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التطورات السياسية في ايرلندة الشمالية 1921 - 1949 == Political Developments In Northern Ireland (1921 - 1949)

Author name: احسان علي حسين الشمري
Supervisor name: صادق حسن السوداني
General topic: History
Specific topic: Modern and Contemporary History
Degree: Doctorate
University: Mustansiriyah University - Faculty Of Education - Department Of History
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Summary:
References:

الاستراتيجية الامريكية تجاه العراق على اثر احتلال دولة الكويت 1990 - 2003 : دراسة تاريخية == American Strategy toward Iraq after the occupation of Kuwait State 1990 - 2003 Historical Study

Author name: غسان بنيان جلود الشويلي
Supervisor name: ياسين طه ياسين الهارون
General topic: History
Specific topic: Modern and Contemporary History
Degree: Doctorate
University: University Of Basrah - College Of Literature - Department Of History
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:
Abstract: Iraq's relationship with marked United States since antiquity, but that relationship was ruled by the nature of international relations and global policy environment, and historical evidence pointed toward this relationship, which differed in different historical phases that passed by, through us site United States of America in international balance, Iraq has become a centerpiece of American interest and particularly after the end of World War II, especially after he became one of the most important factors for oil factor in the success of this war, and that Iraq enjoys a strategic location and its resources made it in Us policy priorities in accordance with the adopted strategy planning with multiple policies that has undergone transformation strategy wisdom international and regional situations and the Interior, as the actual intervention process began for the United States to Iraq and who skipped interest .Was the importance of this shift in the regional environment, after the fall of the Shah of Iran strategic ally of the United States in the Middle East, you may select the normal route of us strategic shift toward Iraq since Iran - Iraq war in 1980 - 1988, as The American decision maker, need to go towards a strategy to embrace Iraq, intelligence and logistical support in the course of the war, but that does not mean that the shift was not aimed at distancing strategy was primarily to destroy those strong regional area, and limit the expansion of Capabilities in the Middle East, the fact that both parties had United States animosity and ideological threat to their interests and its allies in the region that they both carry elements of geopolitical and economic and military power .The United States has adopted .And had proved its features and clearly as strategic shifts since the end of the Gulf war as a shift in the nature of dealing with the Iraqi file since 1993 - 2001, the policy of containment through economic and humanitarian dimensions, and carried military and security was intended to make the strategic dimension towards Iraq as Came the decision to stop the war, which set out the nature of the risks that they must stand against it based on the policy of containment, especially weapons of mass destruction, under UN Security Council resolutions, but that policy has failed to achieve the goal and different lobbyists around him success optimal strategy against Iraq was To be going towards a more effective policy that regime change in Iraq declared goal in light of the American strategy in Iraq Liberation Act .I took the success factors in Bush administration Jr in 2001 - 2003 September 11 helped in 2001, which varied around them, and what are the objectives behind them, but it's considered one of the most important factors in the nature of the shift towards Iraq and the ensuing consequences and becoming Opportunity invested by the Bush administration and neocons in the implementation strategy that drew toward Iraq since 1990, and go toward preemptive war, which was considered the decisive factor in achieving goal after failing military strategy of deterrence and containment, by connecting Iraq, global terrorism under the pretext of developing weapons of mass destruction, the US administration took escalating toward rogue States that support terrorism and Iraq was the priority attention being an anchor and a goal can usually process the overall security and military policy integration

حركة انصار السلام في العراق 1954 - 1963 == The Movement for Supporters of Peace in Iraq 1954 - 1963

Author name: علي برزان عطار الحسناوي
Supervisor name: مؤيد شاكر كاظم مخيلف الطائي
General topic: History
Specific topic: Modern and Contemporary History
Degree: Master
University: University of Thi-Qar - College Of Education For Human Sciences - Department Of History
Language: Arabic
University location: Dhi Qar
First pages:
Abstract: The study of political movements of all kinds is of interest to researchers in the field of history, in light of their significant contribution to the weaving of new events in the history record. Since the movement of the supporters of peace is one of those important movements witnessed by the world in general and Iraq in particular, The movement of supporters of peace in Iraq 1954 - 1963) will contribute to know the role played by this movement in the history of contemporary Iraq by revealing the conditions that contributed to its establishment, and the impact of the society in different layers and directions, and to know the nature of its work alongside other political parties , And its position on issues Local, Arab and international peace, and the position of the ruling authority0The study was divided into an introduction, four chapters, a conclusion, and a group of supplement 0The first chapter is entitled "The Historical Roots of the 1945 The second chapter, entitled "The First Founding Conference of the Movement and the Stage of Secret Activity" (1954 - J - - - - - 1954) dealt with the political situation in Iraq prior to the conference preparation for holding the conference and its meetings. The of the movement, as well as severing relations with the Soviets and 0 - July 14, 1959, we referred to the position of the movement from the revolution of 14 July 1958, then the national communist truggle and the peace festival in Mosul. The activity of the movement and the Communist aspiration of the government and its repercussions on the movement, where the activity included the convening of the second conference of the movement on April 14, 1959, and the festivals of the movement Peace in Halabja, Hilla and Benghouin as well as the movement's international activity 0 The fourth and final chapter was devoted to a statement (the impact of internal conflicts and laws in the activity of the movementJuly 14, 1959 - 1963), the most important of which were the events of Kirkuk, July 14, 1959, the assassination attempt on 7 October 1959, The chapter also discussed the Movement's position on international peace issues, the most prominent of which was the position on the French nuclear tests in the Sahara of Algeria and the support of the peace talks between Khrushchev and Ishaeur. , And attend a conference Peace in Indonesia and the persecution of prominent international peacekeepers, including the trials of peace supporters in West Germany, the assassination of the President of the Government of the Congo (Patrice Lumumba), the strengthening of the call for disarmament and the end of the movement's activities. The movement of the supporters of peace in Iraq created international conditions that had repercussions in Iraq, in which the voices calling for an end to wars and the need to resolve disputes by peaceful means were part of the world peace movement establishedby the World Peace Council in Warsaw in November 1950, Peace and supports all peace movements in the world, including the movement of supporters of peace in Iraq 0 The movement of supporters of peace in Iraq during the era of the royal era to prove its presence at the internal and external levels, at the level of the interior worked to put itself on the political and national issues of the country along with the national movement and opposition parties won the confidence of both, on the external level has worked to send representatives To attend meetings (the World Peace Council) and the rest of the meetings held to support the issues of peace 0 After establishing its position domestically and internationally, the movement held its first founding conference, which was held on July 15, 1954, in Baghdad under the tight guard of the eyes of the authority, which regarded it as a communist movement working for the then banned Iraqi Communist Party, which fought its activities and persecuted its men throughout the royal era.The date of the end of the monarchy in Iraq on 14 July 1958 was a major turning point in the history of the movement of supporters of peace in Iraq. The movement considered that day a victory for the will of the people and the national forces that formed the movement.As the movement moved from secret to public, so its support came to the revolution of July 14 warmly and in particular, especially that the most prominent elements of the movement who were stripped of Iraqi nationality and others and away from the country has been prepared for them to return, which was the most prominent Aziz Sharif, who returned to the country after the success of the revolution He worked on the establishment of an Peace Council in cooperation with Lawyer Tawfiq Munir and some of the figures.Since then, Aziz Sharif has been secretary general of the movement until the end of its activity on 8 February 1963, the end of the first republican era.

التنوع الطائفي واثره على الحياة السياسية اللبنانية 1958 - 1975 == The sectarian diversity and the impact on Lebanese political life (1958 - 1975

Author name: لطيف ثجيل لطيف الصافي
Supervisor name: عبد الرسول شهيد عجمي
General topic: History
Specific topic: Modern and Contemporary History
Degree: Master
University: University of Thi-Qar - College Of Education For Human Sciences - Department Of History
Language: Arabic
University location: Dhi Qar
First pages:
Abstract: The Lebanese society has been distinguished by its diverse sects. It is clear that the history of Lebanon is linked to the culture of the sects, whose social and political identity has been defined. The sectarian issue in Lebanon has made the society based on that diversity , which has been reflected in the reality of the Lebanese people and the thinking of its members. As Lebanon has become under the French control , which has further exacerbated that conflict, because the French.Government depends on its survival and the realization of its interests through this. Sectarian conflict interferes So I took all the power to impose its will on the political decision represented by some communities in Lebanon.The Lebanese political system since 1943 is a sectarian system of the first order. The sectarianism intervenes in every big and small in the Lebanese political system. The political parties are sectarian and the constitution is based on sectarian and the three powers. And the president is elected on a sectarian basis, the governments formed on a sectarian basis, as is the case for the parliament that is elected and divided on a sectarian basis. Therefore , sectarianism in Lebanon is aimed at exaggerating it in every direction.The study was divided into an introduction, a preface, three chapters and a conclusion. The introduction dealt with the historical composition of the Lebanese communities and their role in politics until 1958.The first chapter highlighted the impact of sectarian diversity on political developments and trends 1958 - 1964. The third topic dealt with the Lebanese sect's position on the draft amendment of the constitution in 1963. The fourthtopic dealt with the sectarian formations In the 1964 parliamentary elections. The second chapter dealt with the role of the sects in the Lebanese political developments from 1964 - 1970. It divided into three sections dealing with the first topic : the communities and the elections of Charles Helou in 1964. The third topic dealt with the position of the sects from the Palestinian presence in Lebanon 1964 - 1970. In Lebanese society 1969 - 1970. The third section highlighted the position of the sects on the Lebanese political developments prior to the civil war , which included four topics. The first topic was entitled The position of the sects regarding the events of March 1970 (fighting between the Lebanese army and the Palestinian resistance). The second section.Explained the repercussions of the economic situation on the Lebanese communities 1970 - 1972 , and the third topic to show the position of the Lebanese communities of the war of October 1973 , while the fourth topic discussed the causes and consequences of sectarian tension.

سياسة الولايات المتحدة الامريكية تجاه تركيا 1960 - 1980 == The U.S. Policy Towards Turkey : 1980 - 1960

Author name: محمد مسير الربيعي
Supervisor name: عبد الرزاق احمد النصيري
General topic: History
Specific topic: Modern and Contemporary History
Degree: Doctorate
University: Wasit University - Faculty Of Education - Department Of History
Language: Arabic
University location: Wasit
First pages:
Abstract: Turkey has a prominent strategic position, which can be a meeting point between the three continents (Asia, Africa and Europe) and a major control center by air, sea and land between East and West.When Turkey became increasingly important in international relations after the end of the Second World War, and accompanied by international events accelerated political, military and economic, and the emergence of two major poles across the world.The United States sought to attract Turkey to its ranks and to associate with the so - called alliance policy. The interest of US policy in Turkey between 1960 and 1980, during which the Turkish army carried out three coups, left its mark on US policy towards Turkey. It isthe subject of this dissertation. The thesis in its final form included an introduction, five chapters and a conclusion. In order to preserve the comprehensiveness of the subject, and in line with its title, we suggested that Chapter I (American - Turkish relations from the end of World War II until 1960).To illustrate the extent of the United States' interest in Turkey during that period, and to divide the chapter into three topics, the first dealt with the review of the strategic location of Turkey and its impact on the US - Turkish alliance, and the US position on the attempts of the Soviet Union to dominate Turkey.Chapter II was devoted to the US strategy toward Turkey from 1947 until Turkey joined NATO in 1952, while the third topic dealt with US policy toward Turkey. During the reign of Turkish Prime Minister Adnan Menderes from 1950 to 1960.Chapter Two (US policy towards Turkey from the 1960 coup to the return of civil rule in 1961) dealt with three issues. The first part dealt with the US position on the precepts of the May 27, 1960 coup.The second topic was devoted to studying the American reaction after the coup. The third study examined US relations with Turkey during the military period until the return of civil rule in late 1961. The third chapter dealt with the Turkish - American relations from the return of civil rule to Turkey until 1971. In three studies, the first topic was devoted to studying the US policy towards Turkey after the return of civil rule.The second topic examines US policy toward Turkey since US President Lyndon Johnson warned Turkish Prime Minister Ismat Inonu on June 5, 1964, to abandon Turkey's protection against Soviet threats if Turkey intervened militarily in Cyprus until 1971. The third topic dealt with the position of the United States Of the coup of the memorandum on March 12, 1971.Chapter Four dealt with the study of the Cyprus crisis and its impact on US policy toward Turkey (1960 - 1974). It was divided into three sections. The first part explained the position of the United States on the Cyprus crisis since the independence of Cyprus in 1960 and the outbreak of the 1963 - 1964 crisis. the second section devoted to track the position of the United States in 1967, the Cyprus crisis, and touched on the third topic to the American position of the Turkish military intervention in Cyprus in 1974.Chapter 5 deals with US policy toward Turkey from 1971 to the 1980 coup. In the course of this chapter, the chapter dealt with three topics. The first part examined US policy toward Turkey from the ban on poppy cultivation until 1974. The second topic was devoted to the US embargo on Turkey and its implications for American - Turkish relations.The third topic dealt with the American position on the 1980 coup in Turkey.The thesis concluded with a conclusion that focused on the most important conclusions of the study in revealing the nature of the US policy towards Turkey from 1960 to 1980, and the transformations it underwent

موقف الحزب الشيوعي العراقي من القضية الكردية في العراق 1968 - 1979 : دراسة تاريخية == The position of the Iraqi Communist Party From the Kurdish Issue of Iraq (1968 - 1979) )Historical study(

Author name: كاتب محمد غافل الحجامي
Supervisor name: مؤيد شاكر كاظم مخيلف الطائي
General topic: History
Specific topic: Modern and Contemporary History
Degree: Master
University: University of Thi-Qar - College Of Literature - Department Of History
Language: Arabic
University location: Dhi Qar
First pages:
Abstract: The Iraqi Communist Party is one of the most prominent Iraqi political parties that played an important role in influencing the course of events in the political arena in Iraq at the beginning of the second half of the thirties of the last century where that period of history saw the emergence of the Kurdish issue is clearly in the policies and the literature of the Communist Party, especially after Barzan events (1943 - 1945) in northern Iraq and its aftermath, and how to deal with successive Iraqi governments, and Anbra the Communist party introduced the appropriate peaceful solutions .The importance of this study comes from the fact that it dealt with a subject of historical, political and social dimensions. At the same time, the Kurdish issue was a prominent event on the political scene and for a long time in the history of modern Iraq. In the royal and republican covenants, and this was reflected in the Kurdish issue itself. The position of the Iraqi Communist Party on the Kurdish issue (1968 - 1979) is worthy of consideration because the Communist Party provided much support and support in many local and international forums.The study was based on the chronology of events while preserving the unity of the topic. The study was divided into four chapters, a conclusion and a set of annexes, as well as the introduction, which aims at clarifying the importance of the thesis and determining its main contents. The first introductory chapter dealt with the period since the establishment of the Iraqi Communist Party (1968 - 1949), the execution of Fahd, secretary of the Communist Party, the development of the relationship between the Communist Party and the Kurdish Movement (KDP) For the period (1958 - 1963) Of the Communist Party of the Kurdish issue and the accompanying armed events in the era of the First Baathist coup and the government of the brothers Aref (1963 - 1968). The second chapter, which we included under the title of the Iraqi Communist Party and its position on the Kurdish issue (1968 - 1973), shed light on several issues in which we discussed the position of the Communist Party on the Kurdish issue (1968 - 1970) and the repercussions of the July 17 coup on the Kurdish issue, Declaration of March 11, 1970 and the declaration of self - rule of the Kurds and the position of the Iraqi Communist Party, the relation of the Communist Party to the Kurdish issue of the period (1971 - 1973) and the accompanying events.The third chapter dealt with the period from the proclamation of the National Front and Progressive Nationalism (July 17, 1973) to the establishment of the Kurdish War in 1974, and the influence of the Baathist Communist Alliance on the Kurdish issue and the deterioration in the relations of the Communist Party with the Kurdish leadership. The position of the Communist Party from the April 1974 - March 1975 war, the reasons for the Algiers agreement and its repercussions on the Kurdish issue, the March 6, 1975 agreement, the collapse of the armed Kurdish movement, and the consequences for the Kurdish issue.The fourth and final chapter, entitled "The position of the Iraqi Communist Party on the Kurdish issue 1975 - 1979", explained the position of the Communist Party for the two years (1975 - 1976) on the Kurdish issue after the Algiers Agreement and the impact of thecollapse of the Kurdish armed movement on the Kurdish parties. The deterioration of the relations between the Ba'th Party and the Iraqi Communist Party by engaging in the National Progressive National Front between the Ba'th Party and the Iraqi Communist Party, the Communists having to resort abroad, the return of the alliance with the Kurdish parties and the adoption of the method of armed struggle for the purpose of overthrowing the Baath regime.The conclusion included the most important findings of the study of scientific results in the light of its contents, as well as the recommendations and proposals that we consider necessary from the point of view of the researcher modest, and we also sought through the annexes to the study to provide the letter with a set of documents and important data of the Iraqi Communist Party and the Kurdistan Democratic Party with a number of Foreign Documents. In his study of the position of the Iraqi Communist Party on the Kurdish issue, the researcher reached the following conclusions : 1 - The Kurdish issue has a clear impact on the programs and thought of political parties, especially in the thought and literature of the Iraqi Communist Party.2. Both the Iraqi Communist Party and the Barati Party have played a large and effective role in highlighting the Kurdish issue and supporting it in obtaining the right of the Kurdish people to attain their national rights.3 - The Kurdish issue has contributed directly or indirectly to the tension of the Iraqi political situation for many years reflected on the economic and social aspects of the Iraqi people and Kurds alike.4. The Kurdish issue will remain a problem unless a peaceful, just and democratic solution is found, unless radical solutions are found that realize the legitimate rights of the Kurds and guarantee Iraq the unity of its land and people.5 - Calling the Communist Party of successive governments not to practice the policy of racial discrimination against the Kurdish people, which will inevitably push him to seek separation from Iraq by any means.From his humble point of view, the researcher suggests some of the recommendations he deems necessary to solve the persistent Kurdish problem in its modern and contemporary history : In order for the Kurdish issue not to come out of scope and the Kurds aremoving toward full separation and dealing with foreign countries, Finally, I put this modest effort in the hands of my professors, members of the discussion committee, to evaluate them and increase their rank in a way that makes them efficient to provide Iraqilibraries as a source of study of Iraq's modern and contemporary history.

