing its plans in such an area, since it relies highly on the American legislation to establish the economic realization on reality.

السياسة التركية تجاه سوريا بعد 2002 == Turkish policy toward Syria after 2002

Author name: عباس سعـدون رفعــت
Supervisor name: محمد كريم كاظم
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: he subject thesis deals with international politics issue and it is useful because it clarifies how to deal with foreign regional and international environment and how to arrange it to serve a state interest in general as far as in understudy interest to make use of its results in national issues. The subject of this thesis (Turkish policy toward Syria) is very important due to the several variables like Turkish and Syrian policies and their mutual effects on Iraq. Studying Turkish foreign policy toward Arabic region in general and Syria specifically clarifies its change from being stable then dropping Arabs and Syria as a choice before 2002 then act intensively with the issues of Arabs including Syria since 2002 while in 2011 Turkey left its neutrality and non - interference in internal Arabic issues as Arabic revolutions broke up and started interfering to express its existing power with points of view to what happening in its neighborhood. As the Syrian condition specially after 2011 regarded as a special case, studying the Turkish dealing with it is important because it gives us evidences about what Turkey plans for coming years depending on the development scale of its policies in the past years in general and toward Syria specially. The Turkish policy toward Syria as we clarify in this thesis, passed several stages of development as it started with a revolution and multi - contents struggles but it turned to stability after 1998 then started cooperation specially after 2004 till 2011 when it was turned hard down then the struggle indications begun between the two countries with strong clashes and high level interference. The conflict of this thesis is linked to the following question : Why the Turkish policy toward Syria figured in this way since 2002 and the answer of this question as it was shown in this thesis refers to the wide effect of Justice & Development Party on the Turkish policy that push Turkey to play its role in accomplishing changes in the Arabic and regional countries including Syria as a result of the international changes and pressure. In other meaning, Turkey designs its foreign policy in depending on two factors : The first one is related to its commitments with NATO and western relationships which is the main factor pressing on all circles of interests. As western countries represent the main circle of interest and all the roles of turkey are as a results of the NATO and west demands. The second factor is related to its power and historical reasons which were aroused toward Arab region in 1970s rationally when the western countries ignored Turkish interests in Cyprus and also because Turkey as an industrial country in need for energy, markets and capitals was influenced by Arabs oil ban and also because Arab region is encouraging to open chances to turkey. Within 1990s, several controversial issues appeared in Turkey - Arabs relationships generally and with Syria specifically like : - Water issue, Turkey has plenty of water resources with ambitious economic trends but also has problems with Kurds. So turkey used water to have several aims for instance to develop Kurdish areas to push them to leave politics to production and also used water in making peace in middle east to have central statue in the regional relations but that thing caused crises with Syria and Iraq because it lowered water level in the two countries. - Kurdish issue, Turkey does not admit about the Kurdish existence in turkey while it helps Iraqi Kurds by giving them facilities to world via Turkey that revealed the Turkish dual standards in dealing with Kurds problem for its cooperation with Kurds in other countries as a pressure method while all rights of Kurds in turkey are forbidden. Syria made use of that to gain benefits in its relationship with turkey from 1995 to 1998. - Border issue, Mosul and Iskenderun are the main problems. Turkey demands to take Mosul because it was not under the alien's occupation in the First World War in the time of signing peace agreement between fighting countries while Turkey kept its control over Iskenderun as a result of its agreement with France when turkey agreed to participate in the Second World War beside the aliens. From time to time, that subject is aroused and influences on the two countries relations. As a result of the two factors activity (west and Turkish trends) we found that turkey started to take part in Arab countries generally and toward Syria specifically after the demonstrations begun as it was related to internal factors interaction (related to the public desire to end political introversion) and also related to external factors ( the American desire to rearrange the political map in Arab countries in general through chaos and inner struggle in Arab societies). So, turkey involved in internal roles and its policy was implementing in accordance with west countries desires for example, Turkey threatens use military power to protect civilians but stop going further because the western countries do not like that. On the light of what presented before, the conclusions are : 1. Turkish policy is influenced by several internal, regional and international factors and the most important one is its links with west to do what they like turkey to do in its region as changes occurred after cold war.2. The Turkish policy toward Arabs is not stable for its link to the west because the economic reasons and (energy, water and Kurds) are pushing to make bilateral relations not confronting while we find out how turkey gives high importance to its relations with Israel (in spite of what happened in Lebanon in 2006, what happened in Gaza in 2008 and also the freedom fleet in 2010). In other meaning, the Turkish will is under the west control.3. The Turkish policy toward Syria moved from clash and difference before 2002 to cooperation after2004which refers to bilateral readiness of cooperation in spite of difference issues in Turkish - Arabs relations. Turkey is aware of the stress that Arabs can use against it just like Kurds issue. So if Arabs lack legitimate in govern, turkey did not decide yet the identity of state and the future of Kurds in turkey.4. The link between Justice & Development Party and Islam might produce some Turkish attitudes toward Arabs including Syria but the type of the Turkish interference in the Syrian event after 2011 showed that the Islamic factor is not active among Turkish government and its trends as strong as the link with the west. 5. Future suggests that turkey will have more interference in Arabs region issues because of its link to the west and also due to the continuous western efforts to push turkey to play roles in Arab countries that gave turkey significant statue after 2002, so turkey won’t sacrifices what gained as it inherits the Ottoman State and the regional change (the rise of Iran and also the rise of sectarianism in regional treatments for several reasons). None of that will make Turkey withdraw from interference in Arabs issues especially in the Syrian developments.Finally recommendations are : 1. Making importance to study all aspects of Turkish policy because it has developing trends, interests, issues to deal with and participating powers.2. Giving importance to studying all regional policies because studying Turkish policy toward Syria showed how regional implement its plans at the expense of other region states and people interests including Iraq. Therefore, it is important to make all that studies to help the Iraqi decision maker to take decisions and act in accordance with scientific and theoretic visions.3. Paying attention to the interconnectedness regional relations and interests. The Syrian crisis and its results presented that interconnectedness between regional countries in historical, geographical, political, ethnic and religion while ignoring that cause chaos in all countries.4. Making importance to study all the ways that lead to enhance Iraqi interest in regional relations as serving Iraq is the final aim of every thesis. Then making that studies deep to enable Iraq in accomplishing regional balance and achieve his interests in the region. What is related to this thesis we have to as a recommendation encourage building full regional security system to prevent some powers to possess alone the regional actions to fulfill its or another international interests.

سياسة الاتحاد الاوربي حيال المشرق العربي == Policy of the European Union Towards the Eastern Arabic Region

