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موقف الاردن من اتفاقية كامب ديفيد واثره على العلاقات مع الولايات المتحدة الامريكية 1977 - 1979

Author name: اسعد كاظم جابر الغزي
Supervisor name: اميرة رشك لعيبي الزبيدي
General topic: History
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:
Abstract: The reason for choosing the subject was to know the Jordanian position regarding the Camp David Accords and its impact on US relations with Jordan from 1977 until 1979, which marks a turning point in Arab - American relations in general and Jordanian - American in particular. US Presidency .The importance of the study comes from the specificity of the stage covered by the conflict, which witnessed the intensification of the Arab - Israeli conflict and the entry of the parties into crises and wars. The Arab parties and the Jordanian side resorted in particular to seek the support of the United States, which strongly entered the Arab region to resolve disputes and to settle the settlement Both American and Israeli, because of the strategic relationship between the United States and Israel, which is the cornerstone of American foreign policy in the region .The Camp David Accords were an important turning point in history in the history of the Arab - Israeli conflict. The agreement, which was accompanied by protracted negotiations for nearly a year and a half, paved the way for the signing of a formal peace treaty on March 26, 1979 between Egypt and Israel. This led to close ties with the United States and a profound change in the strategic map of the Middle East .The Camp David Agreement is one of the issues affecting the two countries because of the Jordanian interests' ties with the United States of America through the active role of Jordan in the Arab region and its international relations with the major countries. Especially with the United States .The interest of the United States and its support for Jordan stemmed from the general interest of the United States in the Middle East. The Middle East was an advanced front for the West in a possible confrontation with the Eastern bloc. It contained vast reserves of raw materials needed by the West, most importantly oil, and at the same time a market for Western products Thus, the American perception centered on the statement that the one who controls the Arabian Peninsula and the Middle East controls the European continent. Therefore, the key to interpreting the US policy in Jordan was the result of his opposition to the Soviet threat and the associated elements Because of its geographical location and because of its interest in peace in the region. Jordan is a small country with few major economic resources, which has made it rely heavily on US foreign aid to compensate for the scarcity of resources and its need for economic and social programs to support growth. Great Population .ABSTRACTBThe United States has considered Jordan as the qualified party to take positions in support of US peace initiatives, but rather to call for a key role in the peace process .The United States views Jordan as a major party in its political vision of the nature and dimensions of the conflict, seeking to ensure its security and stability, which is thus reflected in ensuring Israel's security. In contrast, Jordan has taken advantage of the US interest in highlighting its regional role towards peace .The first chapter was entitled "Negotiations for the Settlement of the Arab - Israeli Conflict and its Impact on US - Jordanian Relations 1973 - 1977". The first topic focused on the October 1973 war and the Jordanian - American contacts. The American attempts to settle the conflict and the Jordanian position, 1973 - 1974, are also discussed in the third article; following the decisions of the Arab summit on the Jordanian position on the peace talks 1974 - 1976 .While the second chapter dealt with the direction of the administration of US President Jimmy Carter to settle the Arab - Israeli conflict and the Jordanian position in 1977. In the first part, he focused on the Jordanian position on American mediation until October 1977, and in the second part, the Jordanian position on the joint Soviet - American statement and Sadat's visit to Jerusalem .The third chapter explains the role of the United States in the Camp David talks, the signing of the 1978 - 1979 Egyptian - Israeli peace treaty, the recognition of mutual visits prior to the agreement, the details of the Leeds Castle Conference in July 1978, the transition to the White House announcement to call the Camp David Conference, The Camp David Summit, during its thirteen days, monitored and analyzed the proposed projects, which were presented to the agenda of the negotiations, and what was reached at the end of the conference, embodied in the Camp David Agreement and the Egyptian - Israeli Treaty. And the Egyptian - Israeli negotiations until September 1978. The second topic was the US hosting the Camp David conference and its role in the Egyptian - Israeli peace treaty 1978 - 1979 .The fourth chapter was entitled : The Jordanian Position on the Camp David Accords and the Egyptian - Israeli Treaty and its Impact on American - Jordanian Relations. The first topic dealt with the Jordanian reservations to the Camp David Accords and the American position on them. David at the Ninth Arab Summit in Baghdad, and the latter dealt with the impac

نشاط السفارة البريطانية في العراق 1958 - 1959

Author name: اسراء فالح غالي علي السيلاوي
Supervisor name: فرات عبد الحسن كاظم الحجاج
General topic: History
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:

محمد مزالي حياته ودوره السياسي والثقافي في تونس 1925 - 1986

Author name: رغداء عبد الامام فايز يوسف
Supervisor name: عمار فاضل حمزة العابد
General topic: History
Degree: Master
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:
Abstract: This study addresses the personality of Mohammed Mzali and his political and cultural impact in Tunisia 1925 - 1986, by which the study sheds the light on various aspects of the contemporary history of Tunisia. 1925 chronicles the year of Mohammed Mzali's birth, while 1986 chronicles his dismissal by the Tunisian President, Bourguiba, from all his duties in the country and his sentence to prison. Mzali descends from a tribe of barbaric progeny inhabiting Sous from the side of Agadir, the stronghold of Ait Mzal. In Monastir, he was educated through his primary stage at the Quranic School, then he continued his secondary study in the Sadiki School (1940 - 1947). After, he received his higher education at the Faculty of Arts (La Sorbonne) at Paris, where he earned the Bachelor of Philosophy Degree in a matter of three year. Mohammed Mzali engaged early in the Patriotic Movement because of the historical circumstances that gripped his time, as his early youth age witnessed the escalation of political struggle against the colonial power and the exacerbation of clashes. In addition, his birth and brought up in Monastir, the birthplace of the Tunisian leader, Al - Habib Bourguiba, as well as familial kinship contributed to Mzali's involvement in the political struggle. Mzali studied in the same school where Bourguiba studied in when the first moved to the capital. After gaining the Baccalaureate, he traveled to Paris to study Philosophy. Mzali continued political activism which did not stop in France at the core of the Tunisian and the Maghreb student activity. In 1955, he issued Al - Fikr magazine that was still being issued till 1986 despite the major tasks that he was in charge of. Mzali was well - known to defend Arabic language and culture. While being a lecturer in the Sadiki School and a leading figure in Al - Hur new constitutional party, the first responsibility given to Mzali after Independence was his assignment to establish a general administration for youth and sport, so he had the honor of establishing a national youth policy, structures, organizations, and institutions which he will be working on consolidating them to form what is known as Ministry. So he took over the management of the first Ministry. He joined the structures of the modern national state since the beginning of independence and was appointed the head of the Ministry of Education Office 1956 - 1958. After that, he was appointed the director of the Youth & Sport Management in 1958 and continued in this place till 1964. Then he was appointed at the head of General Directorate of Radio and Television in 1964 as he introduced the Tunisian Television firstly - broadcasted in 1966. At his time, the Radio was also developed in terms of programs and broadcasting space. Since the beginning of 1968, he took over several ministerial positions; the first of which being the Minister of Defense on March 18, 1968, which is the first key ministry. Mzali took over the Ministry of National Education for 8 years starting from December 1969 till March 1980, punctuated by carrying out roles in the Ministry of Health during the period (1973 - 1976). The most important achievement he made in this ministry is Arabization. He succeeded Arabizing the early stages of primary school starting from the first to the fourth grade where teaching is conducted with Arabic language. Then after the fourth grade, French comes into use in addition to Arabic; to that time Tunisian student then had deeply - reflected the native language and had gotten in touch with it. He took over the Ministry of Public Health (1973 - 1976) where he did a lot of work in the field of free health care, as well as its circulation and strengthening its components, given that the national state in Tunisia was founded on three basis : the reformation, circulation, and strengthening of modern public education. In 1980, Mohammed Mzali took over the position of the prime minister as he gave a lot to Tunisia in various fields. Culture, Intellect, and Art had the opportunity to witness a remarkable development through the establishment of robust cultural institutions in addition to the existing ones, like the establishment of Translation & Investigation Institution (Bait Al - Hikma in Carthage), and the National Theatre, as well as developing the existing theatres and the advancement of national festivals. He continued working in his position till getting sacked by Bourguiba in July 1986. Among his works are : Democracy, From the Inspiration of Thought, Attitudes, Studies, The Tunisian House, Perspectives, In the Paths of Thought, Open Letter to Bourguiba, and others. The sresearch deals with the study and analysis of the multiparty system experience applied in Tunisia on October 1981 following the appointment of Mohammed Mzali as the Prime Minister at the head of the Tunisian government in April 1980, who made the democratic openness policy the slogan of his stage. The research then sheds the light on the conditions and factors of experience in addition to its results and the most important parties approved to participate in the elections, and their positions in some of the Tunisian political developments, especially the subject matter of legislative elections that took place in October 1981.

حـزب عمال ارض اسرائيل (الماباي) 1930 - 1968 : دراسة تاريخية == Workers Party of the Land of Israel (Mapai) (1930 - 1968) A Historical Study

Author name: جاسم محمد شغيت الكـعبي
Supervisor name: ابراهيم فنجان صدام الامارة
General topic: History
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:
Abstract: Political parties are the catalyst upon which the political regime has reckoned in Israel. The presence of these parties is seen as important traits of the modern political systems. The aim of this study is to shed light on the topic of considerable importance regarding the Israeli internal affair through tracing the origin and development of the labor party, identifying its thinking techniques, and its role in the Israeli political and martial institutions in Palestine before the declaration of Israel state. This study also tries to come to terms with that party's political role in Israel. These areas of investigation have motivated the researcher to analyze this party under the title " The Israeli Labor Party (Mapai) 1930 - 1968) : A Historical Study". The scope of this research is restricted to inspecting the development of this party when originated in 1930 up to 1968 . The year of 1930 is the birth of this party up to its end in 1968 after its coalition with other Israeli labor parties resulting in forming the Labor Party (Mapai). The present work is divided into four chapters. The first one is devoted to explaining the Jewish affairs in Palestine before 1930 comprising three sections. The first section is about Jew's migration to Palestine and the conditions that encouraged them to migrate. The second one is concerned with the labor parties and their political and martial contribution in Palestine. The third section is devoted to Jewish religious parties in Palestine. Chapter two is entirely related to the structural and ideological aspects of Israeli labor party (Mapai) and its political and martial attitudes in Palestine from 1930 up to 1948. This chapter is divided into three sections. The first one is about Israeli labor party in relation to its frames, ideologies and contribution in the Israeli institutions, the second one is about this party's role in the political development in Palestine, and the third section is concerned with the martial activity of this party in Palestine. Chapter three addresses mainly Israeli's Mapai party and its political and martial role from 1948 up to 1957, comprising three sections. The first one is concerned with the Mapai party's role in the foundation of Israel state (1948 - 1949), the second one is about its role in the establishment of the state constitutions (1949 - 1955), and the third section explains the political and martial role of this party in the war of 1956 against Egypt. Chapter four mentions the political and martial development in Israel and the Mapai party role from 1957 up to 1968. This chapter includes three sections. The first one is about the political development in Israel and the Mapai party's contribution from 1957 to 1957, the second one states the martial development in Israel and the Mapai party's role in 1967, and the third one is concerned with Lafone case and its impact on the unity of the Mapai party in 1968. The conclusion summarizes the important results.
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