موقف الحزب الشيوعي العراقي من القضية الكردية في العراق 1934 - 1968 == The Communist Party's Position on the Kurdish Issue (1934 - 1968

Author name: ابتسام سلمان عطية الغزي
Supervisor name: مؤيد شاكر كاظم مخيلف الطائي
General topic: History
Specific topic: Modern and Contemporary History
Degree: Master
University: University of Thi-Qar - College Of Literature - Department Of History
Language: Arabic
University location: Dhi Qar
First pages:
Abstract: The Kurdish issue was one of the most important issues that occupied a large part of the activity of the Iraqi Communist Party, which emphasized its importance and the need to deal with it since the beginning of its establishment in 1934 as one of the most complex issues facing the Iraqi state, and because this issue is of high importance, the Iraqi Communist Party had to determine its position on this issue as one of the most important political parties operating in the Iraqi field at the time.The study consisted of three chapters, an introduction, a conclusion and an appendix. The first chapter, entitled Position of the Communist Party on the Kurdish Question 1934 - 1958, dealt with the Marxist perspective of minorities, the developments of the Kurdish issue until 1934, the position of the Communist Party on partisan life in Iraqi Kurdistan as well as the relations between the Iraqi Communist Party and the Kurdistan Democratic Party until 1958, As for the second chapter, it highlighted the position of the Iraqi Communist Party on the Kurdish issue in the era of Abdul Karim Qasim 1958 - 1963, in which we discussed the position of the communists and Kurds from the July 14 revolution, the role of the Iraqi Communist Party and the Kurdistan Democratic Party in suppressing the movement of Mosul in March 1959, and the rebellion of Rashid Lulan and Abbas Mamand, and the events of Kirkuk, as well as the position of the Iraqi Communist Party from the events of September 1961, and the developments of the crisis in Kurdistan until 1963. The third chapter we have shown in it the position of the party on the Kurdish issue 1963 - 1968, and the study dealt with the position of the Communist Party of the Kurdish issue under the reign of Abdul Salam Arif and the reign of Abdul Rahman Arif until the end of 1968.The Iraqi Communist Party was the only international party that, since its establishment, sought to present solutions and slogans to the issues of nationalities, especially the Kurdish issue, The study found that there is some contradiction in the positions ofthe Iraqi Communist Party, which quickly abandoned the principle of independence of Kurdistan, mentioned in the first statement of the Anti - Colonial Society and investment in the first congress of the Communist Party in 1944,where the slogan of rights and equality was resolved for the Kurds replaced the slogan independence and the word minority instead of the words of the Kurdish people. Hence, the Iraqi Communist Party embarked on a broad national concept, especially after realizing that the British officials sought to exploit the Kurdish issue in their favor and to tamper with the capabilities of the Kurdish people at that time in history of contemporary Iraq.The Communist Party of Iraq stressed the need to give the Kurds their national rights within the framework of Iraqi unity, and opposed the idea of separation. In March 1953, a qualitative change took place in the party's position through the new charter prepared by the secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party Bahaauddin Nuri, in which he called for recognition of the right of separation to the Kurdish people and to ensure the real equality of other national groups. The reason for this change in the position of the party is the arrival of Kurdish figures to the leadership of the Central Committee of the Iraqi Communist Party, but there has been a clear decline in this position because of widespread splits in the ranks of the party, which considered separatism an invitation propagated by the colonial propaganda to divide the unity of the struggle of theArab and Kurdish peoples, And agreed to the autonomy of Iraqi Kurdistan within the Iraqi unity, although he continued to support the Kurdish issue in the years 1963 - 1968 and his criticism of Iraqi governments and his condemnation of its military campaigns against the Kurds and his calls for a peaceful solution instead of military confrontation and sometimes his armed participation with the Kurds against the ruling power, all this comes because of the Communist Party's position and interests, which called for such positions and the influence of the Soviets on its policy and positions as well.

نقرة السلمان 1921 - 1968 : دراسة في اوضاعها الامنية والادارية والاقتصادية والاجتماعية == NIGRET ALSALMAN Study on its Administrative ,Economic and Social Status 1921 - 1968

Author name: عبد الله خير الله مسير الركابي
Supervisor name: عماد جاسم حسن الموسوي
General topic: History
Specific topic: Modern and Contemporary History
Degree: Master
University: University of Thi-Qar - College Of Education For Human Sciences - Department Of History
Language: Arabic
University location: Dhi Qar
First pages:
Abstract: (Nigret Al - Salman : A study on Its Administrative, Economic and Social Status During the Period 1921 - 1968”) is one of the most central topics in the history of contemporary Iraq, for it addresses a vital region in Iraq that has contributed, in one way or another, to the manufacture of some political events in Iraq history. This area is characterized by its far distance from the Iraqi urban areas. The researcher chose the year 1921 as the beginning of his topic for this year marked the establishment of the modern Iraqi state and the official declaration of the beginning of the monarchy in Iraq. The researcher also chose the year 1968 for it marked the 17th of July coup.Despite the large volume of academic studies in Iraqi universities that have been interested in the history of contemporary Iraq or its local history, these studies did not shed light on the area of "Nigret Al - Salman," hence the significance of the topic stems from the fact that the subject has not been studied previously in the same direction that we studied. This added a great burden on the researcher in terms of the scarcity of resources on the subject, especially with regard to its economic and social aspects.The study is divided into Introduction, four Chapters, a large number of Annexes and Conclusion. Chapter One is an introduction in which we provided a geographical and historical overview on Al - Salman area until 1921. The chapter included two main sections : Section One discusses the geographical location of the area, its naming and population, while Section Two was a historical sketch on Al - Salman area until 1921. Chapter Two addresses the development of the Administrative System of Al - Salman from 1921 to 1968. It has been divided into three main sections. Section One discusses the Wahhabi attacks on Al - Salman area until 1932, and its subsequent halting after the Iraqi government has turned to fight back those attacks and demarcation of the border. Section Two is a follow - up to the governmental procedures set to protect the Iraqi Kingdom at a continuous and direct basis. Section Three is devoted to the great administrative developments that the Salman area passed through various ages, especially during the British occupation, monarchy era and towards the end of the Republican era in 1968.Chapter Three of the study focuses on the administrative aspects of Nigrat Al - Salman and its development from 1921 until 1968, especially the buildings of the Iraqi government, such as the border post and the prison. The chapter also follows on the administrative development of Nigrat Al - Salman within the study frame - time, besides taking note of the development of teaching, health and other services in Nigrat Al - Salman.Chapter Four shed light on the economic and social conditions at Nigrat Al - Salman during the period between (1921 - 1968). The first section elaborates on the economic developments of Nigrat Al - Salman (1921 - 1968), and in particular the economic activities on which people relied to provide such necessary needs as food and drink to themselves and their animals or watering their plantations, and the most important economic revenues that the people benefit from these various activities, with the most chief minerals and treasures that Nigrat Al - Salman has. The second section is the societal developments that Nigrat Al - Salman underwent from 1921 to 1968, the social formations in Al - Salman and the social constructions and tribes settled therein, and the development of the population, whether in terms of health conditions, education or other necessary services, such as electricity, water, roads, transportation, and even archaeological sites spread out in Nigrat Al - Salman, and ending with sports.The Salman region formed a significant geographic dimension to the Iraqi border which made the region in the forefront among the Iraqi regions that has faced hardships caused by Wahhabis throughout the ages, especially as it was a way to transit goods and commodities from Iraq to neighboring countries, so it became the focus of traders for temporary stability before they move on their route. The presence of watering holes and wells as well contributed to the arrival of pastoralists to settle in the area for the shedding of animals and irrigation form those wells and holes that continued from ancient times, through the establishment of the Arab Islamic state towards the end of the Ottoman Empire in 1918.The establishment of the modern Iraqi state in 1921 has major repercussions on Al - Salman area towards which the government has drawn great attention because it is located on the ground trade routes of the Iraqi kingdom, making it a residential areaacting to fight back recurrent attacks by the Saudi Wahhabis nearby. The Iraqi government had to take seriously the proposals made by Glope Pasha to establish a border post at Al - Salman in October 1927 - the post that is considered to be the precursor of the establishment of this region in a permanent and stable manner.The emergence of Nigrat Al - Salman was linked to the permanent population stability, which was the residence of some tribes that had a significant impact on the successive Iraqi governments to provide different ways of livelihood, especially during the stagesof the monarchy era (1921 - 1958) and delivery of whatever possible as drinking water, construction of schools and mosques, in order to sustain the lives of the settled citizens. The social developments in Al - Salman region were great compared to the harsh place characterized by Al - Salman as a desert area; however, that did not prevent the sustainability of population stability and the various activities such as sport. Al - Salman region was part of and administratively linked to Diwaniyah city during the period 1921 - 1968.Of course, in proportion to the difficult conditions, the simple agricultural economic system exerted itself to Al - Salman region. The spread of agriculture was only meant to fulfill the local needs and if only by a small fraction of life. But this did not thwart the people from bringing goods and agricultural crops from nearby cities metropolitans such as Samawah and Diwaniyah, so that they meet the growing needs, and the exploration of metals found in the ground such as phosphates, oil or mercury and others. However, the development pace of those excavations was not up to the required level so the people and government can utilize to develop projects and provide public services at Al - Salman throughout the time covered by the study.Although Al - Salman area was formed primarily from tribal and human groups that were not homogenous in terms of tribal descent, it, nevertheless, molded a single human conglomerate throughout the ages. There existed tribes from al - Muntafiq, Samawah or Diwaniyah that combined together to confront the dangers that besetthem, known, at the same time, to have goodness and hospitality which is a clear -

هوراتيو نلسن ودوره العسكري في بريطانيا (1758 - 1805) : دراسة تاريخــــيـــــة == Horatio Nelson and his military role in England (1758 - 1805)

Author name: بيان عبيد زبيدي حسين الخفاجي
Supervisor name: نعيم كريم عجيمي الشويلي
General topic: History
Specific topic: Modern and Contemporary History
Degree: Doctorate
University: University of Thi-Qar - College Of Literature - Department Of History
Language: Arabic
University location: Dhi Qar
First pages:
Abstract: A comprehensive historical study on the personality of the sea was the most important European modern that accompanied the battles of the French Revolution, especially the Navy and left a significant impact in this aspect has been dealt with the personality in several aspects, first the humanitarian side and his life at a young and how he began a small sailor and then graduated until he reached the rank of Admiral Bahri And suffered during that period of health conditions were weak structure and accompanied by loss of sight in one eye and cut off his hand, but all this did not prevent him from continuing to give and lead naval battles and victory in the most difficult positions, Men make history, not vice versa. At the time when there was nothing but their actions, it would make progress when skilled leaders took advantage of the opportunity to change things for the better. That is what we can say about a naval military figure like Nelson and we will shed light on them from all sides Without being isolated between them and the circumstances and variables that surrounded them as it became one of the most prominent features in the history of the English Navy, which has long been described as the first Navy and Lady of the Sea has been a great deal of skill and experience and experience and hardness brought to the peak in terms of numbers and Or was Nelson part of the naval system has added to him and added to it was its name, England, linked to its vessels, which were navigating the sea and open roads to their interests, and formed the real power to which they left, and even enabled them to achieve the influence and economic gains as well as being the main tool To defend the country, its strength lay in its ships, so it is equivalent to the ground force adopted by other European countries and to achieve its goals, it was necessary to assign them to competent leaders. He was at the forefront of those leaders whose public popularity increased and became overwhelming after all his M 1793 - 1805 and has contributed in history to perpetuate his name in a period of time is full of events where he witnessed the Napoleonic Wars, which has long occupied Europe for so long is to be part of those events as making an English illuminated signs for her and himself.The battles fought by the decisive battles in which the great damage to the fleets of European countries has changed a lot of events and still a little remembered sacrificed himself during the Battle of the Trafalgar, The study included an introduction, four chapters and a conclusion with supplements. The first chapter, entitled "The Life of Nelson" (1758 - 1790), which included three aspects of the first years of his life, his birth, his birth and his life within his family, His loss of his mother The second topic discussed his maritime trips and his service in India and his transfer to Central America and then the American War of Independence, while the third topic explained his participation in the campaigns of the colonies since a year ago. 1780 and his participation in the campaign of Saint - Juno - Fort - Garand - Turek and then to peace until the beginning of the wars of the French Revolution.The second chapter deals with the military life of Nelsen from 1790 to 1795 and included four topics. The first topic discussed the beginning of the French - English conflict since the beginning of the French Revolution and the conflict with Spain aboutThe third chapter was a continuation of Nelson's military tournaments, which was titled The Naval Battles of 1796 - 1797. It included three explanations, one of which explained the changes in Admiralty and the withdrawal of the English fleet from the Mediterranean, while the second section presented the Battle of Saint Vincent, The plans for which and the results of it and the beginning of the brightness of the star during which we learned the subject to the rebellion of the English fleet in the port of Speethide and the impact on events between the French and English fleet and the emergence of the idea of France to invade England, Light on the Battle of Santa Cruz de Tenerife in 1797 and it has suffered damage during the battle marked by the defeat of his hand and back to London.The fourth chapter, entitled Victory to the End (1798 - 1805), included five questions, the first of which was how he returned to the sea in 1798 and the battle of the Nile, his leadership and his role in it. He also explained the reasons for this battle and its start and the positive results. The third topic explained his transition to service in the fleet of the Canal in the Baltic and the Battle of Copenhagen 1801 causes and results and the dissolution of the League of Armed neutrality, while the presentation of the subject The fourth plan of defense of England against French affiliation in 1801 and the role of Nelson, and then return to service in the Mediterranean and his leadership of the fleet in 1803 - 1804, while the fifth section of the battle of the legion 1805 causes and resulting satisfactory results of the English side and death Where we live.

المساعدات الكويتية لبعض بلدان المشرق العربي 1961 - 1981 : دراسة تاريخية == Kuwaiti aids to some countries of the Arab Orient ( 1981 - 1961)A.D (Historical study)

Author name: نجوان حسن سبع الشاوي
Supervisor name: فراقد داود سلمان الشلال
General topic: History
Specific topic: Modern and Contemporary History
Degree: Master
University: University Of Basrah - College Of Education For Girls - Department Of History
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:
Abstract: الموقع الجغرافي للكويت وتاريخها السياسي والاقتصادي 1752 - 1961 | سمات وانواع المساعدات التنموية والمعونات الكويتية | اولويات السياسة الخارجية الكويتية | العلاقات الكويتية ببعض بلدلن المشرق العربي | The study aims at showing the prominent role of the state of Kuwait in providing the assistance many decades ago. In other word when the economy of Kuwait has developed since the oil discovered through supporting growth in eastern countries. The aids have increased locally and officially to support Arab countries.Kuwait has created Kuwait fund for Arab Economic Development since its independence, which has been considered the most important economic support funds in Middle East.This fund is considered as an important economic means to highly providing support for Arab countries. Besides, Kuwait has followed the dinar policy throughout creating the Kuwaiti Fund of financing all projects within the years 1961 - 1981.The objective behind granting aids by Kuwait to strengthen their political interests through Arab countries gain. Their growth while having international and reginal crises, the aids had many forms within which were political aids to support the situations of Arab issues.Even the artists have their own contributions to support Arab issues. As obvious, as much as the Kuwaiti financial capacity increases, it refers to huge oil flow in terms of huge oil flow during the Seventies. Therefore, the aids covered the International and Arab countries.Kuwait also considers providing aids is a national duty necessary for the development of nations. Kuwait duty is also not limited to providing aids but it extents to encompass the role of mediator to solve many problems.

محمد ناصر ودوره التربوي والثقافي والسياسي في العراق حتى عام 1967 == Mohammed Nasser and his Educational Cultural and Political Role in Iraq untill 1967

Author name: علاء عريبي غانم
Supervisor name: حميد احمد حمدان التميمي
General topic: History
Specific topic: Modern and Contemporary History
Degree: Master
University: University Of Basrah - College Of Literature - Department Of History
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:
Abstract: هذه الرسالة هي دراسة تاريخية لمحمد ناصر الذي كان احد اوائل الشخصيات التي ساهمت في تطوير التعليم في العراق وكان ايضا باحثا ومحاضرا وكاتبا ومترجما يتقن اللغة الانكليزية وقليلا من اللغة الفرنسية وشغل العديد من المناصب في الدولة الادارية والوزارية كما كان لد ادوار وانشطة سياسية وثقافية طول المدة وجودة في الحكومة حتى عام 1967 وكانت هذه الرسالة تسلط الضوء على سيرته الشخصية والتعليمية والسياسية والثقافية في العراق , وتتكون الرسالة من مقدمة وثلاث فصول وخاتمة يتناول الفصل الاول دراسة حياته المبكرة , نشاته ومراحل تعليمه , وقسم عنا الفصل الاول الى مبحثين , الاول بين نسبه ونشاته وبعض ملامح شخصيته في حين تطرق المبحث الثاني الى دراسته والوظائف التي شغلها حتى عام 1965 وبحث الفصل الثاني نشاطه السياسي الوطني القومي على مرحلتين حتى عام 1958 واشتملت على مشاركته في التظاهرات ضد زيارة الفرد موند في 8 شباط 1928 ومشاركته في التظاهرات التي كانت تطالب بالاستقلال وانهاء الانتداب 1930 ودوره في تاسيس جمعية الجوال العربي 1934 - 1941 وموقفه من حركة مايس 1941وموقفه من العدوان الثلاثي على مصر 1956 والمرحلة الثانية بحثت في المدة من ثورة 14 تموز 1958 وحتى عام 1966 وبينت موقفه من ثورة 14 تموز 1958 وموقعه من انقلاب 8 شباط 1963 وموقفه من بعض القضايا الوطنية ما بين 1964 - 1966 , اما الفصل الثالث فقد تحدث عن محمد ناصر وزيرا وباحثا ومحاضرا وتكون من اربعة مباحث تناول الاول استيزاره لوزارة التربية والتعليم من 31 /كانون الثاني - 17 /حزيران/ 1964 ومنجزات الوزارة في عهده اما المبحث الثاني فقد تناول محمد ناصر وزيرا للثقافة والارشاد من 6 /ايلول /1965 - 6 /اب/ 1966 ومنجزات الوزارة في عهده واستعرض المبحث الثالث معظم مؤلفاته ومقالاته ما بين 1963 - 1990 , في حين تضمن المبحث الرابع ظروف سفره الى الكويت في عام 1967 . | This thesis is a historical study of Muhammad Nasser, who was one of the early figures in the development of education in Iraq. He was also a researcher, lecturer, writer and translater who mastered the English language and a little French. He held many positions in the state, Administrative and ministerial. He also had political and cultural roles and activities throughout his tenure in the government until 1967This thesis was to highlight his personal and educational role, political and cultural in IraqThe thesis consists of an introduction, three chapters and a conclusion. The first chapter deals with the study of the early life of Muhammad Nasser, his beginnings and the stages of his education. This chapter is divided into two sections, the first containing his origin, proportions, extras and some aspects of his personality. While the second topic dealt with the study of Mohammed Nasser Specialist and the functions he occupied in 1964The second chapter examined the activities of Muhammad Nasser national and national politician, in two stages, the first until 1958, including his participation in the demonstrations against the visit of the Al Ferd Mond in February 1928, as well as his participation in the demonstrations calling for independence 1930 and his role in the establishment of the AL - JAWAL AL - ARABI Association 1934 - 1941 and his position of the May 1941 movementAnd his position on the tripartite aggression against Egypt 1956 and the second stage followed from the revolution of July 14, 1958 until 1966, and touched on the position of Mohammed Nasser from the revolution of July 14, 1958, as well as his position on the coup of February 8, 1963. Muhammad Nasser was an ambassador in the Soviet Union 1964 - 1965 and his position on some national issues Between 1964 - 1966The third chapter Which is about Mohammed Nasser, minister, researcher and lecturer, consists of four topics , the first dealt with the receipt of the Ministry of Education from 31/1/1964 to 17/1/1964 and the achievements of the ministry in his reign. The second topic dealt with Mohammed Nasser Minister of Culture and Guidance from 19/6 / 1965 until 6/8/1966 and the achievements of the ministry in the era of the third article reviewed the writings and articles of Muhammad Nasser, while the fourth section included his travel to Kuwait in 1967