Author name: صباح صاحب العريض
Supervisor name: نادية عبد القادر المختار | فكرت نامق العاني
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: اشارت الكثير من الدراسات والاراء الى الفرص المتوافرة امام الاتحاد الاوربي للبروز ولاداء ادوار دولية مهمة كاحد ابرز القوى الدولية الصاعدة والتي لها حظوظ كبيرة في تبوء مركز دولي بارز يضعه في مجال الندية لقوى ودول كبرى اخرى، خاصة في ميدان التنافس الدولي على اقاليم العالم ودوله المهمة ذات الثقل الاستراتيجي الكبير والتي تتقدمها منطقة المشرق العربي، بما تمثله من كم هائل من الموارد المختلفة ومصادر الطاقة المتعددة، وعناصر الاستثمارات الدولية، بشكل خاص بعد بروز عدة متغيرات دولية منها نهاية الحرب الباردة وتفكك الاتحاد السوفيتي ومن ثم تشكل الاتحاد الاوربي بصيغته الحالية وتوسيعه المستمر اضافة الى المنافسة الامريكية المحمومة على النفوذ والهيمنة على هذه المنطقة والتي افرزت غزو العراق واطلاق مشروع (الشرق الاوسط الكبير)، مع ترافق كل ذلك وومتغيرات دولية اثرت في صيغ التفاعل الدولي واليات التفكير المرتبطة بها، وخاصة في المدة التي تلت الحادي عشر من ايلول (2001) وما سبقه من الترويج لفكرة العولمة والعمل على تعميم الفكر الراسمالي ليشمل كافة دول العالم على وفق اليات التوحيد الاقتصادي، وهذا منعكس تداعياته على اعادة بناء وتشكيل العلاقات الدولية بين دول العالم واقاليمه المتباينة، تلك التداعيات التي ساهمت في تعميق انقسام العالم بين شمال وجنوب، وصراع محتدم بين الحضارات التي تسعى الى رفض ومقاومة اطروحات ذلك الفكر الراسمالي المتسلط.وهذا كله ياتي في سياق جدل واسع يدور ـ خصوصا بعد تفكك النظام الدولي القديم ـ حول القوى التي تشكل النظام الدولي (الجديد)، والتي ترى كثير من الاراء الى ان الاوضاع الجديدة تتجه بالاتحاد الاوربي صعوده وزيادة دوره السياسي والاقتصادي وهذا بدوره سينعكس بشكل تلقائي على السياسة التي سيعتمدها الاتحاد الاوربي تجاه باقي دول العالم واقاليمه والتي تاتي منطقة المشرق العربي في المقدمة منها، وهذا ما سيؤدي ـ بالنتيجة ـ الى توافق مساحة لا باس بها امام بلدان هذه المنطقة لاستغلال التنافس الدولي الواقع في نطاقها، والافادة من التحالفات الدولية لخدمة قضاياها، خاصة مع تصاعد مستوى حرص الاتحاد الاوربي على ابقاء معظم مناطق (الشرق الاوسط) وشمال افريقيا ضمن دائرة النفوذ الاوربي المباشر.يشير البعد التاريخي لسياسية الاتحاد الاوربي حيال منطقة المشرق العربي الى عدد من النقاط الرئيسة تاتي في مقدمتها الرغبة الواضحة من قبل دول الاتحاد ـ وهو ما انعكس على مؤسساته ذاتها في السياق نفسه ـ في تفعيل الجوانب الاقتصادية المختلفة في تلك السياسة وتطويرها بالشكل الذي يحقق لها اكبر قدر من الفائدة، وبالمقابل تعمل على عدم الاغراق في البعد السياسي الا بالقدر الذي يتطلبه البعد الاقتصادي نفسه، او بقدر لا يزيد عليه، وقد استمرت تلك السياسة قائمة على هذه الرؤية لمدة من الزمن ولم تشهد تغيرا الا بعد تغيير الترتيبات الدولية على اثر تفكك الاتحاد السوفيتي، حيث حاول الاتحاد ـ كغيره من الفاعلين الدوليين ـ على زيادة حجم التواجد على الساحة المشرقية بسبب الاعتقاد الذي ساد في تلك المدة والذي مفاده توافر فرص اكبر بعد نهاية الحرب الباردة، وهامش اوسع من الحركة والذي كان محكوم سابقا بالمعادلة ذات الطرفين او القطبين، الا ان الواقع السياسي لمنطقة المشرق العربي لم يتحول على وفق هذا السيناريو بل تم وضعه في اطار سيناريو الفاعلية الامريكية واضحة التاثير والنفوذ فاصبح كغيره من اقاليم العالم الهامة يتحرك بشكل او باخر وفق سياقات معينة حاولت الادارة من تطبيقها على دوله، وهذا ما جعل الاتحاد الاوربي يدخل في زاوية حرجة واظهر في الوقت ذاته الدرجة غير المتكافئة ما بين الطرفين فيما يتعلق بمدى التاثير في مسارات المنطقة وسياساتها.لقد بدا واضحا من خلال فصول ومباحث الاطروحة ان السياسة الخارجية للاتحاد الاوربي الموجهة حيال منطقة المشرق العربي انما تعاني من عدة اشكالات تعوقها عن ابداء الفاعلية المطلوبة منها ازاء شؤون وقضايا المنطقة، ومن ابرز تلك الاشكالات سيادة السياسات الخارجية للدول الاعضاء في الاتحاد الاوربي وفي كثير من الاحيان على السياسات الموحدة له، وهو ما يعني اضافة الى بقاء فكرة تغليب المصلحة الذاتية لكل دولة عضو في الاتحاد، فانها تعني تعدد وجهات النظر بل واختلافها وتقاطعها في احيان اخرى تجاه المتغيرات الحاصلة في المنطقة المشرقية وهو ما يؤثر بالنتيجة في نجاح السياسة المشتركة، ومن هنا نستطيع ان نعلل عدم الحضور الفاعل والمؤثر للاتحاد الاوربي في الساحة الاقليمية وعدم التناسب في ما بين الحجم الاقتصادي الهائل والاخذ بالنمو له وما بين الدور السياسي ذي الاطر المحدودة والذي لا يرتقي الى ذلك الحجم الاقتصادي، خاصة وان الاتحاد يسعى من خلال اهتمامه بدول المنطقة الى حماية مصالحه الاستراتيجية وتعزيزها والمحافظة على الاستقرار والامن في الضفة الجنوبية للمتوسط التي تشكل امتدادا جغرافيا لحدود دوله المتوسطية، هذا فضلا عن ان البلدان في المشرق العربي تشكل سوقا واسعة واساسية لصادراته المختلفة، الامر الذي ادى بدوره الى جعل هذه المنطقة شديدة التعرض للضغط الاقتصادي الذي قد يستخدمه الاتحاد تجاهها وبالتالي فان اي مشروع يوضع من قبل الولايات المتحدة الامريكية لدول المنطقة، من دون ان يكون لاوربا دور فيه، هو بمنزلة خطر على مصالحها وامنها، وبخاصة في ظل التنافس الذي تشهده العلاقات الاقتصادية والسياسية بين دول الاتحاد الاوربي والولايات المتحدة الامريكية.ومن هنا، وفي ضوء جملة المعطيات السابقة، فانه يتوجب على الاتحاد الاوربي الذي يسعى الى تعزيز دوره السياسي في المنطقة، ادراك ان اي خطوة في اتجاه الامن المشترك في منطقة المشرق العربي وما يجاورها من الدول لا يمكن ان يتحقق الا بالتزامن مع حصول تقدم في العملية السلمية، وعليه، فان على الاتحاد ان يضطلع بمسؤولية اكبر في تسوية الصراع العربي ـ الصهيوني وحل القضية الفلسطينية، وان على سياسات الاتحاد عدم الاكتفاء بالدور الثاني الذي يكمل الدور الامريكي وان لا تقتصر المسؤولية الاوربية تجاه الصراع العربي ـ الصهيوني على المستوى المالي والاقتصادي فقط، بل ينبغي ان تمتد هذه المسؤولية لتشمل المستوى السياسي، كما يترتب على الاتحاد ان لا يكتفي بالطلب من الولايات المتحدة الامريكية ان تحدد له فصلا سياسيا معينا يضطلع بدوره من خلاله، بل يجب عليه ان يحدد هذا الدور بنفسه تماما، كما فعل سابقا ازاء بعض القضايا والمواضيع الهامة، كاعلان تاييد لقيام المؤسسات الفلسطينية مثلا، وعليه يمكن القول ان عدم تسوية الصراع العربي ـ الصهيوني، سوف يبقى يلقي بضلاله السلبية على السياسة الخارجية للاتحاد حيال دول المشرق العربي وعموم العلاقات العربية مع الاتحاد الاوربي.وان من المتوقع ان يشهد المستقبل القريب زيادة واضحة في قوة الاتحاد الاوربي على الصعيد الدولي، بحيث يؤدي ذلك الى خلق واقع جديد في النظام الدولي يرتكز على سياسة التوازنات وليس على نظام القطبية الثنائية او المنفردة، كما كان عليه الامر قبل تفكك الاتحاد السوفيتي وما تلاه، فالعصر القادم هو عصر التكتلات والتجمعات الاقليمية، اذ ان لكل تجمع او تكتل قوة تاثير تختلف عن قوة الاخر في معالجته للقضايا الاقليمية والدولية، وبالتالي فان الاتحاد الاوربي الذي قد يشكل ابرز القوى الدولية الجديدة المؤثرة على الصعيدين الاقليمي والدولي، يتحفز لمواجهة التحديات التي تعترض تقدمه، بخاصة العقبات التي تضعها الولايات المتحدة الامريكية للحد من اي دور سياسي له على الصعيد الاقليمي وخاصة في منطقة المشرق العربي، بكثير من المسؤولية والوعي، لكن ذلك لا يستطيع ان يمنع تلك التحولات الهامة التي ستغير معادلة القوى على المستويين الدولي والاقليمي غير ان تلك التحولات لمراكز القوى العالمية ستكون في اطار تدريجي، وبخاصة ان هناك عددا من العوامل التي قد تكون مساعدة او معطلة لاي تقدم او تراجع لاحدى القوى الدولية الموجودة او التي تسعى للظهور كقوة دولية مؤثرة، وهذا كله سيترك اثارا واضحة وهامة على مستقبل سياسة الاتحاد حيال منطقة المشرق العربي ودولها التي من الواجب ان تكون قادرة على استيعاب طبيعة تلك التغيرات والتعامل معها بدقة وسرعة مما يجعلها لا تفوت الفرصة التي قد تتاح لها واستثمار ذلك التغيير لصالح قضايا المنطقة المصيرية. | European Union is considered today as one of the most influential units on the International political arena. It is expected that its power and size will eventually increase among the other powerful unions in the world. Thereby, its effect is great on the Eastern Arab region and countries. Its policy towards this area is one of the most important policies.The European unity has its effect on the paths of work there since it has first initiated in (1957). It has effect on many urgent issues and problems in the Middle East; and this effect has increased clearly after the October War1973 because Europe had undergone the negative side of the stoppage of oil supplies from the Arab countries. Then the relations and interests between the eastern Arab countries and Europe began to increase excessively and to become more complicated until the European Union was founded in its final structure.When the European Union began to get enlarged horizontally and vertically, its relations with Arab eastern countries also began to enlarge. So this has been reflected on its external policy towards our region. Also there have been a kind of some intensive and huge pressures from the United States of America on Europe to make it change its attitudes in the area and to build new strategies which will not affect the American interests here. America, of course, will not change its policy; it has a lot of vital interests and it will never think of changing its attitude in any circumstances. This thesis will give answers to these inquiries us follows:1. What is the historical range of the European policy (in general) towards the Arabic eastern region?2. What are the most important issues that have unified state in the European policy towards the Arabic eastern region? 3. What are the European policy motives now towards the Arabic eastern region? 4. What are the structures and frames of taking political decisions (the external attitudes in particular) towards the Arabic eastern region? 5. What is the political behavior of the European Union towards the most important issues in the Arabic eastern region? To have clear answers to these critical inquiries in this thesis, and the additional scientific difficulties inquiries that might rise, and to accomplish most accurate answers to the nature of the European policy towards the eastern Arabic region, we have followed scientific investigations and scientific logical steps that allow the researcher fulfill his goal. We have followed the (historical origin) in studying the (joint) European policy since 1973 till the date of initiating the European Union in 1993. We focused on some important issues of that era, and we will depend on the (descriptive method) in the second chapter of this thesis in order to describe the strategic importance of the eastern Arabic region with regard to the potentials of natural raw materials of power in addition to the critical strategic position. We will also depend on (organizational method) in collecting facts and information about the subject of the thesis (the entries), then apply (operational method) to enrich tools and methods of the scientific research. Later - and as a result- reach scientific outcomes and facts (outlets) which supposed to be part of new entries for the information circle; and this is (reversal feeding). In order to deal with the circular inquiries about the thesis subject and its numerical points arisen, we have taken a scientific method of categorizing the thesis into main chapters and researches has been depended on. This thesis is composed of: • Introduction• The first chapter: (Europe policy towards some issues of the eastern Arabic region).• The second chapter (Motives of the European Union towards the eastern Arabic region).• The third chapter: (frames and ways of formulation the European Union policy towards the eastern Arabic region).• The fourth chapter: (the political behavior of the European Union towards the issues of the eastern Arabic region); • Finally, the abstract in which we stated the most important conclusions we have reached. This thesis has shown the nature of the policy regarding the eastern Arabic region which the European Union depends on during a very complicated and important period simultaneously; and during changeable and unstable circumstances which impose many difficult potentials and substitutions. This kind of circumstances resulted in many obvious failures, and have created a status of disability in dealing with them in the right way. We have tried to throw light on the largest scope of the political work of the European Union in the eastern Arabic region clear way, and we have focused on the most important complicated issues not only in this critical area but also in the whole world.