قوات بدر 1982 - 1991 : دراسة تاريخية == Badr Troops 1982 - 1991

Author name: مروة محمود حمود المالكي
Supervisor name: حسين عبد القادر محيي التميمي
General topic: History
Specific topic: Modern and Contemporary History
Degree: Master
University: University Of Basrah - College Of Literature - Department Of History
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:
Abstract: Iraqs political history was full of events ,notably the so - called1968 revolution and the Baathists militarily hold of power. Since then ,the situation in lraq has gradually worsened to the extent of the suppression of freedoms in all their forms,whether political or religious, accompanied by campaigns of prsecution and arrests.This bad situation generated an adverse reaction , especially when the injustice of the former regime extended beyond all borders such as carrying out deportations of citizens accused of having lranian origin. So, what is known as the Islamic opposition has appeared .It has taken from the Islamic Republic of Iran as headquarter ,mainly after the Islamic revolution in Iran .Gradually , this opposition developed to take on the armed struggle against the regime and crystallized in to what is know as Badrs Troops or Badirs Corp established in 1982.Bard's troops were not built on a sectarian basis,but included number of those belonging to other sects and religions and ,moreover, of other nationalities. One of the most important goals of these troops was to topple regime in lraq and to establish a national democracy system.Abstract These troops have carried out several military operation from the beginning of the establishment until the outbreak of the popular uprising called Al - Intifada Al - Shabaniah in lraq in 1991.The most prominent of these battles was the Battle of Taraba Territory where Badeis .though sacrificed many martyrs ,didwell and derived the regime to lose so many equipment and soldiers.The struggle continued during the yearsof Iran - Iraq war .The continuation of this struggle was supported by Iranian government , especially after the welcome of Iranian opposition know as the Mujahedeen - e Khalq by the regime in Iraq which also sought to change the government in Iran.Bard's corps has participated in Al - Sgabaniah in 1991, but it did not use all its heavy weapons perhaps because of the Iranian government s unwillingness to do so after the improvement of the relationship between the two countries (I.e. Iraq and Iran) as well as Iran s fears that the change would be at the expense of its strategic security if US controls Iraq and this threatens its national security.

محمد حسين هيكل ودوره في السياسة المصرية حتى عام 1956 : دراسة تاريخية == Mohammad Husein Haikal and his role in the Egyptian policy till 1956 A historical study

Author name: مروة سلمان حسن
Supervisor name: مها ناجي حسين
General topic: History
Specific topic: Modern and Contemporary History
Degree: Master
University: University of Baghdad - College Of Education For Girls - Department Of History
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: يعد محمد حسين هيكل من الشخصيات المصرية البارزة التي صنفت ضمن الجيل السياسي الاول في تاريخ مصر الحديث والمعاصر، وقد ارتبط اسمه بحوادث مهمة جدا كانت لها اثرها في الواقع السياسي المصري في النصف الاول من القرن العشرين وهي مرحلة خصبة بما شهدته مصر من تحركات وارهاصات لنيل الاستقلال وتحقيق التكامل الوطني.ان الدراسات الاكاديمية التي تناولت سيرة محمد حسين هيكل اقتصرت على الجانب الادبي والصحفي منه، في حين تناولت الجانب السياسي له باقتضاب،على الرغم من انه عاصر مرحلة مهمة من تاريخ مصر المعاصر وهي مرحلة الملكية برمتها وشارك بنصيب وافر من احداثها المحورية ورافق تقلباتها السياسية منذ حداثة سنه وقد اثرت هذه المرحلة في سلوكه السياسي وتركت بصمة واضحة في علاقاته مع اقطاب السياسة المعاصرة له ومن هذه الزاوية جاء اختيارنا لدراسة هذه الشخصية ذات الانجازات السياسية المتعددة والاسهامات الوزارية المختلفة.وتحاول هذه الدراسة الاجابة الموضوعية عن تساؤلات عدة منها : - ا. ما البواكير الاولى لنشاة محمد حسين هيكل؟‌ب. ما اهم انجازاته الصحفية وطبيعة فكره السياسي وانتمائه الحزبي حتى عام 1921؟‌ج. هل كان لرئاسة محمد حسين هيكل تاثير في صحيفة (السياسة) وفي مجريات الاحداث السياسية في مصر حتى عام 1931؟‌د. ما الدور الذي اداه محمد حسين هيكل في اسقاط وزارة اسماعيل صدقي عام 1933 واعادة دستور عام 1923؟‌ه. ما دور محمد حسين هيكل في انتخابات عام 1937؟‌و. ما ابرز انجازات محمد حسين هيكل في وزارة المعارف (1938 - 1942)؟‌ز. ما هي طبيعة رئاسة محمد حسين هيكل لحزب الاحرار الدستوريين في عام 1943؟‌ح. كيف تولى محمد حسين هيكل رئاسة مجلس الشيوخ عام 1945؟‌ط. كيف كانت معالم الطور السياسي الاخير لمحمد حسين هيكل؟.‌ي. كيف كان موقف محمد حسين هيكل من القضية الوطنية المصرية عام (1946 - 1947)؟‌ك. ما الاسباب التي ادت الى اصدار مراسيم السابع عشر من حزيران عام 1950 والتي ادت الى اقصاء محمد حسين هيكل عن رئاسة مجلس الشيوخ وما هو موقفه منها؟‌ل. ما قضية الوثائق المزورة عام 1951 وما هو موقف محمد حسين هيكل منها؟وطبقا للمنهج العلمي فقد قسمت الرسالة الى مقدمة واربعة فصول وخاتمة.تطرق الفصل الاول (البواكير الاولى لنشاة محمد حسين هيكل حتى عام 1921) الى ولادة محمد حسين هيكل ونشاته الاولى منذ ان كان صبيا حتى حصوله على درجة الدكتوراه في القانون من باريس وتقلبه بين المحاماة والصحافة واهم انجازاته الادبية والصحفية وابرز الاحزاب السياسية والشخصيات الاصلاحية التي تاثر بها، فضلا عن موقفه من بعض القضايا السياسية التي عاشتها مصر حتى عام 1921.واما الفصل الثاني والذي جاء بعنوان (الدور الاعلامي والحزبي لمحمد حسين هيكل وتاثيره في مجريات الاحداث السياسية في مصر 1922 - 1936)، فقد تطرق الى دور محمد حسين هيكل في وضع الدستور عام 1922، والى رئاسته تحرير صحيفة (السياسة) ومدى تاثيره في الواقع السياسي والثقافي في مصر خلال تلك الحقبة، فضلا عن دوره في اسقاط وزارة اسماعيل صدقي واعادة دستور عام 1923، ونشاطه البرلماني بعد تعيينه عضوا في مجلس الشيوخ عام 1936, وجهوده الادبية والفكرية.تحدث الفصل الثالث الذي حمل عنوان (النشاط السياسي والوزاري لمحمد حسين هيكل 1937 - 1945) عن دور محمد حسين هيكل في الوزارات التي تسنم ادارتها خلال هذه المدة من عمله السياسي واهم الانجازات التي سجلها في وزارة الدولة ووزارة المعارف والشؤون الاجتماعية ودوره في انتخابات عام 1937 المثيرة للجدل عبر بوابة وزارة الدولة فضلا عن موقفه من بعض الاحداث التي شهدتها البلاد ابان عمله الوزاري ورئاسته لحزب الاحرار الدستوريين ودوره في اسقاط وزارة مصطفى النحاس عام 1944.ويعالج الفصل الرابع وهو بعنوان (الطور السياسي الاخير لمحمد حسين هيكل 1945 - 1956) رئاسته لمجلس الشيوخ , وموقفه من القضية الوطنية المصرية فهو يتتبع موقفه منها بكل مراحلها الاخيرة، الى جانب موقفه من القضية الفلسطينية، فضلا عن اقصائه عن رئاسة مجلس الشيوخ باصدار مراسيم السابع عشر من حزيران عام 1950 وموقفه منها وقضية الوثائق المزورة عام 1951 ودوره فيها وموقفه من ثورة الثالث والعشرين من يوليو/ تموز عام 1952 وما صاحبها من تطورات ثم وفاته عام 1956.واخيرا تاتي الخاتمة لتسطر بايجاز ما توصلت اليه الدراسة من نتائج.اعتمدت الدراسة على مجموعة متنوعة من المصادر ياتي في مقدمتها الوثائق العراقية غير المنشورة والمحفوظة في دار الكتب والوثائق العراقية والتي لخصت كل الاحداث السياسية التي عاشتها مصر في تقارير واخبار بالغة الاهمية، الى جانب الوثائق العربية المنشورة الصادرة عن دار العالم العربي وما تضمنته من معلومات جيدة شكلت افادة عظيمة للرسالة بمختلف مراحلها وتطوراتها التاريخية, فضلا عن الوثائق المصرية المنشورة والمتمثلة بمحاضر مجلس الشيوخ المصري والتي اغنت الفصل الرابع بتطورات جلسات المجلس المتعلقة بقضية الاسلحة الفاسدة , وكذلك الوثائق الصادرة عن الدولة المصرية والتي اهتمت بتوثيق الدور المصري في هيئة الامم المتحدة ومعارك مصر التفاوضية مع بريطانيا حول الاستقلال التام.وعززت الوثائق الاميركية المنشورة والمعنونة Foreign Relations of United States Diplomatic Papers المعلومات الواردة في جوانب الرسالة بما سجلته من تقارير عن احداث السياسة المصرية وموقف الساسة المصريين من القضية الوطنية المصرية والقضية الفلسطينية.اسهمت الكتب الوثائقية بدور كبير في توضيح بعض الجوانب الاساسية من المواضيع الواردة في ثنايا الدراسة وياتي في مقدمتها كتب محسن محمد (اصول الحكم) و(الشيطان) و(عندما يموت الملك) و(التاريخ السياسي لمصر) وكتاب (سنة من عمر مصر) لاحتوائها على معلومات مقتبسة من الوثائق البريطانية والامريكية, وكتاب خالد نعيم (الجذور التاريخية لارساليات التنصير الاجنبية في مصر ) والذي تناول الحركات التبشيرية في مصر مسلطا الضوء على دور محمد حسين هيكل الصحفي في مقاومتها , فضلا عن كتاب محمد عمارة المعنون (الاسلام واصول الحكم لعلي عبد الرزاق دراسة ووثائق) والذي استعرض موقف محمد حسين هيكل من قضية مصادرة الحريات الفكرية ودفاعه المستميت عنها.وشكلت مؤلفات محمد حسين هيكل اهمية بالغة في تبيان ملامح حياته الاولية ورصد منجزاته الادبية والفكرية والظروف والملابسات التي ساهمت في خروج مؤلفاته وابداعه الى النور ومنهراوايته (زينب مناظر واخلاق ريفية ) والتي تحدث فيها بشكل مجازي عن حياته المبكرة وطبيعة معيشته في الارياف المصرية , وكتاب (في اوقات فراغ) والذي تضمن تدويناته الصحفية والفكرية وكتاب (ثورة الادب) الذي رصد فيه مجمل ارائه الادبية والفكرية. وكان لكتب المذكرات حضور متميز جدا ومنها مذكرات في السياسة المصرية لمحمد حسين هيكل التي افادت الدراسة في جميع جوانبها لانها استعرضت معلومات مهمة عن حياته الخاصة لاسيما المبكرة منها وقد تم استخدامها بحذر شديد تجنبا لانكار بعض الحقائق او محاولة تزويقها من جانب كاتب المذكرات نفسه، كما تم الاستعانة بمذكرات بعض الشخصيات التي عاصرت محمد حسين هيكل مثل مذكرات محمد علي علوبة (ذكريات اجتماعية وسياسية) ومذكرات ابراهيم الهلباوي ومذكرات حافظ محمود (المعارك في الصحافة والسياسة والفكر 1919 - 1952) وكذلك مذكرات محمد زكي عبد القادر (اقدام على الطريق) وتكمن اهمية هذه المذكرات في ان واضعيها كانوا من اصحاب محمد حسين هيكل وقد رافقوه في جوانب حياته المختلفة وقد ساعد استعمالها على ابراز الواقع بدرجة كبيرة, الى جانب مذكرات موظفي البلاط الملكي ومنها مذكرات حسن حسني (سنوات مع الملك فاروق شهادة للحقيقة والتاريخ) ومذكرات كريم ثابت (نهاية الملكية عشر سنوات مع الملك فاروق 1942 - 1952) والتي رصدت محطات الشد والجذب التي خاض غمارها محمد حسين هيكل مع القصر ولاسيما فيما يتعلق بمراسيم السابع عشر من حزيران عام 1950 وما تلاها من احداث ومواقف.ولا تقل اهمية المصادر العربية عن غيرها في اغناء المادة العلمية للدراسة منها مؤلفات احمد زكريا الشلق (حزب الامة ودوره في السياسة المصرية) وكتاب (حزب الاحرار الدستوريين 1922 - 1952) وقد ساهم هذان الكتابان برفد الدراسة بالمعلومات القيمة لانهما يتحدثان عن احزاب سياسية ايدها محمد حسين هيكل وانتمى اليها وساهم في انشائها، فضلا عن كتاب (محمد حسين هيكل في ذكراه) وكتاب (محمد حسين هيكل والفكر القومي المصري) للمؤلف عبد العزيز شرف اللذين عززا الدراسة بمعلومات جيدة عن فكر محمد حسين هيكل الصحفي والاجتماعي، وكتاب احمد لطفي السيد (الدكتور محمد حسين هيكل) والذي رصد صفات محمد حسين هيكل واهم مواقفه الشخصية والعملية والتي جاء ذكرها على لسان اصحابه وكذلك كتاب محمد سيد محمد (هيكل والسياسة الاسبوعية) والذي يعد من الكتب القلائل التي تناولت مسيرة محمد حسين هيكل الصحفية في صحيفة (السياسة) ورصد تطورها وتاثيرها على الحياة الصحفية المصرية, الى جانب كتاب حافظ محمود (اسرار الماضي) وتكمن اهمية الكتاب في كونه الكتاب الوحيد الذي تناول موضوع رئاسة محمد حسين هيكل لحزب الاحرار الدستوريين عام 1943وعنه اخذت المصادر الاخرى التي تناولت ذات الموضوع, وايضا كتاب (فاروق وسقوط الملكية) لمؤلفته لطيفة محمد سالم والتي تحدثت فيه وبشكل متميز عن علاقة محمد حسين هيكل بالملك فاروق وما اعتراها من خلافات.وقد دفعنا الانجاز الادبي لمحمد حسين هيكل للاستعانة بمؤلفات الادب العربي منها كتاب حسين فوزي النجار (هيكل وحياة محمد) وكتاب طه عمران وادي (محمد حسين هيكل وتراثه الادبي ) وكتاب شوقي الضيف (الادب العربي في مصر) وكتاب يحيى حقي (فجر القصة المصرية) وكتاب عبد المحسن طه بدر (تطور الرواية العربية الحديثة في مصر 1870 - 1938) وقد وقع على هذه المؤلفات النصيب الاكبر من الاحاطة الشاملة بحيثيات الاصدارات الادبية لمحمد حسين هيكل نظرا لما حوته من نقد وتحليل كامل لاسلوبه وخطابه الادبي والروائي. وللكتب الاجنبية اهمية كبيرة جدا لاسيما كتاب المؤلف البريطاني (Charlis smith) والذي جاء بعنوان (Islam and the search for social order in Moderen Egypt) وكتاب المؤلف الالماني (Baber Johansen ) (Muhammead Husain Haikal Europa und Der Orient Im Weltbild Eines Agyptischen Liberalen) فقد ورد فيهما معلومات جديدة عن حياة محمد حسين هيكل لم يسبق لاحد ان طرحها من قبل.ولابد من الاشارة الى الرسائل والاطاريح الجامعية التي تناولت جوانب مهمة من تاريخ مصر فقد ساهمت المعلومات التفصيلية فيها الى فهم اعمق لخلفيات بعض الحوادث السياسية وشكلت نقطة ارتكاز مهمة لبعض مواضيع الدراسة وينطبق هذا القول على رسالة الماجستير الموسومة (السياسة الاسبوعية والحركة الادبية المعاصرة في مصر) لـ (اياد ملحم) ورسالة الماجستير المعنونة (اسماعيل صدقي ودوره في السياسة المصرية1875 - 1950) لـ (مازن مهدي عبد الرحمن الشمري) وكذلك رسالة الماجستير (الحياة النيابية في مصر1936 - 1945) لـ (جمال فيصل حمد المحمدي) وغيرها فكان لهذه الرسائل اسهام واضح في اثراء الدراسة بمعلومات رصينة.وحصلت الدراسة على معلومات قيمة من الصحف والمجلات فيما يتعلق باخبار محمد حسين هيكل اليومية ومواقفه وقراراته السياسية وانجازاته الوزارية وتصريحاته الاعلامية وكان ابرزها صحف (الاهرام) و(البلاغ) المصريتين و(نداء الشعب) و(العالم العربي) العراقيتين فضلا عن مجلات (المصور) و(اخر ساعة) و(روز اليوسف) وتكمن اهميتها في انها مراة للعصر بما سجلته من احداث يومية عن تلك الحقبة, ولايخفى اهمية مجلة (الطليعة) التي يعود لها الفضل في تزويد الدراسة بوثائق مهمة عن الاحزاب التي انضم اليها محمد حسين هيكل والمؤتمرات التي ساهم فيها. كما ان مقالات محمد حسين هيكل في صحف (السياسة اليومية والاسبوعية) وصحيفة (الجريدة) و(الاخبار) قد عززت الدراسة بشكل كبير لانها عكست اراءه في جوانب الحياة المصرية بشكل واضح وذكرت بعض الاحداث التي تعذر عليه ذكرها في مذكراته.لم تخل الدراسة من صعوبات شابت عمل الباحثة وياتي في مقدمتها تعذر الحصول على مصادر تطرقت لحياة محمد حسين هيكل الشخصية او الى نشاطه السياسي لاسيما وانه يعد من اكثر الشخصيات السياسية المصرية التي اغفل ذكرها او الاشارة الى دورها، فضلا عن ان معظم المصادر التي تناولت شخصيته اكتفت بنقل ماذكره في مذكراته دون البحث عن قنوات اخرى للحصول على معلومات جديدة، مما استدعى بذل مزيد من الجهود للحصول على معلومات مختلفة وغير مسبوقة النشر، كما ان الوثائق التي حصلنا عليها من مركز الاهرام لتنظيم وتكنولوجيا المعلومات في جمهورية مصر العربية لم تف الا بالقدر البسيط جدا من متطلبات الدراسة، ناهيك عن تاخر وصولها.كتبت هذه الرسالة وانا مستعينة بقوله تعالى (وما توْفِيقِي اِلّا بِاللّهِ) ومهما بلغ حرصي على اعدادها فاني لا استطيع ان ادعي لها الكمال ولا خلوها من الهفوات اذ ان الكمال لله وحده ولكن كل ما ارجوه ان اكون قد وفقت في انجازها وان تحظى بالرضا والقبول علها تتمكن من سد ثغرة بسيطة في مجال الدراسات الاكاديمية. | Mohammad Husain Haikal is consider one of the pioneer Egyptian personalities who was sorted among the first political generation in the history of Egypt the modern and the contemporary, his name was connected with important incidents which had an impact the Egyptian political history in the first half of the twentieth century where it was a fertile era for Egypt for the movements and the revolutions to get independent and achieve national integration. In addition to that the academic studies tackled the life history of Mohammad Husain Haikal as writer and journalist, while the political side was tackle in short way, and from this angle we chose to study the later side to shed light on his political achievements and the ministries he administered.This study id trying to answer thematically to many questions some of which are : a - What were the starting points of the gay ?b - What were the most important press achievements he made, the nature of his political thinking and partial belonging till 1921? c - Had the administration of Mohammad Husein Haikal for the politics newspaper an effect on the political scen in Egypt till 1931? d - What was the role of Mahammad Husain Haikal in the fall of Esma'il Sidki ministry and the return of 1923 constitution ? e - What was the role of Mohammad Husain Haikal in 1937 elections? f - What were the most important achievements of Mohammad Husain Haikal in the ministry of sciences (1938 - 1942)? g - What was the nature of heading of Mohammad Husain Haikal for the party of the constitutional Ahrar in 1943?h - How was the dealing of Mohamed Husain Haikal with the congrise when he was the headi - How were the features of the political life of Mohamed Husain Haikal.j - How was the stance of Mohammed Hussain Haikal k - How was the stance of Mohamed Husain for the Egyptian National case "1946 - 1947"?l - What were the reasons of issuing 17 - June laws 1950 which lead to Mohammed Husain Haikal to be overthrown from the congress and what was his stance.m - What was the case of forget documents in 1951, and what was Mohammad Husain Haikal stance from it? And according to the scientific curriculum the study was divided to an introduction, four chapters, and conclusion.The first chapter " the first startings of Mohammed Hussein Haikal till 1921 A. D. to the birth of this person his becoming boy till his getting ph. Dr. degree in laws from Paris and his working as journalist and lawyer and his most important achievement in Arts and press and the most political parties and reforming personatitics which had an effect on him, in addition to his stance from some political issues which egyptioan passed 1921 A. D. As for chapter two which came under the title the partial and media roles of Mohammed Husain Haikal (1922 - 1936) and its effect on the political events in Egypt, where it tackled the role of Mohammed Husain Haikal in making 1922 constitution and to be the editor of the (politics) newspaper and his range of effect on the political, and the cultural reality in Egypt during that era, in addition to his role in the fall of esma'il Sidki ministry and the return of 1923 constitution, and his parlamanic activity in the congress in 1936.Chapter three tackled which was entitled "the political and ministerial activities of Mohammad Husain Haikal (1937 - 1945) for his role in heading for the ministries during this period of his political work and the most important achievements which he made in the state ministry, ministry of science and social affairs, and his role in the doubtful 1937 elections through the age of the state ministry in addition to his stance from some events which were witnessed by the country during his ministerial work and the heading of the party of the constitutional Ahrar and his role in making the ministry of Mustafa Al - Nahas ministry fall.Chapter four deal with the last (political patern of Mohammad Husain Haikal) 1945 - 1952). It deals with the stance of this person from the national case of Egypt, where it traces his stance in the last various states, beside his stance from the Palestine case, in addition to his banish from the head of the congress by issuring the laws of the Jun. 17 1950 and his stance from it and the case of the forget document in 1951 and his role in it and finally his stance from july 23 1952 revolution and the accompanied developments and his death in 1956.The study inferred the following : First : Mohammed Husain Haikal is consider one of the modern Egyptian renaissance thinkers, no two have doubt on his important role in arts and culture where he was the first who tackled about getting rid of the foreign effects on the Egyptian art which came as result of the successive colonizings for the country and asked for taking care to the civilized Egyptian culture and activating its study in the officers of science and culture in the country and he was the first who put the bases of the Egyptian art by issuing his first long novel in artistic Egyptian history and the Arabic one and the novel came with new topics, style and new contents so it was like a rise to break the barriers of old fashions and he opened the gate for his generation colleagues to speak about many social issues and especially the forbidden ones in the sight of the society.Second : Mohammed Husain Haikal was brilliant student of the school of Ahmed Lutfi Al - Sayed and Al - Jaredah newspaper so he worked in it early and affected with the principles of freedom and the Egyptian nationality and raise their play and defend them. Third : the pattern of Mohammed Husein Haikal in press was distinguished and freed from the old line which characterized the press of that era and at the time when the attack was severe on press and art to the artists to be considered as disbelievers Mohammed Husain Haikal wrote bold articles where he tackled about women rights and making her work like man which made him criticized by the old generation and consider him as disbeliever and socialism and women rights were the idioms which were depart no of Mohammed husein Haikal articles, and as example of his believing in his principles of freedom and woman rights he participated with a group of his colleagues of modernized writers in issuing newspaper named Al - Sofoor and that made severe crisis in society and they were described as disbelievers.Fourth : Mohammad Husain Haikal defend Egypt independently and raise the slogan "Egypt for Egyptian" and assure it in most of his articles and did not agree to connect Egypt to Ottoman or British states and despite the one who raised this slogan was Ahmed Lutfi Al - Sayed but he gave it away in his last days but Mohammed Husain Haikal insisted on it till the end of monarchy