تطور ظاهرة تدويل النشاط الاقتصادي وانعكاساته السياسية والاقتصادية على البلدان النامية : مصر انموذجا == The Evolution of Internationalization Economy Active Phenomenon and Reflex on Developing countries (Egypt Case Study)

Author name: سلام جبار شهاب
Supervisor name: عبد علي كاظم المعموري
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: …. The Internationalization is wide term, so the study began in definition the Phenomenon the mean of Internationalization, Economy Internationalization, Political Internationalization, and differences between the Internationalization and the Globalization. (ch.1). the beginning this Phenomenon in old civilization, and the vision of economic systems (Islamic, Capitalism, Socialist systems) (ch.1).The Internationalization theories wall taken for important, (International trade theories, Foreign Investment theories). (ch.1)…. There are many motives for this Phenomenon which differentiates between political and economical motives, (ch.2). What forms of this Phenomenon, (ch.2), and determine the machine that organized the Internationalization. (ch.2)…. In last chapter, this phenomenon lead to many of effects, in political and economical sides, that taken about Egypt state. (ch.3)For that, what is the future of this Phenomenon? The researcher put three visions for the future, first, the Americanization, second, the transnational corporation, third, the international integration. (ch.3) …. Finally, A number of important conclusions emerge from our analysis of the (Internationalization Phenomenon).

المحددات السياسية والاقتصادية لسلوك الدولة في العالم الثالث : الدولة النفطية انموذجا == POLITICAL & ECONOMICAL LIMITATIONS ON BEHAVIOR OF THE STATE IN THE THIRD WORLD : OIL COUNTRIES AS SAMPLES

Author name: سعد صالح عيسى علي الجبوري
Supervisor name: وصال نجيب عارف العزاوي | علي كاظم المعموري
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: تتكون الاطروحة من مقدمة وفصل تمهيدي وثلاثة فصول اخرى لتغطي عنوان الاطروحة الذي هو : المحددات السياسية والاقتصادية لسلوك الدولة في الجنوب : الدول النفطية انموذجا ( السعودية ، فنزولا ، نيجيريا ) . وهي متوزعة على الشكل التالي : الفصل الاول : وجاء في ثلاث مباحث ، الاول ويتضمن الاطار النظري والتاريخي لنشوء الدولة في العالم ، حيث يتضمن تعريف الدولة مفهوما وخلفية تاريخية مع النظريات المفسرة لنشوء الدولة ، ونشاة الدولة في ظل الاستعمار ومفهوم الدولة في المدارس الفكرية المختلفة ، ومنها الفكر الغربي ، ولدى مفكري العالم الثالث والفكر العربي الاسلامي ومفكري عصر النهضة ، والفكر العربي المعاصر 0 في حين يتناول المبحث الثاني نشوء وتكون الدولة في عالم الجنوب من حيث خصائص الدولة حديثة السيادة والتكوين الاقتصادي والاجتماعي لدولة الجنوب وكيفية تكون الدولة في ظل علاقات السيطرة ( التبعية ) 0 اما المبحث الثالث فقد ذهب لبيان خصوصية الدولة في عالم الجنوب من حيث وظائف الدولة وخصائصها0 وياخذ الفصل الثاني في تحليل المحددات الفوقية ( الخارجية ) والتحتية ( الداخلية ) لسلوك الدولة في الجنوب ، حيث يتطرق للمحددات السياسية والاقتصادية والمجتمعية خارجيا وداخليا ، وانعكاس هذه المحددات على نمط سلوك الدولة في الجنوب 0 اما الفصل الثالث فياخذ منحا فكريا متضمنا اتجاها تحليليا للعوامل المحددة لطبيعة الدولة النفطية الريعية / نموذج الدولة في الجنوب ، وواقع وطبيعة الاقتصاديات الريعية من حيث البنى الاقتصادية والاجتماعية والسياسية لدولة الجنوب الريعية ، وعلاقة النفط والريع النفطي بالتنمية والتحديث واتجاهاتها في الجنوب ، واهمية النفط والريع النفطي وطبيعة السياسات المرتبطة به في هذه الدول على الصعيد الاجتماعي والاقتصادي والسياسي والاثار السلبية للريع النفطي 0 في حين خصص الفصل الرابع لعرض انماط السلوك السياسي والاقتصادي والمجتمعي لانموذجات مختارة من دول الريع النفطي ، فمن الدول النفطية الاسيوية تم اختيار ( المملكة العربية السعودية ) ، ومن افريقيا ( نايجيريا ) ومن امريكا اللاتينية ( فنزويلا ) ، اذ يتناول المبحث الاول السلوك السياسي بمؤثراته الخارجية والداخلية ، وفي المبحث الثاني السلوك المجتمعي ( الاجتماعي ) ، اما المبحث الثالث فيتناول السياسات الاقتصادية في دول الجنوب ( المالية والنقدية والانفاقية والاستثمارية وتوزيع الدخل ) ، وفي المبحث الرابع تتناول الرسالة تحليل لانماط السلوك السياسي والاقتصادي والمجتمعي لكل من العربية السعودية ، نايجيريا وفنزويلا ) ، من حيث امكانياتها المادية والبشرية والمالية والسياسات الاقتصادية والاجتماعية ودور الريع في هذه السياسات لهذه الدول 0 فيما جاءت خواتيم هذه الاطروحة بجملة من الاستنتاجات والتوصيات ، متبوعة بالمصادر العربية والانكليزية والملخص باللغة الانكليزية . | The thesis is entiteld “ Political and Economical limitations on behavior of the state in the third word : oil countries as samples ” The thesis is composed of an intrduction ,the more three introductory chapters and other three chapters . The researcher has hypothesized that the more as much you explain the impact of political , econimical , and social determiners with globalization towrds increase of its activity and its reactive impact on the behaviour of a state in the Third World , these states or countries will be margined more and its activity will decrease to the benefit of the international capitalistic system and globalization mechanism represented through the international organizations and multi - national companies through the study of Venezuela , Saudi Arabia and Nigeria and those countries under control compulsorily or optionally to globalization and internationalization and continuous exposition to regional enviromental challenges . The study aims at : 1. Defining the country in general in terms of its theoretical and historical foundation and its privacy in the Third World . 2. Country stereotypes and its concepts in the south countries and how to form a national country . 3. Self - independece of a country in the south and the traditional charactersitics of the contemporary country . 4. Revealing the role of globalization and other external factors and changes in the international environment and global balances and its impacts on the degree of the country development in the countries of the south in specfic . 5. Comprehension of variance in the attitudes of the Third World countries in general and countries of petroleum rent especially concerning changes in the economic world and growth of multi - national companies’ role over the role of national governments . 6. The impact of political , economic , and social limitations in the country conduct in the south countries in general and countries of petroleum rent in specific . The thesis consists of an introduction and an intrductory chapter and other three chapters . The chapters were were dealt with as follows : Chapter 1 consists of three sections ; first section includes the theoretical and historical frame of the foundation of the country in the world . It also includes definition of the country conceptually and a historcal background with the interpretive theories of the foundation of the country under occupation and the concept of country in the various cognitive schools , of them the Western thinking , and by the world thinkers and the arabic islamic thinking and renaissance period thinkers and the arabic contemporary thinking Section 2 deals with the foundation and creation of the country in the south having the characterstics of the modern country , and the economical and social creation of the southern country and how the country is created under control relations Section three deals with the privacy of the country in the south world in terms of the country and its traits in the south world Chapter 2 analyses the upper determiners (external) and lower (internal) of the country conduct in the south . It exposes the social , political , and economic dterminers internally and externally , and reflection of these determiners on the conduct sterotype of the country in the south . Chapter 3 analyzes the thinking frame and the determining factors to the nature of the petroleum rent state /sample of the country in the south . Also it shows the situation and the nature of petroleum rent economies in terms of the economic , social , and political infrastructures of the southern countries and the relation of petrol and the petroleum rent with development and modernization and their decisions towards the south . Also the importance of petrol and petroleum rent nature of the policies related to these countries socially , economically , and politically and the side effects of petroleum rent . Chapter 4 deals with the political , economic , and social conduct of samples chosen from the countries of petroleum rent (Saudi Arabia , Nigeria and Venezuela) . Section 1 deals with the political behavior with its impact externally and internally . Section 2 deals with the social conduct . While section three deals with the economic policies in the southern countries (financial , monetry , expenditure , investmental , and distribution of rent ) . Section 4 deals with an analysis of the political , economic , and social conduct of each of Saudi Arabia , Nigeria , Venezuela) in terms of their financial , human , monetry , political , economic , and social abilities and the role of petroleum rent in the policies of these countries . The final chapter of thethesis exposes the conclusions drawn , and recommendations supported by a number of statistical tables related to the topic .

الدور الاقتصادي والسياسي للعملة الاحتياطية : الدولار انموذجا == The economic and political role of the reserve currency - American’s dollar

Author name: زينب سعد شمس الدين الشيشاني
Supervisor name: هجير عدنان زكي امين
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: ان الاساس المؤثر في النظام النقدي الدولي هي العملة الاحتياطية او العملة القائدة كماهو متعارف عليه، وهي التي تعمل عمل المحرك لهذا النظام وان اي دولة قائمة على نظام اقتصادي مستقر قادرة بذلك على تحقيق النمو والاستقرار وبذلك هي تضمن علاقات تجارية مزدهرة مع دول اخرى، ذلك النظام الاقتصادي الذي بدوره يضمن توفير السيولة من خلال نظام المدفوعات الدولية والاشراف على تنظيم المعاملات الدولية، ومن المتعارف عليه ايضا حسب اراء بعض الادبيات الاقتصادية والنقدية ان العملة الاحتياطية هي عبارة عن عملة وطنية تقوم بوظائف النقود الدولية، ويدعمها اقتصاد قوي متنوع، وتؤهلها العديد من الميزات لتؤدي دور الوساطة في تسوية المدفوعات وسداد الديون، ولتكون ايضا وسيلة فعالة في تحقيق التسويات مما يؤهلها تلقائيا لتقوم بمهام النقد الدولي. ومن اجل ان تبقى هذه العملة محل ثقة واستخدام المجتمع الدولي، فمن المفروض ان تحقق توازن لمصالحها الوطنية والدولية في ان معا دون ان تاثر احداهما على الاخرى، ومع ان النظام النقدي قد انفصل بعض الشيء عن علاقته الوطنية، فاصبح التاثير الاكبر عليه ناتج عما يحدث في مجموع العلاقات الدولية، وان تفاوتت نسب تاثير الدول في تلك العلاقات. وتخضع العملة الاحتياطية الى العديد من التاثيرات، رافقتها منذ قدم تاريخها حتى يومنا هذا، فهي خاضعة لمؤثرات ناتجة من العوامل الاقتصادية والسياسية والقانونية والاجتماعية ترافقها في كل حقبة تاريخية، وبذلك نذكر ان النظام الدولي يعود الى جذور اوربية وتحديدا القرون الوسطى التي شهدت احتدادا للتنافس بين الكنيسة، المسيطر الروحي ذلك الوقت، وبين اصحاب الشان الرفيع لتاتي النتيجة لصالحهم، وبذلك يكون منتصف القرن التاسع عشر هو بداية انشاء الدول القومية في اوروبا. وبتتابع التطور التاريخي للنظام النقدي الدولي، وتحديدا بعد نظام بريتون وودز انتهى شكله الاخير باعتماد العملات الاحتياطية الرئيسة ياتي الدولار الامريكي بالدرجة الاولى على راس هذا العملات. ويحتم علينا القول بان نظام بريتون وودز مهد الطريق امام الدولار ليحتل مكانته كعملة احتياطية اولى ذلك عن طريق منحه امتياز خلق السيولة الدولية من خلال عجز ميزان المدفوعات الدولية، وهذا مايعنى بالامتياز الفائق او المفرط، وهو مصطلح اطلقه الفرنسيين عندما انتقدوا نظام النقد الدولي باعتماد الدولار كعملة دولية, لانه بذلك يعفي الولايات المتحدة الامريكية من العديد من الالتزامات تجاه الدول، ناهيك عن المكاسب الجمة التي تحصل عليها الولايات المتحدة الامريكية باعتبار عملتها عملة احتياطية دولية اولى. ان تمتع الولايات المتحدة الامريكية باقتصاد قوي وقوة نفوذ الدولار الامريكي سياسيا وعسكريا، وذلك كون عملتها عملة احتياطية اولى في العالم، قد منح الولايات المتحدة الامريكية امتيازات فائقة، ومن هذا المنطلق انتهجت الولايات المتحدة الامريكية منهجا خاصا في صنع سياستها الخارجية واقعة بذلك تحت تاثير جهات ضاغطة مثل اللوبيات والشركات متعددة الجنسية او الشركات العملاقة ومن اهمها شركات السلاح وشركات النفط. ان هذه الامتيازات التي تتمتع بها الولايات المتحدة الامريكية، والناتجة من كون عملتها عملة احتياطية اولى في العالم، ساهمت كثيرا في دعم القوة العسكرية الامريكية في سبيل تحقيق اهداف الامن القومي الامريكي، وتمثل ذلك في عسكرة الاقتصاد الامريكي على مدى اكثر من نصف قرن وتمويل الحروب بطرق متعددة، وان كانت الولايات المتحدة الامريكية تعاني من مشاكل اقتصادية لعل ابرزها العجز التجاري القائم في ميزان مدفوعاتها، وذلك نتيجة العديد من الاسباب منها الحروب المكلفة التي خاضت غمارها الولايات المتحدة الامريكية، ولعل ابرزها الحرب الامريكية على فيتنام والحرب الامريكية على العراق، وقد انعكست هذه المتغيرات على طبيعة وسياسة الادارة الامريكية الحالية التي تتبوا مركز القيادة والزعامة في العالم مما اعطى ملامح واضحة للدور السياسي للدولار الامريكي. | The growth and economic stability to any state does not take place only when the availability of the monetary system is capable of providing the necessary liquidity to the economy, monitoring and controlling the various indicators which reflect the economic performance. As well as the international level does not represent a booming trade and economic relations between States unless there is a monetary system including rules and mechanisms to stabilize the international monetary and provide liquidity to the international payments and supervising the organization of international transaction. Probably one of the main components of international liquidity is what is known conventionally currency reserves and the task of leading the international monetary system. Throughout the nineteenth - century and until the beginning of the First World War transactions States were according to the gold standard system, and its banknotes issued by central banks, it's used in state of gold, a cover 100%, The pound sterling, as well as gold, were treated at the international level, and ranks first among reserved currencies. That the power enjoyed by the pound sterling before the First World War was a reflection of the political and economic power and military encamping in that period and was practiced in the field of international trade. The dollar did not play any role at the international level in this period. Since the First World War began, and expanded the requirements of war efforts and military expenditures, it's went out, states began to issue massive amounts of paper money to equal the size of military expenditures, collapse the international monetary system of gold standard, and continued system of international monetary system suffers from many crises since the end of the First World War until the Second World War. The dollar at the beginning of the year 1945, it work began (the Convention on the Breton Woods) and it is covered with gold by 100%, and become the first currency reserved in the world, was awarded the international monetary system concession to U. S. A, and it is a possibility to create the international liquidity through the U.S.A balance of payments deficit. This is what we mean by the word exorbitant privilege. We discussed the associated political and economic side of what is known to privilege, a term reportedly at the France when it blames the adoption of the international monetary system, the dollar as an international currency and providing state - exporting to it, the U.S.A, a privilege exempting them from the real commitment to other countries. The fact that the U.S.A. dollar, supported by a strong economy with high productivity, control over global trade, access to foreign markets, the ability to increase exports, military power and political influence is clear, making it the first reserved currency in the world. The American dollar is supported by strong economics that has high productivity and controls on the world trade and has an access to the foreign markets and it is able to increase the exports , clear military power and political influence making it the first reserved currency in the world that currency which has political dimensions.The international reserved currency through the dollar experience assures the political effects and dimensions of that leading currency through the American foreign policy and demands of the American the national security before and after the events of Sep.2001 and it explains that the most effected sides of making the American foreign policy is the lobbies or the pressure groups and also the multinational companies or the giant companies .The most important ones are the weapons companies and oil companies. The economic momentum supporting the military power in achieving the goals of the American national security represents encamping the American economics more than half century and supporting the wars in multi ways ,the most important ones are taxes , Treasury bills that the American government presents ; the citizens and the foreign people that finances wars that it is engaged in that it suffers from the economic problems ,the most important ones is the deficit in the trading balance.The most prominent American wars that they have high economic and financial costs ,the American - Vietnam wars and the American war on Iraq and it reflects the variables on the nature of the current American administration and the policy of the United states that predicts the leading centre that it gives clear features for the political role of the international reserved currency - the American dollar as sample - that it deals with through the chapters of the research.The Framework of ResearchThis research is divided after the introduction into four chapters ,it deals with the variables concerning with that chapter ,the subject of the first chapter is a conceptual access dealing with the reserved currency in the international currency system through two researches, the first sections deals with the concept of the concept of reserved currency and its contents ,section two deals with the functional role of the reserved currency in the international currency system.Chapter two deals with the international reserved currency during the historical development and its current reality through three sections. Section One deals with the development of the international reserved currency ,section two deals with the dollar as an international reserved currency in the international reserved system and section three deals with the role of the other currencies in the current international system. Chapter three that discuses the economic role of the reserved currency(dollar as a sample)through three sections, section one deals with the financial sides for the economic dominance on the international level, section two deals with advantages and the arranged costs on the American national currency (dollar)as a tool in settling the debts and section three deals with the political economics of the international currency. Chapter four of the research studies the political role of the international reserved currency (dollar experience)through three sections, section one discusses the American foreign policy and interests of the national security and the partners that have an effect on the operation of the American decision making, section two the role of the economic momentum supporting the American military power, that power which is used for achieving the American political goals, the American military factorial community that the United States of America, section three studies the American military power and the most prominent wars of the United states of America and what has happened in the current American policy.