مدينة الناصرية منذ 1869 - 1921 : دراسة تاريخية == The city of Nasiriyah from 1869 - 1921 Historical study

Author name: مسلم عوض مهلهل الخزعلي
Supervisor name: مؤيد شاكر كاظم مخيلف الطائي | علي حسين الاسماعيلي
General topic: History
Specific topic: Modern and Contemporary History
Degree: Doctorate
University: University of Thi-Qar - College Of Literature - Department Of History
Language: Arabic
University location: Dhi Qar
First pages:
Abstract: The study of the local history of the cities of Iraq is a historical necessity. In order to shed light on this important and bright historical chapter in the study of the local history of its cities, this study of Nasiriyah came as this city has historical roots and is worthy of study and attention. But it did not receive a scientific academic study, while we find that the depth of civilization and its heritage of science and intellectual dictates to us a lot of effort and giving in writing the history of this city, especially during the period (1869 - 1921), which has undergone historic transformations and important political events, The Presbyterian L And the establishment of administrative units as well as the variables of international policy that came under the occupation of Britain to live under the table, and began the history of resistance against the occupier at the time it became called the House of Jihad after To be called the Mujahid Mujahid Muhammed Muhammad Said al - Haboubi as the Mujahideen sat in their folds to launch their convoys to resist the occupier in the battle of Shuaiba, and this historical importance of the city on the political side, as for the economic and social situation was not less ah Mia before it, which took the first economic position in the brigade after the city occupied the economic status through the river and maritime trade as a mode of transport between the cities of the south and center and the north, and on the other hand, we find the social side of this city floating to the surface is full of poetic and intellectual, A class of bourgeoisie and merchants who took over the management of the city's commercial affairs.The research was divided into four basic chapters, followed by the preparation of a set of appendices as well as the introduction of the importance of study and the development of frameworks to determine their content and conclusion. The conclusions of the thesis showed a summary in English.The preface to give a geographical overview of the nature of the region and a historical glimpse of the city, which was founded on the legacy of the ancient civilization and in the prelude to the political conflicts that have already been founded on the city of the Presbyterian side and with the Ottoman government on the other.The first chapter of the study was devoted to the establishment of the city of Nasiriyah in 1869 and the subsequent circumstances of the establishment, where we discussed the personality of Prince Nasser Pasha Al - Saadoun and a course in the establishment of the city conditions that approved the establishment stage. The second section, which highlighted the political developments towards the deceased in the era of Medhat Pasha, who established the guardian of Iraq that the establishment of the city, and what are the most important events that accompanied the stage of incorporation at the time came the third section to show the objective reasons for the establishment of the city and what is the grandeur of that establishment and the importance of political, economic and social matter for the side Eight of the fourth chapter of the chapter was a reflection of the families that lived in the city during the establishment, which played an important role in the management of public life.In the second chapter of the study of the general conditions of the city of Nasiriyah after the establishment to shed light in the first section on the administrative structure of the city and the most important formations and laws that worked to organize life in the city through the introduction of administrative units.The third chapter is devoted to highlighting the city of Nasiriyah in the late Ottoman period and the beginning of the First World War in 1914 to study the developments and conditions that plagued the city. The first topic was the British attitudes towards the region. It shows the British ambitions before the war and the policy followed by the British government before intervening with the tribes. The second topic explains the circumstances of the First World War 1914 in the city of Nasiriyah, entering a new phase of domination and injustice, as was the city of Dar al - Jihad to stand up and address the occupier and the resistance against him, while the third section came the city of Nasiriyah The repercussions of the British occupation Here the city enters the framework of the occupation officially and lives in a state of stability not to mention the role of its children at this critical stage and the difficulty of the situation for the people of the city, and also the fourth section of the secret conference of officers in the city and they seek to establish a national government and independent military establishment and seek the British side in that. The fourth chapter, which shed light on the most important events in the city under the city of Nasiriyah under the British occupation 1915 - 1921 was the first section, which illustrates the resistance of the sons of Nasiriyah and tribes against the British presence and the most important battles fought by the tribes on the outskirts of the city, Nasiriyah through working on the establishment of the State Departments in accordance with the interests required and required by their actions, and worked on the appointment of officers and political rulers in accordance with a systematic policy and give positions to loyalists without consideration of the interests of the city, Of the city of Nasiriyah under the British administration focused on the process of laying the foundations and the foundations of the British administration through the establishment of devices in the service of the establishment of the Shabana, ie, the police from the tribes and they are playing the role of maintaining security as well as work on the establishment of municipal departments, health and education and lightning, The third stage to highlight the role of the city of Nasiriyah from the revolution of the twentieth and it reveals the extent of the suffering suffered by the people until the people rose up with a revolution in spite of the results that were not within the military ambition and lack of success in the City at the time was the coronation of the king of Iraq, the result of this revolution and the positions of the sons of the city from the coronation process.The conclusion summarized the main findings of the study in the light of its contents, and we worked in annexes to document statistics and maps related to the history of the city of Nasiriyah.Before the establishment of the city of Nasiriyah, the Emirate of Al - Mustafir witnessed a state of clandestine and tribal conflict. It was managed by the Ottoman administration to weaken its status and military strength as it represented a danger and a source of concern for the Ottoman government, as well as supporting one side without the other. On collection taxes easily.The establishment of the city of Nasiriyah, carrying a political side as well as other aspects of its economic and social contrary to what has been circulated, because it came personal desire or a result of bargaining, and the Ottoman authorities aimed to bring a new policy in the region as a result of developments and has also weakened the authority of the Church through The number of symbols of the tribal and restrict the cities, and then replace the Presbyterate function, which is Sheikh subordinate to the authority in contrast to the former, as well as the resettlement of tribes in a region defined geographically for control while being outside the will of the government and this is what happened after the decision to settle tribes and impose Guan The recruitment and dispossession of lands intended to subject all to power.The city witnessed armed resistance continued against the British side of its arrival to the city of Baghdad, which led to the depletion of the efforts of their sons to take into account the city from the British side, especially the imposition of economic siege on the people of the city.The institutions of the state began to appear even if only by the British administration of the city of Nasiriyah when the police and the rest of the state institutions.The people of the city had a prominent role in the revolution of the twentieth and stand in the face of the British occupation and meet the call of reference in Jihad for two phases in Shuaiba and the Revolution of the twentieth

سياسة المملكة العربية السعودية تجاه سوريا 1961 - 1973 : دراسة تاريخية == Saudi Arabia Policy Toward Syria 1961 - 1973 (Historical study)

Author name: محمود حبيب سالم
Supervisor name: ناظم رشم معتوق
General topic: History
Specific topic: Modern and Contemporary History
Degree: Master
University: University Of Basrah - College Of Literature - Department Of History
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:
Abstract: The subject of "Saudi Arabia's policy towards Syria between 1961 - 1973" is an important topic in contemporary Arab history. The period was characterized by many regional and international events and developments that naturally influenced the relations between the two countries. The first attempt at unity among the Arab countries One of which was Syria, as well as the war of Yemen in 1962, which had a great impact on the division of the Arab world into two blocs representing the first conservative countries led by Saudi Arabia and the second progressive countries led by Egypt, Syria has chosen to stand by the last bloc, The thesis absorbed attempts to restore unity between Syria and Egypt, in addition to Iraq, represented by the tripartite unity signed in 1963, which took revenge on the Riyadh government's fears and pushed it to work to abort it.Moreover, in 1966 King Faisal was active in calling for the formation of an Islamic alliance of Islamic states, which the Syrian government considered an extension of the Baghdad alliance (1955 - 1959), which it regarded as a tool of colonialism. Syria at a time whenit was in the internal Syrian is witnessing a power struggle between the poles of the Arab Baath party, which was in power. Also saw the mentioned period June war occurred in 1967 and the resulting implications for inter - relations between the Arab countries, including Syria and Saudi Arabia, as the dispute between the two countries on the policy to be taken towards Israel and relations with its supporting countries, especially United States one of the reasons for strained relations Between the two countries. In addition to the Palestinian guerrilla action and its reflection on the nature of the relationship between the two countries, this is represented by the events of Black September in 1970. Relations continued to deteriorate between Riyadh and Damascus until the corrective movement took place. The new Syrian leadership adopted a more moderate policy than its predecessor, and Hafiz al - Assad, who was in charge of improving Syria's relations with Arab countries, especially with Saudi Arabia, drove Syria out of political isolation. - Syria improved significantly until the war of October 1973 began to start a new chapter in relations between the two countries.The thesis was divided into an introduction, a preface, three chapters and a conclusion that included the most important conclusions reached by the researcher. Boot a historical review of the policy of Saudi Arabia towards Syria until 1961, guarantees, and political relations between the two countries, ranging from deterioration and improvement depending on the circumstances surrounding the two countries.The first chapter came entitled "The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia's policy toward Syria from 1961 until 1966" and encompassed three sections, taking the first : Saudi Arabia's policy toward Syria separation 28 / September 1961 coup until 1963 included the second : the position of Saudi Saudi Arabia from the coup of March 8, 1963 in Syria. The third topic was devoted to the study : political relations between Saudi Arabia and Syria from the tripartite unity talks 1963 to 1966.The second chapter was devoted to the study of the "tension of Saudi - Syrian political relations between 1966 and 1968." The era of relations between the two countries was marked by the crisis of relations between the two countries. The first chapter of this chapter was devoted to highlighting Syria's position on the Islamic alliance in 1966, Syria. The second topic was devoted to the study : Israeli Attacks on Syria and its Impact on Saudi - Syrian Relations from 1966 to the Six - Day War in 1967. The last topic to discuss the impact of the June 1967 war on Saudi - Syrian relations was the period of Arab and international events and developments, The nature of the relationship between the two countries. Finally, the third chapter was devoted to the study of "Saudi Arabia's policy towards Syria from 1968 to 1973". He dealt with three questions. The first dealt with the Saudi policy towards Syria 1968 - 1969. This stage was characterized by continuous tension in Saudi - Syrian relations. The second section examines the position of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia on the Syrian intervention in the creation of September in Jordan (September Black). The last section was devoted to shed light on : the corrective movement in Syria on 6/11/1970 and its impact on improving Saudi - Syrian relations until In 1973.The conclusion highlighted the findings of the letter by following the policy of Saudi Arabia towards Syria in the period under study.

موقف الحلفاء الولايات المتحدة الامريكية وبريطانيا من الاجتياح الالماني لاراضي الاتحاد السوفيتي 1491 - 1491 اعتمادا على الوثائق السوفيتية == Allies Stance - United States of America and United Kingdom - Against the German Sweep of the Lands of the Soviet Union (1941 - 1945) in the light of soviet documents

Author name: محمد يعقوب يوسف
Supervisor name: حيدر عبد الرضا حسن التميمي
General topic: History
Specific topic: Modern and Contemporary History
Degree: Master
University: University Of Basrah - College Of Literature - Department Of History
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:
Abstract: After WWII (1939 - 1945) , the allies had realised the risks at the political and economic levels in case of the over domination of the Nasists spreading out in Europe. Since then, they had started putting forward military tactics to stop the German sweep. Even much more, they had taken some serious steps taking advantage of the German announcement abolishing the treaty of friendship signed with the Soviet Union and the start of a large - scale military campaign to invade its territory on the 22nd of June 1941.Although the Soviet army was reluctant to resist the German invasion of their territory, the German forces took control of several important Soviet cities such as Stalingrad, which had led to several military campaigns to overthrow Moscow. The United States of America and Britain were deeply concerned about the growing Nazi threat to their interests and their influence in the region. So they decided to provide the military and political support necessary for the Soviet leadership of Hitler's expansionist plans in the Soviet Union. Accordingly, Washington had started to strengthen its relations with Moscow by holding several meetings with representatives of the Soviet government to discuss the latest developments at the military level. The Britain, represented by the Prime Minister Winston Churchill had made an agreement with its counterpart the Soviet PM - Joseph Stalin to unite their military efforts in order to expel the Germans from the territory of the Soviet Union.The significance of the current study lies in answering the following controversial questions that remained unanswered in the study of this important era in the history of the world, namely : What is the official and non - official position of the allies of the German invasion of the territory of the Soviet Union? Did the above - mentioned allies (US administration and the UK) provide enough political and military support to the Soviet Union in order to expel the Germans from its territory?Due to the different explanations proposed by researchers in the field by giving a clear view of the American and British position on the German invasion of Soviet territory on the one hand, and the absence of any academic study - except for what was written about the history of the Second World War - in the Iraqi universities, we decided to examine the subject in question, utilizing the Soviet books and documents that are related to the study of World War II that could help to answer the research question.The nature of the study necessitates that the research plan is based on the historical sequence of events, except for some of the sections in the thesis. The study, thus, includes an introduction, four chapters and a conclusion.Chapter one presents the German invasion of the Soviet Union and the position of the Allies (June 1941 - November 1941). Chapter two highlights the position of the United States and Britain, considering the German invasion of the territory of the Soviet Union (22 June 1941 - December 1942(. Chapter three investigates the role of allies' conferences, in providing support to the Soviet Union (January 1943 - December 1943 . ( Chapter four discusses the position of the Allies of the Soviet victories over German forces and Stalin's demands at the Potsdam conference held in (1944 - 1945). Our most important conclusion is that the military and logistical assistance provided by the Allies played a major role in the Soviet resistance against the German invasion of their lands.

سياسة اليابان الاقليمية : دراسة تاريخية في قضايا الجزر المتنازع عليها في شمال شرق اسيا (1951 - 1978) == Japan Regional Policy : A historical Study of the Disputed Islands in the East - north Asia 1951 - 1978

Author name: لـــؤي ثجـيــل جمعة الاســدي
Supervisor name: كاظم هيلان محسن السهلاني
General topic: History
Specific topic: Modern and Contemporary History
Degree: Doctorate
University: University Of Basrah - College Of Education For Human Sciences - Department Of History
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:
Abstract: After the Second World War, the second part of the 20th century witnessed the cold war. Till now, there are some border disputes resulted from that war. This war was a reflection of that cold war through diverse sites in Asia, centering on the East - north of the continent. In accordance with San Francisco treaty in Japan for peace in 1951, there rose the cold war and how the USA contributed to that strife. As a result of the new regional situation of the former Japan Empire, the islands are (the Southern Kuril islands / Northern Territories), (Dokdo / Takeshima), and (Senkaku / Diaoyu).The history of the challenges on these islands goes back to different periods. These were confirmed by the regional expansion conducted by Japanese policy from 1879 to 1939. These challenges got complicated by the USA during the cold war in the east and north of Asia. This conflict was affirmed by San Francisco treaty for peace in 1951. This case is seen as an important one which has been still sustained. This conflict affects directly the economic and diplomatic relations between Japan and the other disputed countries. This also has an influence upon the social and cultural relations among the peoples of those countries at various levels, besides, these conflicts also affect the settlement and peace in the north and east of Asia. This may lead to armed conflicts. The current study focuses on the occurrence of those conflicts after the Second World War, as a result of San Francisco treaty for peace in 1951 and how these conflicts affect the diplomatic relations between the disputed countries from 1951 up to 1978, besides the role played by the USA in affirming these conflicts, and the historical roots for each case concerning these islands. These conflicts are enhanced historically rather than politically. The dissertation is, thus, divided into an introduction and four chapters. The first chapter is about the policy of regional expansion and its effect upon the Japan foreign affairs (1951 - 1979). It includes three sections : the first one is about the occurrence of Japan colonial tendency and the policy of expansion. Section two is concerned with the entrance of Japan into the Second World War and being under the USA occupation. The third section exposes the session of San Francisco in 1951 in the north east of Asia in affirming the Japanese regional conflicts. Chapter two is devoted to the study of Japan - Soviet conflict over (the Southern Kuril islands / Northern Territories) in (1951 - 1960). This chapter is also composed of three sections. The first on is about the historical roots of the conflict over these islands. The second one focuses on the case of these islands and how these affect the Japanese - Soviet relations and the USA position from the conflicts (1951 - 1960). The third section addresses the claims of the disputed powers over the dominance over the disputed islands. Chapter three shows the Japanese - Korean conflicts over (Dokdo / Takeshima) islands (1951 - 1978). It also includes three sections. The first section is about the historical background about these two islands. The second one is concerned with the reflection of these disputes over the Japanese - Korean relations and the position of USA from them. The third one shows the Japanese claims about the dominance over these two islands and how Korea responded. Chapter four is specified for the Chinese - Japanese dispute over (Senkaku / Diaoyu) from 1951 to 1978. It is composed of three sections. The first one is about the historical background of the dispute (1885 up to 1951). The second section is devoted to the Japanese - Chinese relations in response to the dispute over these two islands and the USA position from this conflict. The thirds section is concerned with the claims of China about the dominance over these two islands and how Japan responded to this claim. The conclusion is a summary of what the researcher has found about these various aspects of disputes.

العراق في عهد الوالي العثماني محمد نامق باشا (1862 - 1868) == Iraq in the age of Namiq pasha (1862 - 1868)

Author name: كاظم صبري لفتة الزركاني
Supervisor name: باسم حمزة عباس
General topic: History
Specific topic: Modern and Contemporary History
Degree: Master
University: University Of Basrah - College Of Education For Girls - Department Of History
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:
Abstract: اهتمت مؤسساتنا العلمية الاكاديمية بدراسة تاريخ العراق الحديث خلال العهد العثماني المباشر على العراق (1831 - 1914 )، وتصدر ذلك الاهتمام دراسته من كل الجوانب خلال حقب ارتبطت ببعض الولاة العثمانيين الذين حكموا ايالات العراق كالوالي على رضا اللاظ والوالي مدحت باشا ، فضلا عن الدراسات الاخرى التي اهتمت بالجوانب والاصلاحات العثمانية في ايالة بغداد ، خلال حقبة ( 1831 - 1869 ) وقد تناولت عدة جوانب منها سياسية واقتصادية واجتماعية ، في الحقبة المذكورة الا انهم لم يسلطوا الضوء على دور محمد نامق باشا كوالي للعراق والتي حدثت تطورات كبيرة في مختلف المجالات وقد اولاها الباحثون الاهتمام القليل في دراساتهم. جاء سبب اختيارنا للموضوع ( العراق في عهد الوالي العثماني محمد نامق باشا 1862 - 1868 ) ، لانه ليس هناك دراسة اكاديمية تناولته ، وحتى الباحثون الذين درسوا فترة القرن التاسع عشر تناولوا اجزاء من التطورات التي حدثت ، وعلى الرغم من كثرة وتعدد الكتابة في هذا المجال فان هناك فترات لم تنل الاهتمام المطلوب وذلك الاسباب كثيرة ربما ابرزها هو تردد الباحثين بتناولها خشية كفايه المعلومات المتوفرة حولها الامر الذي يجعلها لا ترتقي الى مستوى الدرجة العلمية التي يبتغي الباحث الحصول عليها . كما ان تلك الشخصية والمتمثلة بنامق باشا تعتبر على قدر من الاهمية وذلك لما لها من ظهور بارز ليس في ايالات العراق فحسب بل تعدى ذلك الدور ليشمل مجموعة من ايالات الدولة العثمانية وهذا جعله من الشخصيات البارزة خلال النصف الثاني من القرن التاسع عشر فضلا عن ادارته المتميزة في ولايته الثانية للعراق وهي موضوع الدراسة. تناولت هذه الدراسة مقدمة واربعة فصول وخاتمة. تناول الفصل الاول ( الاوضاع السياسية والاقتصادية والاجتماعية منذ انتهاء حكم المماليك حتى ولاية محمد نامق باشا 1831 - 1862) ، تضمن المبحث الاول ( الاوضاع السياسية ) وقد ركز على نهاية حكم المماليك في العراق ، وعودة الحكم العثماني على ايالة بغداد ، وربطها بالادارة المركزية ، وبداية اصطدام الدولة العثمانية بالعشائر في ايالة بغداد وتوابعها ، واتسمت تلك الحقبة بالفساد في الادارة العثمانية في ايالات العراق ، وكذلك قوة شوكة العشائر ، اما المبحث الثاني فقد جاء بعنوان ( الاوضاع الاقتصادية ) وتحدث عن سوى الاوضاع الاقتصادية في العراق ، وانتشار الاوبئة والامراض ، وثقل الضرائب على السكان ، كما تناول استحداث بعض الوظائف العثمانية في ايالة بغداد ، وقيام بعض الولاة باصلاحات في المجال الاقتصادي ، وتحسين حالة الفلاحين ، وتطرق الى بعض الحرف التي ظهرت في العراق ، وصناعة العراق ، وكذلك تناول تجارة العراق وطرق نقلها ، فضلا عن صادرات العراق ، اما المبحث الثالث فجاء بعنوان ( الجيش والاوضاع الاجتماعية في العراق ) وقد تحدث عن اهمية المؤسسة العسكرية العثمانية ودورها في حفظ الامن في ايالة بغداد ، واقسامها ، اضف الى ذلك اوضاع العراق العامة وما اصابها من اهمال ، وتدهور اوضاع السكان الصحية والتعليمية في النصف الاول من القرن التاسع عشر. اما الفصل الثاني فقد سلط الضوء على ( الاوضاع السياسية والعسكرية في العراق خلال ولاية محمد نامق باشا 1862 - 1868 ) ، وقد تضمن ثلاثة مباحث تناول المبحث الاول منها ( حياة محمد نامق باشا وتدرجة في المناصب ) ، تناول هذا المبحث حياته ودراسته ، وتدرجه في المناصب العسكرية وتوليه منصب الوالي لعدد من الايالات العربية . اما المبحث الثاني ( الاوضاع السياسية في العراق خلال ولاية محمد نامق باشا 1862 - 1868) ، وتناول اعمال نامق باشا السياسية التي اختلفت عن ولايته الاولى ، واضراب العشائر التي امتنعت عن دفع الضرائب ، وارسال الحملات العسكرية المتكررة الى وسط وجنوب العراق على العشائر، وتحويلها الى مراكز ادارية تتبع الحكومة المركزية، وتحويل المشيخة الى وظيفة حكومية . اما المبحث الثالث ( الاوضاع العسكرية في العراق 1862 - 1868 ) ، فتحدث عن اهمية المؤسسة العسكرية العثمانية في العراق ، وتاسيس الجيش السادس في العراق ودوره في بسط السيطرة العثمانية على ايالات العراق ، وتقسيمات وصنوف الجيش السادس ، ومحاولات تطبيق التجنيد الاجباري . بينما جاء الفصل الثالث بعنوان ( الاوضاع الاقتصادية في العراق خلال ولاية محمد نامق باشا 1862 - 1868 ) ، وقسم الى ثلاثة مباحث ، تناول الاول منها ( تطور الطرق والمواصلات خلال ولاية محمد نامق باشا ) ، اذ كانت الطرق والمواصلات في النصف الاول من القرن التاسع عشر كسابق عهدها في مسالة الاهمال ، الا ان النصف الثاني من القرن التاسع عشر شهد اهتمام الدولة العثمانية والدول الاوربية بوسائل النقل المختلفة نتيجة تطور الصناعة والتجارة وازدياد الطلب على المواد الاولية الاستهلاكية التي كانت ايالات العراق تنتجها وازدياد الطلب عليها في اوربا ، لذا سعت الدول الاوربية للبحث عن طرق جديده لربط الشرق بالغرب بواسطة طرق النقل والتجارة ، بينما كرس المبحث الثاني ( الزراعة ) ، وتطرق هذا المبحث الى الاوضاع الزراعية وما يرتبط بمنتوجات ايالات العراق والطرق المستخدمة في زراعة المحاصيل والخضروات والانواع التي تنتجها . اما المبحث الثالث ( الصناعة والتجارة ) ، تميزت الصناعة في النصف الثاني من القرن التاسع عشر بتطور ملحوظ عما كانت عليه في النصف الاول من القرن المذكور وظهرت صناعات محلية تميزت بجودتها ونافست الصناعات الاوربية وتميزت كل منطقة بنوع من الصناعات ، واخذت التجارة بالتطور والانفتاح على السوق الخارجية وذلك بسبب تطور الطرق والمواصلات وازدياد الطلب على السلع العراقية والمواد الاولية التي تدخل في الصناعة . اما الفصل الرابع فقد جاء بعنوان ( الاوضاع الاجتماعية والعمرانية والنفوذ الاجنبي في العراق خلال ولاية محمد نامق باشا 1862 - 1868 ) ، وقسم الى ثلاثة مباحث ، تضمن المبحث الاول ( الاوضاع الاجتماعية ) ، وقد ركز على طبيعة المجتمع العراقي وتركيبه الاجتماعي ووضع المراة والاوضاع الثقافية والتعليم والحالة الصحية خلال ولاية محمد نامق باشا .اما المبحث الثاني ( الاوضاع العمرانية ) ، وتطرق هذا المبحث الى الحالة العمرانية في العراق ونشاة بعض المدن كمدينة العمارة والعزيزية والاعمال العمرانية في الاضرحة المقدسة والترميم الذي جرى فيها ، وبناء المعسكرات . اما المبحث الثالث ( النفوذ الاجنبي في العراق ) ، وتناول اهتمام الدول الاوربية في العراق من اجل تحقيق مصالحها واستثمار رؤوس الاموال الاجنبية في العراق عن طريق انشاء الشركات التجارية . اعتمدت الدراسة على مجموعة متنوعة من المصادر تراوحت مابين الوثائق المنشورة والرسائل والاطاريح الجامعية والكتب العربية والمعربة والاجنبية وتاتي في مقدمتها الوثائق المنشورة سالدانة والكتب الوثائقية وكان اهمها ديلك قايا ، كربلاء في الارشيف العثماني 1840 - 1876، وغيرها من المصادر الوثائقية المهمة. كما اعتمدت الدراسة على مجموعة كبيرة من الدراسات الاكاديمية ( الرسائل والاطاريح الجامعية ) ، وكان ابرزها محمد عصفور سلمان العراق في عهد الوالي مدحت باشا ( 1869 - 1872 ) ، ورسالة محمد نوري مهدي ، الاصلاحات العثمانية وتاثيرها على الادارة (1831 - 1869) ، ورسالة نيزك عبدالكريم سعيد ، الادارة العثمانية في ايالة بغداد ( 1831 - 1869) ، وغيرها من الدراسات الاكاديمية التي امدت الموضوع بمعلومات قيمة . كما اعتمد الباحث على مجموعة كبيرة من الكتب العربية والمعربة كمصدر مهم لتوثيق الحقائق الواردة في الدراسة ، وهي متنوعة ومختلفة الاراء والاتجاهات بحسب دوافع وتوجهات كل كاتب ، ونشير الى اهم الكتب التي استند اليها الباحث وهي ، الاب سهيل قاشا ، الموصل في القرن التاسع عشر 1839 - 1909 ، وكذلك مؤلف الاستاذ عبد العزيز سليمان نوار ، تاريخ العراق الحديث ، ومؤلف جعفر الخياط ، صور من تاريخ العراق ، ستيفن هيمسلي لونكريك ، اربع قرون من تاريخ العراق الحديث ، وكذلك ج.ج. لوريمر ، دليل الخليج القسم التاريخي منها والجغرافي ، وكذلك مؤلفات يعقوب سركيس . اما المجلات فقد رفدت الدراسة بمعلومات عن العراق خلال ولاية نامق باشا الثانية ، علي كامل حمزة ، الحلة في عهد الوزراء العثمانيين 1831 - 1869 دراسة في الاحوال السياسية مجلة كلية التربية للعلوم الانسانية جامعة بابل ، وكذلك حازم مجيد احمد ، الصراع والتمرد العشائري واثره على الاقتصاد العراقي 1850 - 1914 ، مجلة سامراء ، وغيرها من البحوث المهمة. لقد واجه الباحث في اثناء الدراسة معوقات كثيرة تكاد لا تخلو منها اي دراسة اكاديمية وياتي في مقدمتها ، ندرة المعلومات عن الفترة المدروسة بين 1862 - 1868 ، وغيرها من الصعوبات الاخرى كمثل عدم القدرة الى الوصول لمدينة الموصل الحدباء تلك المدينة التي تعتبر غنية بمصادر التاريخ العثماني ، وعلى الرغم من ذلك حاول الباحث تذليل الصعوبات واعطاء الدراسة استحقاقها مع مراعاة التسلسل الزمني ووحدة الموضوع ، فان هذا لا يعني ان البحث يخلو من الاخطاء غير المقصودة ، فجل من لا يخطئ ، وارجو ان اكون قد وفقت في اعداد هذه الدراسة على نحو يرضي مشرفي واعضاء لجنة المناقشة ، شاكرا جهودها واكمال نواقصها والله ولي التوفيق. | Our academic institutions and studies have shown clear - cut interest in studying the modern history of Iraq during the direct Ottoman rule of Iraq (1831 - 1914). The reason for our choice (Iraq under the Ottoman Governor Muhammad Namiq Basha 1862 - 1868), is the shortage of research covering this field. The nineteenth century dealt with parts of the developments that occurred at that time, and despite the multiplicity of writing in this area, there are periods that did not receive the attention required, for many reasons, perhaps the most prominent is the reluctance of researchers to address it for fear of insufficient information available around, such topics.This personality, represented by Namiq Basha, is considered of a paramount importance because of his prominent appearance not only in Iraq, but also in the Ottoman State, which made him of a special prominent figure during the second half of the nineteenth century as well as his outstanding management in his second term for Iraq. It is the subject of the study. This study is of an introduction, four chapters and a conclusion.The first chapter is devoted to the end of the rule of the rulers (Mamalik) in Iraq, the return of the Ottoman rule to Iraq, and its connection with the central administration. It also discloses the poor economic situation in Iraq, burden of taxes on the population, reforms by some governors in the economic sphere, and the situation of peasants. It has spoken out about the importance of the Ottoman military establishment and its role in maintaining security in the Baghdad area. As to the second chapter, it has highlighted the (political and military conditions in Iraq during the reign of Namiq Basha 1862 - 1868). It has revealed the life of Namiq Basha and his appointments to the posts and his political works which differed from his first rule, and punishment of tribes that refrained from paying taxes. Moreover, it sheds light on the importance of the Ottoman military establishment in Iraq, the establishment of the Sixth Army in Iraq and its role in the extension of the Ottoman control on the Iraqi regions.While the third chapter entitled "The economic Situation in Iraq During the Reign of Namiq Basha 1862 - 1868" is well discussed , because the second half of the nineteenth century saw the interest of the Ottoman Empire and the European countries in various means of transport as a result of the development of industry and trade and increased demand for consumable raw materials that were produced in the Iraq regions.Besides, it makes a mention to the agricultural situation and all that is related to the products of Iraq's regions, and how the industry was characterized with in the second half of the nineteenth century, and emergence local industries characterized by quality competing European industries.The fourth chapter, entitled "Social and Urban Conditions and Foreign Influence in Iraq during the Period of Namiq Basha 1862 - 1868", has studied the nature of Iraqi society, the social structure, the status of women, cultural conditions, education and health status during the period of Muhammad Namiq Basha. And it has made a reference to the emergence of some cities such as the city of Amara and Aziza, the construction of the holy shrines and the construction of camps. Finally it addresses the issue of how European countries have drawn their attention to Iraq to achieve their interests