القوى الكبرى واعادة تشكيل النظام الدولي : دراسة في فرضيات الصعود والافول == Great Powers And Reforming International System A Study In The Assumptions Of Ascendancy And Decline

Author name: علي بشار بكر اغوان
Supervisor name: محمد ياس خضير
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: Constitute the rotation exponential relationship dimensions positive and negative between the international system over the different stages of the major powers in various manifestations, argumentative and extensive research and one of the main gates of understanding of international relations at the contemporary stage, this relationship has opened ample room for endoscopy and research in but the international system and major powers dramatically, impact, vulnerability and nutrition, nutrition reverse dual between the international system and major powers relationship has alternated according to each stage and this relationship is the main problem of the balance of power in several stages, and when he was urgently needed because of the international system is to be the foundation standard for classification of power arrogance in the world, we became our international system stable and clearly defined in terms of the formation of systemic in different structural dimensions, that the international system is established the concept of structural and quality of states and impose the rhythm of movement for many reasons, notably that the nature of the regime often imposes itself a great obligation for these forces because adopted for fear of imbalance or break up of certain international situation or threat to the status of this or that country. While it is possible that just the opposite is happening as they become the major powers in the zenith of its power is granted international system and give it structure and posed or change the balance, that is, the major powers here are the ruler and the clutch on the decision to change within the system and not vice versa.Of course, and as far as what the major powers and the international system and the issues of restructuring strategy and the required strategic supplies, it became clear manner that does not accept the argument that the concept of power and public and private as has changed helped broadly to re - read the beliefs of the strategic countries in terms of the ups and build self - mechanisms .Importance of the study : Centric importance of the study of it represents an attempt research earnest to form a new theory to explain how they can through the major powers arise strategic detail the destruction, they also offer hypotheses second supplement to the theory of looking at the mechanics of the fading of states and their tracks and provide detailed explanations of the forms of collapse and form, in the sense that the subject of major powers and reshape the international system based on the assumptions of ascent and decline, it represents an attempt to re - read international relations in general and major powers and the international system, in particular in the pot research focuses on the scientific methodology of the measurement, audit and observation and select the tracks.The problem of the study : The study generally runs from the two problems main ways : the first, which is problematic conceptual theory relating to the characterization of and what the big powers and the international system and the nature of the dialectical relationship rotating between the two, the second is problematic current major powers characterization and put it in its proper place according to the hypothesis of ascent and decline and the compatibility of all the power with these hypotheses.The dilemma conceptual first, since the study is trying through, and over the detective and three chapters, the first - the first, second and third - explain what the clash incident between the international system and major powers, as it is trying to study here and across this part of the dilemma that the disintegration of the complex Association about the presence of overlapping relationship is a clear path between the evolution of the international system on the one hand and major powers on the other hand, due to the complexity of the actors and their diversity and change the concept of power and its vocabulary, this relationship appears frequently as a rotational (ie, when they vibrate and weaken the international system, is restored and fed through strategic reaction of major powers on the form of finding a new strategic balance or maintain the strategic balance as and when it weakens the major powers, the system modifying itself in line with the size of the weakness incident to correspond to the requirements and elements of modernization that has occurred in the international environment and gives the stream additional to those strengths that have benefited from the decline in single actors function or polar strategic act also shall be either by maintaining a balance or modify it identifies with the size and manage change).While Applied dilemma second focuses on practical models of major powers and try to determine its position in the international system based on key assumptions that have been developed and adopted a basic criteria for the rise of the big powers and the eclipse, as it dealt with the last three chapters (IV, V and VI) the issue of the status of all power in the international system - models selected - based on the extent of approaching and distancing itself from the hypotheses that have been put forward both in terms of climb or, moreover study focuses in this part of the dilemma defines the shape of the future of the international order based on the data and the reality of the big powers. It is through this dilemma offers a number of central research questions that the study will try to answer them through the next research context, the most important of these questions are : 1. What is the fundamental nature of the relationship between the international system and major powers?2. How can identify the key ingredients that require their presence in the power of any wish to become a major international scope of the system?3. What are the main forms of balance known to international relations throughout history, the nation - state?4. Who are the actors function capable of control in the international system and restructuring?5. How can identify the entrances of change within the international system and who knows this change?6. What is the most important hypotheses that can be through to become a major force on the international scope of the system?7. How can identify the most important hypotheses decline that lead them to collapse?8. Do not slip United States a world power?9. Is Russia today is on its way toward building the same to you mean by itself as one of the poles of the future world again?10. Is China really able to replace the United States? And how?11. What is Japan's new site in the international system?12. What is the future of the international system in the light of data the rise and fall of great powers?Hypothesis of the study : Consistent with the dilemma that have been submitted and research questions that have been submitted and as well as the main hypotheses that have been adopted by the study systematically through the third quarter in an attempt to form a comprehensive theory, the study starts from the assumption president of that on the basis of (that there is a direct correlation "positive + negative" between the regime the one hand and major powers on the other hand. The more major powers more coherent and stronger the more you process the formation of the international system more discipline, and vice versa, the more the international system more solid whenever the major powers to maintain more balance and less likely to change. And branching out from this hypothesis President, two assumptions in two basic subgroups : The first hypothesis : Whenever any major international force backed away from its position, as it was an opportunity to push a new force to fill the vacuum, and this is a dialectical ascent and decline.The second hypothesis : Whenever a major international force backed away from its position as it was an opportunity to reshape the international system according to the new balance of power. This is the dialectical relationship between the international system and major powers.Curricula : The study used the six - round main chapters range of approaches that are used in scientific research on the scope of political science were as follows : 1. The historical approach, which sought the study through used to display the most prominent of the relevant idea of historical experiences and the subject that the researcher wants to clarify, this has been the approach one of the main approaches that have been through it to identify the mechanisms of the fading of the major powers and the conclusion of which many hypotheses have been one of the most important pillars of the study at various stages.2. Analytical Approach : The study used the analytical approach to the study of various plants for several purposes, the most important cases of the dismantling and re - installed in accordance with the main theme of her service, and the support of the conclusions of this approach is based on the basis of scrutiny of reality and studied extensively studied through strategic insight.3. Approach the international system Analysis : It is one of the most major and modern approaches that study sought to focus on it through international structural analysis and situations experienced by the international system and the dismantling of his limbs and its impact, the study was able bumpy this approach to reach many conclusions based on what provided by this approach of the mechanics to understand the phenomenon and absorbed significantly.4. Approach to measure the strength of nations : one of the most important approaches and, most recently that for its research tools have enabled the study to identify the most prominent features of the strength and the weakness of the major powers and greatly helped to explain many of the phenomena and dismantled as it should.5. Future Approach : It is one of the most important methods you used for the purposes of study, the most important of several identifying features scenes of the future of the international system according to the scene forward - looking unconditional. Structural study : As well as the introduction to the study and details and the conclusion and findings, the study contained two doors presidents by six central chapters, the first section by three chapters titled (conceptual framework and theoretical), while Part II came with three other chapters supplement entitled (Applied and future frame).Ensure that the first chapter of the study, which came under the title (the major powers and the international system), the two main two sections (Section I : what the major powers and the international system) while the second part, titled (forms of power in the international system balance).On the other hand Chapter II of the study, which was titled contained (actors in international relations and the entrances to change) on two sections two main (Section I : actors function traditional and new actors function of non - State actors in international relations), while the second section under the title (the entrances to the change in the system international).Also a third chapter of the study, which was titled (hypotheses rise and fall of great powers) of the two main two sections (Section I : hypotheses rise of major powers) while the second part, titled (hypotheses fading major powers).Chapter IV of the study contains two sections and two presidents, who came under the title (the major powers "core" and measuring hypotheses ascent and decline), was the first topic title (the United States) while the second section title (Russian Federation).On the other hand, Chapter V of the study complements the above by two sections presidents under the title of president of the chapter came a (major powers "emerging" and measuring hypotheses ascent and decline), was the first section of the chapter entitled (China), while the second part, titled (Japan) .