دور جورج كينان في تخطيط السياسات الاستراتيجية الامريكية 1947 - 1953م == George Kennan's Role In Planning The American Strategy Policy 1947 - 1953

Author name: قاسم نمر جلوب السعيدي
Supervisor name: اميرة رشك لعيبي الزبيدي
General topic: History
Specific topic: Modern and Contemporary History
Degree: Doctorate
University: University Of Basrah - College Of Education For Human Sciences - Department Of History
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:
Abstract: The Study Aims To Explain The Strategic Role Played By Kennan And Its Impact On The American Foreign Policy Between (1947 - 1953). During The Time, Kennan Exercised His Greatest Influence In Implementing The Policy Of Containment. The Study Endeavours To Expose Kennan's Comprehensive And Coordinate Role In The Cold War. Kennan's Long Telegram Which He Prepared In 1946 Drew The Attention Of Such Major American Policy Makers In Washington D. C. As The Secretary Of Navy James Forrestal. The Telegram Offered Reasons And Justifications To Change The Aims Of The American Foreign Policy In Relation To The Soviet Union. Kennan Stated In His Evaluating Reports That The Communist Soviet Expansion Threatened The American Interests And Security. It Is Worth Mentioning That Kennan Did Not Name A Specific Strategy When He Wrote His Long Telegram. However, His Ideas Began To Clarify When He Gave Lectures At The National Defense University. These Lectures Made Clear His Ideas And Opinions In Relation To The American Foreign Policy. In The Meantime, Kennan Started To Outline What Is Termed As The Containment Strategy. Though His Ideas Did Not Design The Formal Strategic Line Of The State Department, They Had A Great Impact On The American Public. Therefore, The Long Telegram And The Lectures That Kennan Gave At The National Defense University Were Helpful Factors In Understanding Some Of His Ideas And Explaining Their Influence In Redefining The Concepts Of The Soviet Threat.The Conclusion Lists The Main Results Of The Study

الطيران المدني العراقي 1933 - 1979 : دراسة تاريخية == Iraqi Civil Aviation (1933 - 1979)A Historical Study )

Author name: فلاح حسن عاتي البهادلي
Supervisor name: ياسين طه ياسين الهارون
General topic: History
Specific topic: Modern and Contemporary History
Degree: Master
University: University Of Basrah - College Of Literature - Department Of History
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:
Abstract: The present study focusses on civil aviation in Iraq to show its importance in the history of Iraq especially in keeping up with the global developments and international relations. It consists of an introduction, four chapters and a conclusion. The first chapter introduces civil aviation. It reviews the establishment and development of civil aviation in the world, focusing on the development of civil aviation in Britain and the beginnings of its entry into Iraq until 1932.The second chapter covers the role of Britain in the establishment of civil airports in Iraq between 1933 and 1939. It tackles how Britain has used its military airports for civil purposes. It also discusses the establishment of civil airports in Baghdad and Basrah through the cooperation between Iraq and Britain.The third chapter deals with Iraqi civil aviation between the outbreak of the Second World War in 1939 and the fall of the Monarchy in 1958. Moreover, it touches on the impact of the Second World War on the activity of that aviation. Particularly, it emphasizes the development of the aviation after that war when a new stage has been established for the Iraqi Airways through the development of civil aviation at the international level. The fourth chapter reviews the development of civil aviation between 1958 - 1979. It tries to explain the effect of political developments in Iraq following the fall of the Monarchy in 1958 and its impact on civil aviation. It then comments on the development of civil aviation at the national and international levels during the first Republican Era (1958 - 1968) and the second Republican Era (1968 - 1979). The Study ends up with a number of conclusions

العلاقات التركية المصرية 1980 - 1993 : دراسة تاريخية == Turkish - Egyptian Relations 1980 - 1993 (Historical study

Author name: عمار عبد الرضا ماهود الزبيدي
Supervisor name: طيبة خلف عبد الله
General topic: History
Specific topic: Modern and Contemporary History
Degree: Doctorate
University: University Of Basrah - College Of Literature - Department Of History
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:
Abstract: الاقليمي في المنطقة, وتجمع بينهما مجموعة صفات متقاربة او مشتركة, فمن حيث الموقع الجغرافي يتمتع البلدان بموقع جغرافي ممتاز, له اهميته الجيوسياسية في منطقة مهمة واستراتيجية من العالم, هي منطقة الشرق الاوسط, وهما البلدان الوحيدان في المنطقة اللذان لهما امتدادات في قارتين؛ فاراضي تركيا تتوزع بين اسيا واوربا, وتشكل حلقة اتصال بينهما, وكذلك مصر التي تمتد اراضيها في قارتي افريقيا واسيا, كذلك يمتلك البلدان سواحل طويلة على البحر المتوسط, كل ذلك جعل البلدين يتمتعان باهمية بالغة في الشرق الاوسط. ان النظام السياسي في كلا البلدين نظام جمهوري, تلعب فيه المؤسسة العسكرية دورا بارزا, وتولى ضباط الجيش منصب رئاسة الجمهورية, مع وجود رئيس للحكومة عادة ما يكون مدنيا, يتولى ادارة شؤون البلاد الداخلية والخارجية, فضلا عن انهما من البلدان النامية, وتشكل الزراعة فيهما النشاط الاقتصادي الرئيس للسكان, وانهما يعانيان من مشاكل اقتصادية متشابهة متمثلة في التضخم, وزيادة المديونية الخارجية, لذلك اتبعا مجموعة نظم واجراءات اقتصادية, من اجل التخلص من هذه المشاكل, فضلا عن ذلك هنالك تماثل في التكوين الاجتماعي, وفي عدد السكان في البلدين, والتداخل الديموغرافي بين ابناء الشعبين (التركي والمصري), فهناك مصريون من اصول تركية, وهناك اتراك من اصول عربية مصرية. اضف الى ذلك كون البلدين يرتبطان بعلاقة متميزة مع الولايات المتحدة الامريكية طيلة المدة التي هي قيد الدراسة, وكانا اكثر بلدين يتلقيان مساعدات اقتصادية منها بعد "اسرائيل" من الولايات المتحدة الامريكية, كذلك يرتبطان دون غيرهما من البلدان الاسلامية, بعلاقات دبلوماسية جيدة مع "اسرائيل" في هذه المدة. كل هذا التشابه بين البلدين وغيره, دفع الباحث الى اختيار الموضوع, فضلا عن افتقار المكتبات في الجامعات العراقية والتركية والمصرية, الى دراسة اكاديمية تتناول بحث العلاقات التركية المصرية, وتحليلها في المدة 1980 - 1993, تقف على نقاط التشابه التي تم ذكرها, ودورها في تنمية العلاقات بين البلدين في مختلف الجوانب. اما سبب تحديد عام 1980 لبدء الدارسة فيكمن في ان العلاقات التركية المصرية شهدت الانطلاقة الحقيقية نحو التطور في هذا العام, بعد تسلم كنعان ايفرين رئاسة الجمهورية التركية, على اثر الانقلاب العسكري في الثاني عشر من ايلول 1980, وسعيه الى توثيق علاقات تركيا مع الدول العربية, والدور الذي لعبه توركوت اوزال في توجه تركيا نحو مصر وباقي الدول العربية, سواء عندما كان رئيسا للوزراء على دورتين (1983 - 1989), ام بعد توليه رئاسة الجمهورية (1989 - 1993), وقد توقفنا في البحث عند عام 1993؛ لانه يمثل سنة وفاة توركوت اوزال الذي كان له دور الرئيس في تطوير سياسة تركيا الداخلية والخارجية, وعلاقاتها السياسية والاقتصاد مع مصر وباقي الدول العربية, وبذلك انتهت الحقبة الاوزولية التي امتدت من عام 1983 حتى عام 1993. وقد اعتمد الباحث في تقسيم الدارسة على وحدة الموضوع, مع مراعاة المنهج التاريخي بما يتطلب من تتبع للاحداث والوقائع المختلفة، حسب التسلسل التاريخي, مما يجعل التعمق في بحث الاحوال والمؤثرات التاريخية امرا ضروريا؛ لفهم تطور العلاقات التركية المصرية, ولذا كان ترتيب الفصول على الشكل الاتي : الفصل الاول, تناولت فيه طبيعة العلاقات التركية المصرية قبل عام 1980, وهو فصل تمهيدي, يعرض بالبحث والتحليل العلاقات التركية المصرية منذ قيام النظام الجمهوري في مصر عام 1952, واسباب توتر العلاقات التركية المصرية في هذه المدة حتى عام 1965, ثم دراسة العوامل التي دفعت تركيا الى تغيير سياستها تجاه مصر وباقي الدول العربية, ومراحل تحسن العلاقات بين البلدين, وصولا الى عام 1980, كذلك تناول الفصل تطور العلاقات التركية المصرية في المجال الاقتصادي, والعلمي, والثقافي, والصحي, في هذه المدة. اما الفصل الثاني فقد تناول تطور العلاقات السياسية بين البلدين في المدة 1980 - 1993, والعوامل التي ادت الى هذا التطور في العلاقات, وتبادل الزيارات الرسمية بينهما على اعلى المستويات, في مدة حكم كنعان ايفرين (1980 - 1989), ومدة حكم توركوت اوزال (1989 - 1993). اما الفصل الثالث فقد تناول مجالات التعاون بين تركيا ومصر (1980 - 1993), التي اشتملت على خمسة محاور هي : المحور الاول, ويناقش المجال الاقتصادي والمسوغات التي ادت الى انفتاح البلدين نحو بعضهما, من اجل زيادة مجالات التعاون الاقتصادي بينهما في مختلف المستويات، سواء التجاري منها ام السياحي، او في مجال الصناعة (المدنية, والعسكرية), وكذلك في مجال الانشاءات والمقاولات. اما المحور الثاني فقد تناول جانب التعاون في مجال النقل البحري والجوي بين البلدين. في حين يرصد المحور الثالث التعاون في مجال مشاريع الطاقة الكهربائية وغيرها. وعاين المحور الرابع التعاون في المجال القضائي، واحكام المسجونين, والمعتقلين, اما المحور الاخير فقد رصد التعاون في المجال الثقافي والعلمي، وكذلك مجال الاذاعة والتلفزيون. اما الفصل الرابع فقد وقف فيه الباحث على موضوع مهم, كان له انعكاساته على تطور العلاقات بين البلدين في مختلف المجالات, وهو موقف تركيا ومصر من القضايا الاقليمية, وقد ركزنا فقط على القضايا الاقليمية التي شهدت اهتماما مشتركا من قبل البلدين, وكان لهما موقف مشترك او متباين منها, ومدى تعاونهما مع بعضهما؛ لايجاد حلول لبعض هذه القضايا, واهم هذه القضايا التي تم تناولها هي : حرب الخليج الاولى (1980 - 1988), والصراع العربي "الاسرائيلي", المتمثل في هذه المدة بتطورات القضية الفلسطينية, والاجتياح "الاسرائيلي" للبنان في عام 1982, وتطورات القضية القبرصية, اضافة الى ازمة الخليج (1990 - 1991), واخيرا الحرب في البوسنة والهرسك عام 1992, وعلى الرغم من ان هذه الموضوعات هي موضوعات سياسية, الا انها تعد خارجة عن موضوع تطور العلاقات السياسية بين البلدين؛ لانها تمثل قضايا اقليمية كان لتركيا ومصر موقف منها, لذا تم تناولها في فصل خاص, ولم تدمج مع الفصل الثاني من الاطروحة. ثم تلت هذه الفصول خاتمة, ضمنها الباحث اهم النتائج التي تمخضت عنها الدراسة. اعتمدت فصول الدراسة على مجموعة كبيرة من المصادر الاصيلة، ياتي في مقدمتها عدد غير قليل من الوثائق التركية غير المنشورة، المحفوظة في ارشيف الدولة التركية في انقرة (Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü), فضلا عن مجموعة من الوثائق التركية المنشورة في الجريدة الرسمية التركية (Resmi Gazete)، وهي جريدة معنية بنشر الاتفاقيات الدولية والقوانين بعد مصادقتها من قبل رئيس الجمهورية, هذا فيما يخص الوثائق التركية التي اعتمدتها الدراسة، اما الوثائق المصرية فقد اطلعت على الاتفاقيات والبروتوكولات بين مصر وتركيا, المنشورة في الجريدة الرسمية المصرية, والتي تصدر عن مركز المعلومات والتوثيق ودعم اتخاذ القرار في الهيئة العامة لشؤون المطابع الاميرية في امبابة في محافظة الجيزة، اذ تنشر هذه الجريدة جميع الاتفاقيات والبروتوكولات التي توقعها مصر مع دول العالم بعد مصادقة رئيس الجمهورية عليها، وموافقة وزير الخارجية على نشرها, فضلا عن التقارير الصادرة عن المؤسسات الرسمية مثل الامم المتحدة, والبنك الدولي, وتقارير السفارات. كذلك اعتمدت فصول الاطروحة على عدد كبير من الكتب العربية والمعربة والكتب الاجنبية, التي رفدت الاطروحة بمعلومات مهمة, ومنها كتاب (التطورات المعاصرة في العلاقات العربية التركية) لمؤلفه خليل ابراهيم الناصري, ويعد من المصادر المهمة, اذ اعتمد المؤلف على عدد من المؤلفات التركية، والاجنبية, والكتاب في الاصل رسالة ماجستير في العلوم السياسية, ومن الكتب الاخرى المهمة كتاب (العلاقات العربية التركية) بجزئه الاول الذي كان من منظور عربي وصدر عن معهد البحوث والدراسات العربية التابع لجامعة الدول العربية عام 1991, اما في جزئه الثاني فقد كتب من منظور تركي, وصدر عن معهد البحوث والدراسات العربية, بالتعاون مع مركز الابحاث للتاريخ والفنون والثقافة الاسلامية باسطنبول عام 1993, والكتاب عبارة عن مجموعة بحوث تناولت مختلف جوانب العلاقات التركية العربية, وما يؤخذ على الكتاب ان بعض تواريخ الاحداث الواردة فيه غير دقيقة, وكذلك بعض الاسماء, الامر الذي دفع الباحث الى الرجوع للجرائد؛ من اجل التاكد من تواريخ الاحداث. ومن الكتب المهمة مؤلفات الدكتور جلال عبد الله معوض, منها كتاب (صناعة القرار في تركيا والعلاقات العربية - التركية), وهو كتاب يوضح كثيرا من خبايا وتوجهات السياسة التركية, على الرغم من ان معظم فصول الكتاب تقع خارج نطاق البحث، وكتاب (قضايا العلاقات المصرية التركية), وهذا الكتاب ذو طبيعة سياسية, اعتمد فيه المؤلف على التحليل السياسي للمواقف, الا انه ذكر بعض الجوانب التاريخية في العلاقات بين البلدين, وكذلك مؤلفات الدكتور احمد نوري النعيمي, ومنها كتاب تركيا وحلف شمال الاطلسي، وهو كتاب يتناول بالبحث والتحليل موقع تركيا في حلف شمال الاطلسي واسباب انضمام تركيا لهذا الحلف, وكذلك مؤلفات الدكتور عوني عبد الرحمن السبعاوي، ومؤلفات الدكتور ابراهيم الداقوقي, وغيرهم، وتاتي اهمية هذه الدراسات في كونها مؤلفات متخصصة في عدة مجالات من شؤون تركيا. واستعان الباحث بعدد من الرسائل والاطاريح الجامعية، كانت في مقدمتها اطروحة اميرة محمد كامل الخربوطلي، الموسومة بـ(العلاقات المصرية - التركية 1952 - 1971), والتي نوقشت في كلية الاقتصاد والعلوم السياسية - جامعة القاهرة عام 1979, ومنهج كتابة الاطروحة كان منهجا سياسيا وليس منهجا تاريخيا, لكني افدت منها في معرفة خلفيات العلاقات التركية المصرية, واستعنت برسالة احمد نوري النعيمي (السياسة الخارجية التركية بعد الحرب العالمية الثانية) وهي رسالة ماجستير اعتمدت على الصحافة بالدرجة الاساس وتصل لغاية عام 1975، وكذلك اطروحة احمد جاسم الطائي (موقف تركيا من قضايا المشرق العربي 1967 - 1978), فقد اشار فيها الى جوانب يمكن الافادة منها؛ لفهم العلاقات التركية المصرية, ورسالة الماجستير للباحث زياد عزيز حميد الجلبي، (السياسة الخارجية التركية 1973 - 1983) وغيرها, وقد افاد منها الباحث في الفصل الاول من الاطروحة فقط. كما شكلت البحوث المعتمدة في المؤتمرات العلمية والبحوث المنشورة في الدوريات العربية، مرتكزا اخر افاد منه الباحث في كتابة اطروحته, اذ قدمت الابحاث والدراسات معلومات قيمة عن العلاقات التركية العربية بشكل عام, وتاتي في طليعتها البحوث المنشورة في مجلة السياسة الدولية الصادرة عن مركز الاهرام, كذلك اعتمد الباحث بشكل كبير على الشهريات الموجودة في مجلة السياسة الدولية, كدليل لمعرفة الزيارات المتبادلة وتواريخها للبحث عنها, وعما دار فيها من مباحثات في الجرائد والمصادر الاخرى, كما ان مجلة السياسة الدولية كانت تعنى ايضا بنشر بعض الملفات الوثائقية عن بعض الاحداث المهمة. اما الجرائد والمجلات العربية والتركية والاجنبية, المحفوظة في دار الكتب والوثائق القومية في القاهرة, او في المكتبة الوطنية (Milli Kütüphane) في انقرة, او في دار الكتب والوثائق الوطنية في بغداد, او في مركز الدراسات الاستراتيجية في بغداد, فقد شكلت رافدا مهما من روافد الاطروحة؛ اذ اعتمد عليها الباحث اعتمادا كبيرا في توثيق الزيارات والمباحثات التي جرت بين البلدين, فقد كانت هذه الجرائد حريصة على متابعة الاحداث والمواضيع وتطوراتها, وما نتج عنها, وقد اعتمد الباحث في اغلب المواضيع على اكثر من صحيفة, ومن مختلف التوجهات؛ من اجل الوصول الى دقة المعلومة, واهم هذه الجرائد هي جريدة الاهرام المصرية, واضواء الانباء التركية, و(Milliyet) وغيرها من الجرائد. وكان للمواقع الالكترونية الموثقة اثر مهم في تزويد الاطروحة ببعض الوثائق والمعلومات, مثل موقع الامم المتحدة, وموقع مقاتل من الصحراء, وموقع عالم المعرفة وغيرها من المواقع الالكترونية . وفي الحقيقة ان هذا الجهد الذي بذل من قبل الباحث قد واجه عدة صعوبات, متعارف عليها عند اغلب الطلبة والباحثين, منها عدم اهتمام وزارة التعليم العالي والبحث العلمي في تذليل العقبات امام الطلبة؛ من اجل الحصول على الوثائق والمصادر من خارج العراق, فيبقى الطالب معتمدا على جهده الذاتي وعلاقاته الشخصية؛ من اجل الحصول على وثيقة, او كتاب نادر. ولم يدخر الباحث جهدا او مالا في سبيل ذلك, اذ قام بعدة سفرات في داخل العراق وخارجه, شملت عددا من المدن التركية والمصرية لاكثر من مرة, فضلا عن المدن العراقية, يقتفي اثر المعلومة؛ من اجل سد الثغرات, وكنت اعمل بشكل دؤوب في المكتبات التركية والمصرية لساعات طوال, باحثا في صفحات المجلات والجرائد وناقلا منها, اذ ان بعض المكتبات تمنع استعمال تقنية التصوير بكل انواعه, اما الوثائق المصرية غير المنشورة فلا يحق للباحث الاطلاع عليها, الا بعد الحصول على موافقة وزير الخارجية حصرا, وبتزكية من احد الاساتذة الجامعيين المصريين, وبعد مدة انتظار قد تصل الى اكثر من خمسة شهور, لا يتمكن الباحث من الاطلاع على جميع الوثائق التي يرغب في الحصول عليها. والشيْ الاخر الذي يدعو الى الاسى هو وجود عدة تقارير وجرائد تخص علاقة تركيا مع الدول العربية, كانت متوفرة في مكتبة مركز الدراسات الاقليمية في جامعة الموصل, ولكنها فقدت او اتلفت بعد سيطرة (داعش) على المدينة عام 2014, وعلى الرغم من كثرة الاتصالات مع بعض الاصدقاء لم اتمكن من الحصول الا على نزر يسير منها . وختاما فعلى الرغم مما بذله الباحث من جهد في اعداد هذه الدراسة، ومهما بلغ حرصه على دقتها, فانه لا يدعي الكمال فيما كتب, فالكمال لله وحده، وما اضافه من نتائج اعتمد فيها على ما توفر عليه من وثائق ومصادر علمية. وغاية ما يرجوه ان يكون قد وفق في متابعة موضوع بحثه, وان تحظى الاطروحة برضا الاساتذة الكرام، وان تكون جديرة بان تحتل مكانتها في المكتبة التاريخية العراقية ... والله الموفق . | Turkey and Egypt are considered among the most important countries in the Middle East. They share a common set of characteristics, in terms of the geographical location, the nature of political regime and economic system, the social formation, the population and so on. Both have an excellent geopolitical location which have an important geopolitical Area. Whereas the Turkish grounds lay between the continents of Asia and Europe it form a link between them, Also Egypt in which its grounds lay in Africa and Asian Areas and it forms as an important link between the ancient continents of the world (Asia, Africa, and Europe). As well both have long beaches on the Mediterranean sea. All of what mentioned above makes both countries among the most important countries of the Middle East . The political regime in both countries is a republican, and in such regime, The position of presidency should be assumed by Army officers with a head of government usually a civilian, manages the internal and external affairs of the country. As both countries are related to the growing countries in which agriculture is the main source of economy of their peoples, And both countries are suffering from economic problems, such as inflation and increasing external indebtedness. Both countries have a special relationship with the USA in the period of studied, and they were getting great economic support from the USA. The support comes in the second class, after "Israel" In addition both countries have a good diplomatic relationship with "Israel'' - that the other Islamic countries. All that similarity between the two countries, pushes the researcher to choose such a subject, to find out the similarity which has been mentioned, above and its role in growing the relation between the two countries. The researcher has divided the study depending on the unity of the subject, with observance of historical method, which is required to follow different events and attitudes according to historical sequence. And this is what makes going deeply into conditions and influences is very necessary to understand the development of Turkish - Egyptian relations. Therefore, the order of the chapters is as follows : Chapter I : The nature of Turkish - Egyptian relations until 1980Chapter II : Development of Turkish - Egyptian Political Relations 1980 - 1993Chapter III : Areas of Cooperation between Turkey and Egypt 1980 - 1993Chapter IV : The Attitude of Turkey and Egypt form The Regional Issues 1980 - 1993. The most important conclusions which have been reached by the researcher are that relations between both countries have developed relatively since 1965 and until the end of seventies, But the relations between them haven't reach advanced stages and the stage of coordination in attitudes and trends, only in the eighties and early nineties of the last century, This is reflected in the frequent visits between officials of the two countries at the highest levels, cooperation in the economic fields, the field of transport, the field of justice, the field of culture and other fields, as well as in the coordination of positions, either individually or through the Organization and the Conference. The Islamic, the United Nations. Turkey's drive towards Egypt was mainly due to two factors : the first is political; Turkey's attempt to obtain a supportive position in the Cyprus issue from the Arab and Islamic countries and the Non - Aligned Movement. Turkey was an important gateway to Egypt; to influence the positions of these countries, The economic factor was a major factor in the development of Turkish - Egyptian relations during this period. It was also the most active in the relations between the two countries because of the problems Economy Suffering from both countries. However, the economic relations between Turkey and Egypt have not reached an advanced stage compared to other Arab countries, Iraq, Libya and Saudi Arabia were the most economically connected countries with Turkey. The reason for this is that Turkey and Egypt were competing in some Economic fields. It is clear here that the process of making foreign political decision in the Turkish state has been subject to several variables internal, regional and international, has been determined the process of issuing in accordance with Turkey's political relations and economic interests with those determinants