السياسة الامنية الامريكية تجاه النظام الاقليمي في الشرق الاوسط بعد احداث 11 ايلول 2001 == United States Security Policy Toward The Regional Order In The Middle East After The Events Of September 11, 2001

Author name: ظفر عبد مطر التميمي
Supervisor name: سمير جسام راضي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: تعد السياسة الامريكية الخارجية بجانبها السياسي الامني من اهم المفردات التي تشكل احدى ادوات محور البناء والتغيير في منطقة الشرق الاوسط الموسع، وما يليها من مناطق مجاورة ، وذلك بعد انتهاء مرحلة الحرب الباردة، وتغير مراكز القوة العالمية، خاصة مع تصاعد مفاهيم مثل النظام الاقليمي، والاقليمية الجديدة، والامن الاقليمي والتي قد تبرز لتحل محل التعددية القطبية العالمية او على الاقل ستغير من مفهوم الهيمنة الامريكية على النظام العالمي الجديد. ولان القرن الحادي والعشرين بدا امريكيا بامتياز، فان الادارة الامريكية تحاول جاهدة فرض الصبغة الامريكية على هذا القرن حتى نهايته، او على الاقل حتى بداية ضعف الدولة الامريكية. ان منطقة الشرق الاوسط الموسع تمثل حالة من الوفرة في الموارد الطبيعية والديموغرافية فمن المؤكد انها ستمثل حالة من الوفرة ايضا في الخطط الامريكية التي ستؤدي الى تغيير المنطقة وفقا لتطلعات الادارة الامريكية وحلفائها، وبذلك تتناسب منطقة الشرق الاوسط الموسع مع التناغم الحاصل بين فوضى التغيير والنظام الاقليمي الجديد، والتي تمثل افضل السبل لجعل هذه المنطقة المشتعلة دوما باتون الحروب والصراعات اكثر ميلا نحو الاستقرار والسكينة وان تكلف ذلك مددا زمنية ليست بالقليلة او الهينة. وبالتالي فالادارة الامريكية امامها فرصة كبيرة في اعادة خلق المنطقة على وفق تخطيط استراتيجي اداري ناجح يتسم بصيغة المشاركة مع دول منطقة الشرق الاوسط الموسع والسماح بخلق محاور اقليمية جديدة تعتمد على تطوير نظامها الامني وربطه بالسياسة الامنية الامريكية والتي تفسح المجال امام القوة الذكية الامريكية لتؤسس مدارس فكرية جديدة غير بعيدة عن التوجه العسكري الامريكي ولا قريبة من التنازلات الخطيرة التي قد تغير من موازين القوى العالمية . | The American foreign policy is marked with political security one of the most important items that constitute one of the tools of axis construction and change in the broader Middle East, and its next neighboring regions, after the end of the Cold War era, and change centres of global power, especially with the escalation of concepts such as regional system, regional new, and regional security that may emerge to replace the multi - polar world, or at least will change the concept of American hegemony on the new world order , because the twenty - first century the start of U.S. par excellence, the U.S. administration is trying hard to impose American character to the end of this century, or at least until the beginning of the weakness of the American state.The broader Middle East region represents a state of abundance in natural resources, demographic. It certainly will be a case of abundance also in U.S. plans that will lead to change the region in accordance with the aspirations of the U.S. administration and its allies, and thus fit the broader of the Middle East with harmony happening between chaos of change and new regional order, which represents the best way to make this region a flaming always patron wars and conflicts are more inclined towards stability and tranquility and cost periods of time is not uncommon or soft. Thus American administration before a great opportunity to re - create the region according to a strategic planning successful management characterized format engagement with the countries of the Broader Middle East and allow the creation of regional hubs new depends on the development of its security system and link security policy of America, which gave way to smart power American establish schools of thought new non - far from the U.S. military approach does not close serious concessions that may change the global balance of power .

الحكم العالمي في دراسة العلاقات الدولية بعد الحرب الباردة == Global Governance In The Study Of International Relations Post Cold War Era

Author name: اياد هلال حسين الكنانـي
Supervisor name: قاسم محمد عبد علي الدليمي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: For a long time, governance was a syndrome of state sovereignty; the authority of governing all aspects of life in the frame of its regional existence. Its continuous pursue is that all remains under full control, in addition to its refusal to any foreign interference. Therefore the concept of a sovereign nation - state stood as an obstacle facing the process of dividing the authority of the state or even thinking of adopting any role opposite to that of its own. At the same time reality proves that no local or international tools have been developed in order to limit or hinder the power or authority of the nation - state. In that light there hasn't been a significant differentiation between the terms government and governance in the context of social sciences; governance never reached beyond the action of governmental institutions in a certain state. Both terms have been interchangeably used in their meaning and indication when dealing within the frame of nation state authority. This comprehension reflected on the subject of governance in international relations; studies appeared to attenuate centralized governance on international relations in order to reach peace, justice, no war, and organizing international affairs in the same manner of exercising them from inside the state; a vision that ultimately led to suggesting ideal theorists the concept of global governance in its different features.As globalization grows, it becomes more difficult for a state to exercise unlimited domination or produce an absolute social module that could be followed and scrutinized in an authoritarian way on its own and or territory. This kind of control has become totally unpractical. No matter how many institutions a state could build or laws it can legislate, it still remains short of imposing full control on its own lands. This crisis that hit the sovereign country accompanied the reality of governance sharing by other states. These out comers take part in setting standards and building basics and sometimes they might compete and triumph over the mother state itself. What was said represents the local level, and when speaking on the global level, globalization induced other forms of governance and authorities in the field of world policy, including the horizontal and vertical interactions ; sub state, supra state , and trans state, also including organizational initiatives presented by market institutions and the campaigns held by the international social movements. There is a focus on breaking the limits of a single state and heading towards a globalized governance system because of the narrow angle that conventional itself in when compared to a globalized system that enjoys trans - border reactions and exchange that seem to need more than a state's regulations to be controlled. At the same time many issues and problems came to surface that require international intervention. Awareness has also been raised concerning global threats that demand international action. Therefore the dominance of the nation state is gradually transforming towards to (post - national sovereignty) since it is losing its capacity to withhold its public affairs on both the local and international level. In addition to different sides emerging and taking a vital role in what was strictly in the hands of the nation - state alone. Representatives of nation - states today are obliged to be partners when exercising authority, with international organizations, multinational corps, and trans - national political and social organizations or movements in addition that those sides have a rising role in crystallizing interior affairs. This picture led to the demise of the main sign of conventional sovereignty in the past : borders and territory capture. In the light of what was mentioned above, researchers in the field of international relations, especially after the cold war, started the pursue to define modules other than that of a nation - state, as an alternative system. They developed their ideas and theories concerning global governance, and considering it the new analytical concept that describes world politics and power being spread and divided upon global level. Moreover, some researchers considered this a theoretical alternative for international relations perspectives.From this point, it becomes clear, why research in global governance is such an important issue. Since it is the theoretical alternative that could explain the breaking of states' power and how it spreads along different levels. Instead of the conviction that the nation - state reached its end socially and politically, and the retreat of its power, and the opinions that support the transformation of the state's powers and their direction towards a unified hierarchical structure (world government), theorists found a middle position between the chaotic demise of the nation - state and the central grip of the global government, by being more realistic and to the ground. They headed towards the global system that depends on different participating sides in managing state affairs. In addition to the importance of studying global governance by presenting explanations that apply to the global changes. Conventional analysis proved to be short from interpreting those changes in a realistic manner.

السياسات الصناعية والمزايا التنافسية في ظل المتغيرات الدولية : دراسة حالة الصناعات التحويلية العربية == Industrial Policies And Competitive Privileges with International changes - Studying the State of Arabic Manufacturing Industries

Author name: ثائر محمود رشيد العاني
Supervisor name: وصال نجيب عارف العزاوي | عبد علي كاظم المعموري
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: ost of the countries in the world including the growing ones have carries out general repetition to their economical policies especially (industrial Policy) in order to be ready for facing any changes taking place and to be ready for 21st century just as looking for a place in international economic that its main sources distributed between liberation of international trade and probing deeply in details of excellent techniques.For this reason the computational abilities formed basic necessity for the state as well as for single producer and became train which drawing all other changes with it.The growing countries have realized these facts lately so they tried to improve their economic by depending on supposed forms of patterns that are published by international institutions (IMF, IBRD) in order to maintain or change the form of economic.The industrial sector did not be far from these changes but it was the important element of them especially that the policies of specialization amid it directly in order to reduce the support to this sector (Whether it includes goods for special or general benefit).And here the philosophy of change lies which means reducing the shortage in general budget of the state and prepare it to pay tits payable debts.We must refer here to the influence of (WTO) which affects all economic sectors including industrial one so that the liberation of international trade will dispose industrial goods in all countries to difficult challenges.The industrial policies used in Arabic countries led to emphasizes the deficion in form of their changing industries which made them lose the opportunity to support their competition abilities in order to face change that happened in international economic.This study depends on the program of research deals with general to special according to its point of view that all national (Local) and international environment play an important role in trace changing industry in addition to that it depends on description methods to analyze economical changes.The study has been divided to four sections, the first one included the main international changes that characterized last century such as establishment of many economical collections and organizing new agreements for international trade.The second section deals with economical policies and competitive ability international trace.Part of this study presents analyzing for the effects of industrial laws within the organization of international trade and possible profits which will given by general agreement of growing countries.This third section deals with challenges of international environment that faces Arabic industries and formal problems which they are suffer from as a result of general policies and changeable role of state. It deals also with what consider as a chances for region to improve the industrial sector.And work hardly to draw some important characters for industrial strategy to Arabic countries in order to support Arabic industrial abilities.

التطور التكنولوجي والحرب == Technological Development and War

Author name: براء عبد القادر وحيد محمود
Supervisor name: لبنان هاتف الشامي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: There is no doubt that the study of one of the future phenomenon , is a process of scientific research , starting from the past of the phenomenon , passing by it's present to look for it's future prospect and factor of change in it . The national security adviser to president (Carter) (Zbigniew Brzezinski) mentioned that (Future can and must be planned , without careful choice , change may cause anarchy) . In reference to the need to predict the future and a willingness to deal with it's variables .War , is one of the phenomena that accompanied time in all it's different dimensions , past and present and future . It is very old because it emerged with the emergence of human societies since the dawn of human civilization , and continues to the present day , and will remain to along time , as far as those communities remain . It is part of human nature which can not be changed , and the highest forms of conflict to resolve the contradictions . Reality proved the incorrectness of that point of view which has been spread after the end of the cold war in (1991) and resulted in apoint of view which stated that the phenomenon of the international conflict in general , including the phenomenon of war , will become a phenomenon of the past , or that the future wars will be conventional wars , the human is still in their planetary - level enough to destroy their planet hundreds of times , but that the land no longer satisfy their appetite and military instincts for destruction , and instead it is transmitted to space and stars war .In a world where technological development has become the key to progress , and competition intensified through technology , and which influence will be extended to the political , strategic and economic aspects , and working towards making technology a controlling factor which qualifyes it's adapter to have the control in any other field , the persistence of the war phenomenon makes it's study and understanding , as asperate which has it's rules and laws and governed by it's specific circumstances , and as a field generated and influenced by various political , economical and social fields , a vital issue , not only to the specialists , since that the management of the war and the development of strategies , is no longer the prerogative of the generals , but these strategies draw on the table of tables , rallied around the leaders , generals , technicians , scientists and the educated , even in the most developed countries . we do not mean that the study of war is a study of battles and military campaigns or to identify the types of weapons and others , but also be studied at a higher level which the level of strategy , operations and tactic .From here stems the problem of the study , that the future wars will view dramatic developments turnes concepts and standards known to the military affairs on it's head , as a result of the accumulation of the impact of the diversity and the evolution of multi - output revolutions , like technology , information , media and economy revolution , and other revolutions that have passed automatically to the military arenas . The contribution of the expert systems and equipments of artificial intelligence and neural networks and X - ray laser , as well as the robot and super computer in defining the target and turning it in moments , in addition to the contribution of algorithm schemes and communication equipment , as well as the development of theoretical and applied science in facilitating the full implementation of war training ahead of time , in a way that enhance success factors and causes of failure . Those contributions are important which lead us study this subject through raising main question : - How future wars will be with the development of military technology , and its recruitment in the means and tools of war ?To answer these questions , the study started from a hypothesis referring to that the recruitment of the technological development for military fields with armed forces , will alter the nature of future war , so that they accommodate with the challenges posed by the third wave at the military level . In the context of answering the question mentioned above, more than one method have been adopted , according to the requirements of the study , for example , including a historical approach in the study of campaigns and battles which have had a significant impact in the development of means and tools of war , and the diversity of strategies and tactics . and also a functional approach to search in the functions and contributions of the new fields of technological development . and also the future approach to predict some elements of future wars , with the benefit from the expertise of modern wars in the last decade of the 20th century , and the first decade of the 21 century . In the light of the hypothesis which has been put forward, and in order to demonstrate it , this thesis will be structured into four chapters provided to answer the question raised , in addition to a conclusion . In chapter one , I have had to study the technology and the war as a conceptual framework , the first section dealt with the concept of appealing against the terms of concepts and approach , while the second section dealt with the dialectic relationship between the two terms , and their effect on policy .Chapter two studied technological development and war in the 20th century in two sections . It tackled the development and war until the second world war in the first section . and during the cold war in the second.Chapter three focused on the development of technology and war after the Cold war and it's impact on military affairs , to deal in it's first section the new fields of technological development . In it's second section , it dealt with revolution in military affairs .Finally , the fourth chapter studied the technological development and the wars of the first decade of the 21 century , to deal in its first section the war waged on Iraq on 2003 as a case study . and the future of technological development and war , in its second section . In addition to the conclusion , summarizing the content of the thesis , and it's deductive and recommendations.It should be noted , that the study of the technological revolution and future wars , is not without a number of difficulties , such as : - The confidentiality of information relating to military affairs , in general , and the war strategies and management , specially . - Limitations and the obsolescence of the available information on the subject of study , particularly with regard to the phenomenon of war . the scarcity of information available in the base , and the descriptive nature of the شwars in the depths of history , each with their own conditions , and are leaving room for doubt one of the difficulties in the future research of this phenomenon .In the end , I ask God Almighty to make the pragmatic scientific work that involves service to the nation , the paper finds it's place in our Arabic library .