جوزيف مكارثي ونشاطه السياسي ودوره الفكري في الـولايات المتحدة الامريكية 1908 - 1957 == Joseph McCarthy and His political Activity and Intellectual role in the United States of America (1908 - 1957)

Author name: علاء عبد العالي كاظم الطائي
Supervisor name: بيداء علاوي شمخي جبر الشويلي
General topic: History
Specific topic: Modern and Contemporary History
Degree: Doctorate
University: University of Baghdad - Ibn Rushd College Of Education For Human Sciences
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: يعد جوزيف مكارثي من الشخصيات السياسية المهمة والمؤثرة في الولايات المتحدة الامريكية ، لما تركه من اثر كبير في مجمل الحياة السياسية الامريكية بما حمله من افكار وما طبقه من ممارسات عرفت في التاريخ الامريكي بالمكارثية والتي يمكن تعريفها بانها : حركة متطرفة لمناهضة الشيوعية في الولايات المتحدة الامريكية ، والمكارثية مصطلح مرادف لتوجيه اتهامات خطيرة ، لكن دون ادلة واضحة ضد موظفين رفيعي المستوى وكذلك اشخاص في الحياة العامة . كما استخدمت المكارثية مصطلحا اكثر شمولا لوصف الممارسات (السلوكيات) العامة بتوجيه مزاعم كاذبة وتحديدا بممارسة نشاط مؤيد (داعم) للشيوعية . اقترنت المكارثية بالخوف من الشيوعية التي طرحت افكارا ماركسية متطرفة تعتمد مواجهة العالم الراسمالي الليبرالي والدعوة الى تحطيمه وازاحته من الوجود كليا واحلال البديل الشيوعي منهجا جديدا في ادارة العالم الغربي الا ان المكارثية تلازمت بصورة اكبر بما اطلق عليه بالخوف الاحمر الثاني على اساس ان الخوف الاحمر الاول تبلور مع انتصار الشيوعيين في روسيا عام 1917 وهو مصطلح سياسي اطلق على خوف الامريكيين في نهاية عقد الاربعينيات الى منتصف عقد الخمسينيات من النفوذ الشيوعي المحتمل في بلادهم ولم يكونوا يخشون الاتحاد السوفيتي فحسب بل يخشون الشيوعيين الامريكيين واختراقهم المحتمل للادارة الامريكية في محاولة لاسقاط الجمهورية ونظامها الديمقراطي الاتحادي , وقد عمل مكارثي على نشر وتاكيد تلك المخاوف ، اذ منحته الاوضاع السياسية والاجتماعية في الولايات المتحدة الامريكية الفرصة ، باعطائه التسمية الناجعة لقادة الراي العام الامريكي بان الاتحاد السوفيتي العدو الدولي ، والشيوعية تهديد تخريبي من الداخل ، وكانت ظروف البلاد الداخلية مهياة بعد خروجها من الحرب مع المانيا واليابان قبل مدة قصيرة من الزمن ودخولها في حرب باردة خطيرة ابان عقد الاربعينيات والخمسينيات مع السوفييت ، وممزااد من حدة الخوف تقارير وسائل الاعلام التي كانت تتحدث عن التجسس والسياسيين والصحفيين الذين يلمحون الى عمليات قام بها عملاء اجانب في التجارة والحكومة والتعليم وصناعة الافلام واغلب مرافق الحياة العامة الامريكية . بدات المكارثية بصورة فعلية وعملية في 9 شباط 1950 بالخطبة التي القاها مكارثي بذكرى مولد الرئيس ابراهام لنكولن والتي رفع فيها ورقة قال : انها تحوي (205) اسما من موظفي وزارة الخارجية متهمون بالشيوعية ومتهما الرئيس ترومان بالتواطىء وعدم الموافقة على اعفائهم من مناصبهم ، قادت اتهاماته الى سنوات من التحريات في مجلسي النواب والشيوخ ، ووصل مكارثي الى قمة سلطته عام 1953 بفوز الحزب الجمهوري بالرئاسة والاغلبية في الكونغرس وتراسه لجنة العمليات الحكومية الخاصة بالتحقيقات في النفقات الوزارية ولجنتها الفرعية ، لكن صلاحياته لم تستمر لمدة زمنية طويلة ، اذ سرعان ما بدا تراجعه (نهايته) عندما وجه اتهاماته الى وزارة الدفاع في 25 شباط 1954 بايواء عناصر شيوعية ، ادت تلك الاتهامات الى التقليل من هيبة واحترام الوزارة امام الشعب الامريكي ، وعلى اثر تلك الاتهامات فقد شعبيته ، مما دعا مجلس الشيوخ الى تشكيل لجنة للتحقيق معه بشان مزاعمه ، ووجد مجلس الشيوخ ان زميلهم تصرف بطريقة مهينة وتستحق التوبيخ ، فصدر قرار الادانة في 2 كانون الاول 1954 بتجريده من صلاحياته وايقافه عن العمل في اللجان ؛ لان تصرفاته لا تليق بعضو في مجلس الشيوخ الامريكي . خلفت المكارثية عديدا من الضحايا الابرياء وسجن المئات وكان اغلبهم له صلات (ارتباطات) بالحزب الشيوعي الامريكي في مدة ما من حياتهم ولذلك تم استهدافهم، وادراج عدد كبير من الضحايا على القائمة السوداء بما في ذلك الممثلين والمؤلفين وناشطين في الحقوق المدنية وعلماء واغلب شرائح المجتمع الاخرى . وقبل الخوض في نشاط مكارثي السياسي ودوره الفكري في الولايات المتحدة الامريكية في المدة موضوع الدراسة ، وجب اثارة عدد من الاسئلة ذات علاقة بمكارثي ومنها : هل كان للوسط الاجتماعي او الانحدار الطبقي والعائلي والتعليم وممارسته المحاماة والقضاء والخدمة العسكرية اثر في تكوين شخصيته ؟ والى اي مدى كان تاثيرها ؟ وما اسباب فوزه بعضوية مجلس الشيوخ ؟ وكيف كان اداؤه في المجلس ؟ ودوره في الجانب التشريعي ؟ ولماذا اهتم ببعض الجوانب التشريعية من دون سواها ؟ ما هي الاسباب والنتائج ؟ ما اراؤه السياسية في مشروع قانون تقنين السكر وقانون الاسكان ؟ ولماذا كان الشيخ الاكثر اثارة في الجانب الرقابي وما هي اسباب تدخله في اغلب القضايا ومنها التي لم تكن من صلاحياته او لم يكن مسؤولا عنها ، ولم يكن عضوا في لجانها ؟ وكيف تمكن من جعل صوته اعلى من تقرير لجنة مالميدي (Malmedy Committee) ؟ وما اسباب تمسك مكارثي بالشيوعية واتخاذها هدفا لاتهاماته التي قام بتوجيهها الى عدد كبير من الموظفين وغيرهم ؟ وكيف تمكن من استغلال الاوضاع التي كانت تمر بها البلاد من اجل تحقيق مكاسب شخصيه له ولحزبه ؟ ولماذا بدا باستهداف وزارة الخارجية دون سواها ؟ ومن الجهات التي كانت تمده بالمعلومات ؟ وهل كان لمكتب التحقيقات الفيدرالي (FBI ) دور في اتهامات مكارثي ؟ وكيف تمكن بدهائه السياسي من جعل قرار لجنة تيدينغس (Tyding) دون فائدة على الرغم من انه بين ان اتهاماته لوزارة الخارجية لا اساس لها ؟ وما الاسباب التي ادت الى تعاظم نفوذه وقوته ؟ وكيف تمكن من اقناع قادة الحزب الجمهوري بترؤسه لجنة العمليات الحكومية ولجنتها الفرعية وما الغاية من ذلك ؟ والى ماذا كان يسعى مكارثي من خلال استهداف اذاعة (صوت امريكا) والفنانين والفنانات والمكتبات ووزارة الدفاع ؟ وكيف كانت نهاية مكارثي والمكارثية ؟ جاءت فصول الاطروحة للاجابة على الاسئلة المطروحة وغيرها ، متوخين اتباع اسلوب التسلسل الزمني في عرض موضوعات الاطروحة ، وتم اختيار عام 1908 بداية لموضوعها كونه العام الذي شهد ولادة مكارثي في حين كانت وفاته في 2 ايار 1957 نهاية الاطروحة . اشتملت خطة الاطروحة على مقدمة واربعة فصول وخاتمة وملاحق ، بحث الفصل الاول نشاة مكارثي وسيرته المهنية حتى عام 1945، اذ احاط مبحثه الاول بمعرفة الوسط الاجتماعي الذي عاشت فيه عائلته الفلاحية . وركز المبحث الثاني على مكان ولادته ونشاته ، وظروف تعلمه وكيفية تبلور شخصيته وحصوله على شهادة القانون ، واكد المبحث الثالث على ممارسته المحاماة والقضاء وسيرته المهنية وكيفية معالجته للقضايا التي يتم عرضها عليه ، في حين ضم المبحث الرابع سيرته العسكرية والاهداف المرجوة منها . اما الفصل الثاني فتطرق الى نشاطه السياسي 1946 - 1949 . وخصص المبحث الاول لدراسة حملته الانتخابية وفوزه بعضوية مجلس الشيوخ . اما المبحث الثاني فقد افرد لدراسة نشاطه في مجلس الشيوخ . في حين كرس المبحث الثالث لدوره في الجانب التشريعي والافكار التي تم طرحها من اجل تشريع قانون انهاء تقنين السكر ومشروع قانون الاسكان . اما المبحث الرابع فقد درس نشاطه في الجانب الرقابي ودوره في تحقيقات لجنة مالميدي . وكرس الفصل الثالث لدراسة تبلور المكارثية ومحاربة الشيوعية 1950 . فتناول مبحثه الاول اسباب معاداة الشيوعية وظهور المكارثية . وفي المبحث الثاني سلط الضوء على وزارة الخارجية الامريكية ووطاة المكارثية . اما المبحث الثالث فقد ناقش اسباب تحقيقات لجنة تايدنغ وتقريرها . في حين خصص الفصل الرابع لدراسة المكارثية في التطبيق 1951 - 1957. فجاء المبحث الاول لدراسة تعاظم نفوذ مكارثي . اما المبحث الثاني فركز على تحقيقات لجنة العمليات الحكومية ودور مكارثي فيها والتي طالت اتهاماته اذاعة صوت امريكا والمكتبات والفنانين والفنانات ووزارة الدفاع . اما المبحث الثالث فقد افرد لبيان اسباب نهاية مكارثي والمكارثية . في حين جاءت الخاتمة موضحة اهم النتائج التي تم التوصل اليها . بناء على ذلك ولحصول الباحث على مجموعة متنوعة ومختلفة من وثائق الكونغرس الامريكي ووزارة الخارجية الامريكية ، التي حاول الباحث من خلالها استقراء دور مكارثي بالدرجة الاولى ، ولاسيما المنشورة تحت العنوان الرئيس : - (United States Department of State / Foreign Relations of the United States , 1952 - 1954 ) الموجودة في المكتبة المركزية في جامعة بغداد (الجادرية) وفي مكتبة وزارة الخارجية العراقية (بناية الوزارة) ، اذ رفدت الاطروحة بمعلومات مهمة في الفصلين الثالث والرابع ، اذ اعطتنا فكرة واضحة وجلية عن نشاط مكارثي السياسي ودوره الفكري ، اذ حوت معلومات دقيقة وتفصيلية عنه ، سيما اراء المسؤولين الامريكيين ووجهات نظرهم في واشنطن ، الى جانب ما حوته هذه الوثائق من تصريحات وبيانات ورسائل المسؤولين الامريكيين ، وبذلك هيات الفرصة للاجابة على كثير من الاسئلة التي تتعلق بنشاطه السياسي ودوره الفكري ، وحاول الباحث جهد الامكان استعمالها بصورة علمية محايدة ، ومتفاوتة من فصل لاخر علما انها وردت مجموعات مختلفة . وكان للوثائق المنشورة في مكتبة الرئيس ترومان اهمية كبيرة لمعرفة مواقف واراء السياسيين بشان اتهامات مكارثي والمنشورة في الموقع الالكتروني : http : //www.trumanlibrary.org/whistlestop/study_collections/mccarthyism/index.php ولا يخفى ما للرسائل والاطاريح من اهمية كبرى في رفد الباحث بمعلومات موثقة ودقيقة للاوضاع الداخلية والخارجية للولايات المتحدة الامريكية للمدة موضوع الدراسة . تاتي في مقدمتها اطروحة الدكتوراه للباحث احمد عبد الواحد عبد النبي الحلفي التي حملت عنوان (الرئيس الامريكي هاري ترومان واثر مبدئه في العلاقات الدولية 1945 - 1953) فقد افادت الاطروحة في الفصلين الثالث والرابع كذلك اطروحة الدكتوراه للباحثة ايناس سعدي عبد الله , المعنونة (الحرب الباردة , دراسة تاريخية للعلاقات الامريكية - السوفيتية 1945 - 1963 كوبا نموذجا) ، واطروحة الباحثة رغد فيصل عبد الوهاب نقاوة , المعنونة (سياسة الولايات المتحدة الامريكية تجاه اوربا الغربية في عهد الرئيس الامريكي هاري اس. ترومان 1945 - 1952 (دراسة تاريخية سياسية) اذ افادة الباحث في الفصلين الثالث والرابع لدراستهما الاوضاع السياسية العالمية في المدة موضوع الدراسة . ومن المصادر الاخرى الكتب العربية والمعربة التي تنوعت عناوينها ومؤلفيها سيما تلك التي تحدثت عن شخصية مكارثي ، او التي تتناول السياسة الامريكية ، واهمها كتاب (السناتور جو مكارثي) لمؤلفه ريتشرد هـ . روفيرى . واعتمد الباحث في معلوماته على النسختين العربية والانكليزية لوجود فارق كبير بينهما وعدم ترجمة اغلب صفحات الكتاب بعد مقارنة النسختين . وكتاب (المكارثية والمثقفون) لمؤلفه اريك بنتلي الذي اعطى معلومات عن تحقيقات لجنة النشاطات غير الامريكية ، وغيرها من الكتب التي اغنت الاطروحة بالمعلومات المهمة ، لانها حَوَتَ معلومات قيمة حول نشاطه ، اما الكتب الاجنبية فقد رفدت الاطروحة بمعلومات مهمة وعدت ركيزة اساسية في مصادر الاطروحة ، اذ اعتمد الباحث عليها بشكل كبير ابتداء من المرحلة الاولى لحياة مكارثي حتى وفاته ، وياتي في مقدمتها كتاب (تاريخ العالم من عام 1914 الى 1950 - World History from 1914 to 1950) لمؤلفه ديفيد تومسن (David Thomson) وكتاب (جوزيف مكارثي اعادة فحص حياة ولادت شيخ امريكي الاكثر كراهية - , Joseph McCarthy : Reexamining the Life and Legacy Of Americas Most Hated Senator لمؤلفه ارثر هيرمان (Arthur Herman) وكتاب ديفيد اوشنسكي (David M. Oshinsky) (المؤامرة الهائلة جدا عالم جوزيف مكارثي - A conspiracy So Immense : the World of Joe McCarthy) الذي شَخص جوانب عديدة من حياة مكارثي . ولم تهمل الدراسة الافادة من البحوث والمقالات المنشورة في الكتب الاجنبية التي كانت سباقة في نقل سيرة مكارثي ، واهم الاحداث في حياته المهنية ، اذ زودت الباحث بمعلومات مهمة. كما اعتمد الباحث على الموسوعات العربية والاجنبية وشبكة المعلومات الدولية الانترنت في الاطلاع على الوثائق المنشورة والكتب والمقالات العربية والاجنبية على حد سواء ، التي تضمنت معلومات مهمة عن افكار مكارثي السياسية . واخيرا ارجو من الله العلي القدير ان اكون قد وفقت في هذه الاطروحة التي اتمنى ان تشكل اضافة للدراسات العربية القليلة التي تعنى بهذه الموضوعات ، واضع هذا الجهد المتواضع بين ايدي اساتذتي الفضلاء شاكرا جهودهم القيمة في تثبيت ملاحظاتهم التي ستعزز القيمة العلمية للاطروحة ، فلهم مني شكري وتقديري وجزاهم الله عني خير الجزاء ، وما توفيقي الا بالله رب العالمين | The American Senator Joseph McCarthy is an important and influential political figure in American political life from 1950 to 1957, because he left a great influence on the entire American political life by establishing what is known in American history as McCarthyism, which can be defined as : The United States and McCarthyism are synonymous with serious accusations, but without clear evidence against high - ranking officials and even people in public life. McCarthyism was also used as a more comprehensive term to describe public practices by making false allegations and specifically by supporting pro - communism. The chapters of the Dissertatiion came to answer the questions and others, and we wanted to follow the chronological method in presenting the topics of the thesis, and was chosen in 1947 as the beginning of the subject of the year was the election of McCarthy as a member of the US Congress, while his death on May 2, 1957 end of the thesis. The first part of his dissertation includes the introduction of four chapters, a conclusion, and an appendix to the first chapter of McCarthy's career and career until 1945. His first topic covered the social milieu in which his family had lived and which had returned from the peasant families. The second topic focused on the place of his birth and origin, the conditions of his learning and how to crystallize his personality and the third degree on the practice of law and the judiciary and his professional career and how to deal with the issues that are presented to him, while the fourth section included his military career and the desired goals. Chapter II deals with McCarthy's political activity 1946 - 1949. The first topic was devoted to the study of his campaign and his victory in the Senate. The second topic was devoted to studying his activities in the Senate. While the third topic devoted to its activity in the legislative aspect and ideas that were put forward for the legislation of the law to end the rationing of sugar and the draft housing law. The fourth topic examined his activities on the supervisory side and his role in the investigations of the Malmedy Committee. The third chapter devoted to the study of the crystallization of McCarthyism and the fight against communism in 1950. His first topic dealt with the causes of anti - communism and the emergence of McCarthyism. In the second part, he highlighted the US State Department and the impact of McCarthyism. The third topic discussed the reasons for the investigation and report of the Tidings Commission. Chapter IV was devoted to the study of McCarthyism in the application 1951 - 1957. The first topic was to study McCarthy's growing influence. The second topic focused on the investigations of the governmental operations committee and its role in which the charges ranged from Voice of America radio, libraries, artists, artists and the military. The third topic was devoted to explaining the reasons for the end of McCarthy. While the conclusion was the most important results reached. Accordingly, the researcher obtained a variety of documents from the US Congress and the US State Department, which motivated the researcher to study McCarthy and his intellectual and political role in the United States of America in order to find out the hidden facts about him. Finally, I ask Allah Almighty to be successful in this Dissertation , which I hope to be an addition to the few Arabic studies dealing with these subjects. I put this effort in the hands of my distinguished professors, thanking their valuable efforts in establishing their observations which will enhance the scientific value of the . Allah rewarded me with the best reward, and my compromise except Allah the Lord of the worlds