الفاعلون الجدد في السياسة الدولية : فاعلو الشبكة انموذجا

Author name: امنة رسول عبد الزهرة
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

المتغيرات المؤثرة في اداء المنظمات الدولية الحكومية بعد الحرب الباردة : منظمة الصحة العالمية انموذجا == Variables Affecting the Performance of Organizations After the Cold War : WHO Model

Author name: مروان حسين ياسين حمد
Supervisor name: محمد ياس خضير
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: International organizations are one of the international organizations thatregulate international relations between different countries. They operateaccording to a mechanism approved by the countries they created. The limitsof competence of the organization are subject to the decisions of the memberstates of the international organization. the organization .International organization has developed with the emergence of the liberaltrend as a theoretical thought that explains the nature of the relationshipbetween states, Liberal thought emerged as a reaction to the realistic thoughtthat international relations tended to have a major tendency towards conflict ,Conflict is inherent in the human psyche. International relations are chaoticand lawless. The determination of interests is subject to the nature of theforces possessed by each State in the international system.The most important of these organizations is the World Health Organization(WHO), which has emerged to regulate the health situation by mobilizinginternational efforts to counter the spread of disease and epidemics andreduce its incidence in conflict and war - prone environments.The importance of the study comes from its attempt to research the work ofinternational organizations, Especially the United Nations and somespecialized international organizations, And try to identify the joints of themovement of these organizations, And by comparing the objectives of theestablishment with the current reality of these organizations in practice andin practice to identify the most important variables that led to the impact ofthese organizations' work, Whether positive or negative.As the importance of the subject comes from our attempt to search for asubject that was not previously discussed as a master's thesis before, Thestudy model, the World Health Organization (WHO), has not receivedresearch and analysis as the other international organizations despite theirimportance and effectiveness at the global level. In addition, it is alsoimportant that the reports issued by the World Health Organization (WHO)have a wide impact on international interactions. Many reports have led toconfusion at the level of state - to - state relations, And its reports on the spreadof disease and epidemics and appeals to States are widely affected at theinternational level.bThe study was divided into three chapters, as well as the introduction andconclusion. The first chapter dealt with liberal theory and the emergence ofinternational intergovernmental organizations and divided into three sections : The first dealt with liberal theory.The second dealt with the emergence of intergovernmental organizations.The third dealt with the functions of intergovernmental organizations.The second chapter dealt with the variables affecting the performance ofinternational intergovernmental organizations and divided into two sections : The first dealt with the subjective variables.The second dealt with external variables.The third chapter dealt with the World Health Organization and divided intotwo sections : The first is the emergence of the World Health Organization.The second dealt with the roles and functions of the World HealthOrganization.Conclusions : 1 - International organization is an indispensable need, despite the decline ineffectiveness, as a result of political conflicts and different visions in theinternational system , Different trends, visions and conflict of interestsbetween international actors lead to a decline in the work of the internationalorganization and international organizations.2 - The conflict of interests and the lack of harmony between the internationalactors have led to the result of the decline of the work of internationalorganizations, but this did not cancel its presence.3 - That the continued presence of international organizations is an importantindicator that cooperation is a continuous phenomenon, and is one of themost important phenomena of international relations, despite the increaseand indicators of its decline and the emergence of the phenomenon ofconflict as a general phenomenon of comprehensive international relations

اثر الازمة السياسية في التنمية الاقتصادية : دراسة انموذج تركيا 1946 - 2055

Author name: زينة مدحت محمد شريف الهموندي
Supervisor name: عماد عبد اللطيف سالم
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:

السياسة الخارجية التركية اتجاه منطقة القوقاز بعد الحرب الباردة == Turkish Foreign Policy Towards Caucasia Region after the Cold War

Author name: صبا سليم محمد علي الجبوري
Supervisor name: مصطفى جاسم حسين البهادلي
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: بعد انتهاء الحرب الباردة وتفكك الاتحاد السوفييتي عام 1991 واستقلال دول القوقاز عنه، افضت تلك التحولات التي تبلور مجموعة من المتغيرات والقضايا التي اثرت في العلاقات التركية مع دول جنوب القوقاز، فشهدت السياسة الخارجية التركية مع هذه الدول الثلاث ارمينيا واذربيجان وجورجيا، حقبة من التفاهمات والاستقطابات بسبب هذه العوامل والمتغيرات الداخلية والاقليمية والدولية. وقد احتوت الرسالة المعنونة (( السياسة الخارجية التركية اتجاه القوقاز بعد الحرب الباردة )) على مقدمة وخاتمة وملخص باللغة العربية والانكليزية واربعة فصول . ونظرا لما تتمتع به منطقة جنوب القوقاز من اهمية سياسية واقتصادية وجغرافية، فقد اصبحت محط اهتمام العديد من الدول الاقليمية والقوى الكبرى وساحة للتنافس الاقليمي والدولي. اذ يبحث الفصل الاول عن الاهمية الاستراتيجية لدول اقليم القوقاز الجنوبي الثلاثة (اذربيجان وجورجيا وارمينيا )من خلال اربعة فصول رئيسة ،المبحث الاول يتناول الاهمية الجغرافية والجيوبوليتيكية لمنطقة دول اقليم القوقازالجنوبي ،والمبحث الثاني يتناول الاهمية الاقتصادية ،والمبحث الثالث يتاول الحالة الاجتماعية والديوغرافية ،والمبحث الرابع تناول القدرات العسكرية والامنية .اما الفصل الثاني فقد تطرق الى اهداف ووسائل تنفيذ السياسة الخارجية التركية اتجاه دول اقليم القوقاز الجنوبي ،وذلك من ثلاثة مباحث رئيسة ،فالمبحث الاول تناول عملية صنع القرارفي السياسة الخارجية التركية ،والمبحث الالثاني تناول الاهداف الرئسية للتوجه التركي لمنطقة اقليم القوقاز ،والمبحث الثالث تناول اهم الوسائل لتنفيذ السياسة الخارجية التركية تجاه المنطقة .اما الفصل الثالث ،فقد تطرق الى الادوار الاقليمية والدولية في منطقة اقليم القوقاز الجنوبي ،وذلك من خلال مبحثين ،المبحث الاول تناول الدور الاقليمي المتمثل بروسيا الاتحادية والجمهورية الاسلامية الايرانية ،والمبحث الثاني تناول الدور الدولي المتمثل بالولايات المتحدة الامريكية و(اسرائيل )والاتحاد الاوروبي .والفصل الرابع فقد تطرق الى مستقبل التوجه التركي لدول منطقة اقليم القوقاز الجنوبي ،وذلك من خلال ثلاثة مباحث رئيسة ،المبحث الاول تناول مشهد استمرارية التعاون مع هذه الدول ،والمبحث الثاني تناول مشهدالتراجع ،والمبحث الثالث تناول مشهد المؤامة . وبعد صعود حزب العدالة والتنمية، وتطبيق الحزب لرؤية جديدة خاصة بالسياسة الخارجية تقوم على توظيف مباديء جديدة تهدف لتحويل تركيا من دولة جسر لدولة مركزية في دول جنوب القوقاز الذي يمثل واحد من الاقاليم المهمة للسياسة التركية، وذلك لما يتيحه من فرص للسياسة الخارجية التركية في بناء علاقات متوازنة وبراغماتية مبنية على التعاون والتنافس وما يفرضه من مخاطر قد تهدد الامن القومي التركي. | After the end of the Cold War and collapse of Soviet Union 1991 and the independence of Caucasian States many changes and issues appears which effect the relations of Turkey and the states of south Caucasia .Turkish foreign relations with these states, Armenia ,Azerbaijan and Georgia witnesses period of understanding and polarize due to theses internal ,regional and international factors and changes This theses titled (Turkish Foreign Policy Towards Caucasia after the Cold War ) includes an introduction ,four chapters , conclusion and abstract . As south Caucasia enjoys political , economic and geographic it becomes the focus of the interests of regional states , great powers and the field of regional and international competition . The first chapter discusses the strategic importance of the three states of south Caucasia region (Armenia ,Azerbaijan and Georgia ) .It includes three enquiries .First enquiry discusses the geographic and geopolitical importance of south Caucasia region states .The second enquiry discusses the economic importance .The third enquiry discusses the social and demographic situation .The fourth enquiry discusses the military and security abilities .The second chapter discusses the 0bjectives and the methods of implementing Turkish foreign policy towards south Caucasia region .It includes three enquiries .The first enquiry includes the decision making in Turkish foreign policy .The second enquiry discusses the main objectives of Turkish policy for Caucasia region .The third enquiry discusses the most important methods to implement Turkish foreign policy towards this region . The third chapter discusses the regional and international roles in two enquiries .The first enquiry discusses the regional role represented in Russia federation and Iran Islamic Republic .The second enquiry discusses the international role represented in United States of America , (Israel ) and Europe union .The fourth chapter discusses the future of the Turkish policy for south Caucasia region in three enquiries .The first enquiry discusses the continuous cooperation with these states .The second enquiry discusses the withdraw. The third enquiry discusses the conspiracy. After the ascension of Justice and Progress Party, and the application of the new perspectives concerning the based on the employment of these new principles aiming at changing Turkey from a bridge state into a central power in the south Caucasus region, which is one of the important regions as far as the Turkish policies are concerned. Because the opportunities it provides opportunities for the building of a balanced and pragmatic relations based on the cooperation and competition, as imposed by forces that threaten the Turkish security

السياسة الخارجية الايرانية تجاه الخليج العربي منذ عام 2003 وافاق المستقبل == The Foreign policy Of Iran Towards Arabian Gulf Since 2003 and The Horizons of Future

Author name: نشوان علاء حسين
Supervisor name: فكرت نامق عبد الفتاح العاني
General topic: Political Science
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
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