العلاقات السياسية التركية - الايرانية 1923 - 1945 == Turkish - Iranian Political Relation 1923 - 1945

Author name: صادق فاضل زغير الزهيري
Supervisor name: عفراء عطا عبد الكريم الريس
General topic: History
Specific topic: Modern and Contemporary History
Degree: Doctorate
University: University of Baghdad - Ibn Rushd College Of Education For Human Sciences
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The Relation of turkey and Iran, which are Important and Strong Countries In the Middle - East , date back To Thousands years ago, The relations which characterised sometimes with tension sometimes with friendship have caused an inevitable interaction between the two countries throughout history. The choice of this topic was motivated by the importance of The role that these two countries play in the middle East Especially on the arab countries, including Iraq , and the great in Fluence of their policies in the reqion as a whole. The two Countries which Confronted with each Other Due To the Reasons such as Political/ Idealogical tension, geo - Strategical Rivalry, economic hegemony and religious Contraveysy In the Past, have started to get Closer to Each other since the owerthrown of the Kachar dynasty In Iran. In improving the relations of the Two States the Nationalist Charismatic leaders who have been the Main actors in Change and westernisation Policies, have Played Very important roles. Thus, The Contraversies Between The Two Countries Have Been Solved And The Relations have been Placed A solid legal Ground, ending the suspieion and Prejudice Characterised The relationships between the two states for Along Time. The Common Security Concerns Aspiration for Economic Social Development And Nationalist Modernist Aprroaches Have Forced Each Country To Cooperate with the Other One. Moreover, The Necesity for cmmon Combat Against Seperatiet Kurdish Movement which Thretaens both States is Anather factor which Affect the Two Countries' Relations. In The Process which Foreign (Outsider) Actors Have Also Involred, The Two States Recognised That If They Develop Peaceful Agreement And Cooperation Instead of Rivalry And Conflict, It Would Be more In Farour of Them, And They Shape Their Relations Accordingly. The Have Sustained This Policy as Long as Internal And External Factors Let to do So and They have Taken Place In Regional Cooperations, actin Together. The First Part of the Introductions Between the Two Countries from the Beginning of the Twentieth Century Until 1925, he Reviewed the Nature of the Relations Between the Countries And The Entry of the Ottoman forces Into Iranian Territory During the First world war, The Turkish Support of the Iranin Revolutionary Movements, The Diplomatic Contact Between the Two countries And the Courese of Their Political Relations, And Issue of Declaring the Republic In Iran. The Second Chapter Reviewed the Turkish - Iranian Treaty of 1926, The Problems of the Kurds on the Border And the Seduction of the 1930. The third Chapter Deals with Turkish - Iranian Agreements In 1932, And Reza Shah visit to Turkey in 1934. The Fourth Chapter Dealt with the Relations Between the Two Countries in the Period 1923 - 1945, The Turkish Policy In Iran's foreign Policy Relatians, Especially with Afghanistan And iraq, The Saadabad Charter, the Position of the Two Countries on world warII, and Turkey's Position On the Soviet - British Occupation of Iran.

القزلباش ودورهم العسكري والسياسي في ايران 1500 - 1629 == The Kizilbash And Their Military And Political Role In Iran 1500 - 1629 AD

Author name: شهد عبد الرزاق محمد
Supervisor name: مشعل مفرح ظاهر العونان
General topic: History
Specific topic: Modern and Contemporary History
Degree: Master
University: University Of Basrah - College Of Literature - Department Of History
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:
Abstract: The Iranian studies have been major focus of many Iraqi researchers, and it was for many reasons including geographical proximity, ease of travel to Iran, visit Iranian libraries, and can be utilized and accessing books, and many other factors, the subject of QIZILBASH and their political and military role in Iran during 1500 - 1629 AD is considered from the subjects that assumed its importance from the importance of the state exitance itself of being THE FIRST that had arisen in Iran during the modern times, and QIZILBASH are the pillars of that state, they had been a huge role of its formation by their standing with SHAH ISMAIL THE FIRST and their assistant of SAFAVID statehood and consolidation, therefore the study of QIZILBASH have made on the political and military levels, many of political and events and developments during that time, reveals about the nature of those tribes, their numbers and how they did join to the SAFAVID state, and then engaged them to SAFAVID state politically and military during holding administrative and military positions in the SAFAVID state, where the thesis discusses many important events during that time with the QIZILBASH were for many times had an important role in it, where those events represent by rebel movement and separation who they are part of Qizilbash, and another part had eliminated it, besides, they undertake to take power effectively and they cancelled the role of SAFAVID SHAHAT and limiting them on the nominal power only, as it happened during both the SHAH ISMAIL the second and MOHAMMAD KHODABANDA eras even they forced him to abdicate to SHAH ABBAS THE GREAT, therefore we chose to study them in detail to know about their influence on the SAFAVID society and SAFAVID state. Starting from there huge role in SHAH ISMAIL SAFAVID era towards SHAH ABBAS THE GREAT era and2downsizing their role and establish an alternative army of them known as “SHAHSYOON”.Based on the foregoing, the letter is divided into three chapters preceding a study of important reasons of research, in preparation for it, followed by conclusion, appendixes, resource list and references, which they made a preparation entitled a “Geography of QIZILBASH home”, and I have addressed many subjects which the first one was the geography of QIZILBASH home which it has the famous cities which they stayed at it and they appeared from it inside every tribe separately. Then spoke about the modern mini - states of those tribes and the role of each of emergence of appearing of QIZILBASH tribes on the political drama.First Chapter : It comes under the heading of appearance of SAFAVID state, I was addressing the introduction of this chapter, the founders of SAFAVID state from SAFI ADDIN ARDABILI to SHAH IMAIL THE FIRST then I have addressed the role of the QIZILBASH about installation the SHAH ISMAIL THE FIRST on the throne and then elimination on the internal rebellion in his era access to conducting them the Battle of CHALDIRAN in 1514 with the Ottoman Empire.Second Chapter : It is addressing the political situations after Battle of CHALDIRAN access to installation of SHAH TAHMASP THE FIRST on the thrown and then we address the role of SHAH TAHMASP about his struggle against Qizilbash, and then the conflict of QIZILBASH at the end of the life of SHAH TAHMASP THE FIRST access to SHAH ABBAS THE FIRST.3Third Chapter : It is addressing SHAH ABBAS THE GREAT and how he was establishing an alternative army of the QIZILBASH and resizing their influence, and then addresses the important positions that existed in the SAFAVID state during 1500 - 1629 A.D.In conclusion, I have addressed a presentation of the most remarkable results that I figured it out and issues I have discussed. The French researcher well - known Rojer SAVORY and his researches, live a book “My investigation in the Iran SAFAVID era history” (collections of essays) which had been translated and commented on it by : ABBAS QUILI GHAFARI and MOHAMMED BAQIR ARAM and their book of “Iran under the SAFAVID” or “Iran under SAFAVID” and SAVORY is a specialist of SAFAVID studies, so he enriched the thesis which most its pages covered with important information.Most importantly “The administrative institutions of SAFAVID governments”, also a book of “History of Persia” by Sir PERCY SYKES the author reviewed the history of Iran generally, also the book of “The fall of the SAFAVID dynasty and the AFGHAN occupation of Persia” by LAURENCE LOCKHART, and the professor LOCKHART if from the specialist Iran history studies and his book almost from the important studies which have presented about analysis of SAFAVIDs state collapse and he wrote many essays about the Persian army in the SAFAVID times, and Persian cities.Accordingly, sources have confirmed the historical importance of QIZILBASH in the SAFAVID state at both on the political and military levels by providing us with valuable and important information about political and military influence in the SAFAVID state from its very beginning until beginning of SHAH ABBAS THE GREAT era , collapse their influence and reducing their numbers.

دور عبد الحسين الجلبي السياسي في العراق 1921 - 1939 == The political Role of Abdul Hussein Alchalabi in Iraq (1877 - 1939)

Author name: سيف معتز عمر المناصير
Supervisor name: انور جاسب شنته الطريف
General topic: History
Specific topic: Modern and Contemporary History
Degree: Master
University: University Of Basrah - College Of Literature - Department Of History
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:
Abstract: This thesis studies the life and character of the late diseased Abdul Hussein AlChalbi, a prominent merchant from a wealth family, known for its merchandise in Kadhumiaya. He was one of the fifteen delegates, wo met with the General Secretary of the Civil Governor to help Iraqi people achieve what they have long hoped for; namely forming a national government. Alchalabi held several ministerial positions in the Iraqi government during the reign of Kink Faisal and King Ghazi. He was also prominent figure when the Iraqi government was once established during the royal era. He was also a well - known academic figure who had played a significant role in promoting knowledge and education. Since then, the Iraqi government was under the British mandate and it was in a badly need for such figures to fill the ministerial formations with people to which they show obedience and loyalty, for the development of the political process and for the common good.The current study comprises an introductory part and it is fallen under three main chapters : the first chapter consists of three sections, and the second and third chapters consist of two sections each and a concluding part. His autobiography, character, qualities and his stand in the elimination of the massive Wahhabist influences in Iraq in the 1920s by Faisal AlDoweish, and the supports he showed for the Iraqi government are discussed in chapter one. This chapter also highlights the establishment of the Iraqi national party. Alchalabi was one of the influential founding bodies to get an approval from the Iraqi government for the establishment of the Iraqi National party, he is a member of the Alahad part as well.The second chapter sheds light on the ministries that were taken over during his inauguration in the Iraqi ministries, including the Ministry ofAbstractBEducation, which was filled eight times : the first in 1922; the second in March 1925; the third in June 1925, the fourth in September 1929, the fifth in November 1929, the sixth and the seventh in October 1931; and the eighth one in March 1935. The Ministry of Telecommunication that was taken over in between 1925 and 1926, the Ministry of Agriculture, which was taken over twice in the first 1927, and the second per procuration in 1930. These years, during the period of his administration, were characterized by extraordinary achievements that aimed to contribute clearly to the political, economic and social construction of the public interest and the Iraqi government in particular.The third chapter discusses Alchalabi's political role in terms of the House of Representatives and his vital participation in the approval and vote in many of the legislations that were being deliberated by members of the House of Representatives, for the first electoral cycle on 16 July 1925 - 28 January 1928, as member of the chamber of Deputies for the second round of elections on 19 May 1928 - 1 July 1930, and as a member of the Chamber of Deputies for the third election session on 1 November 1930 - 4. This chapter also exposes the role of Abdul Hussain Chalabi in the senate and his presidency of the financial and economic committees in approving and rejecting the regulations that are circulated by the members of the senate, where he was a member of the senate from November 1933 until his death on the 11th of March 1939
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