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الحياة الخاصة للامراء والولاة في الاندلس منذ عصر الطوائف حتى عصر الموحدين 422-635هـ / 1031-1237م == The private life of princes and governors in Andalusia from the age of the Taifas until the era of the Almohads (244-536 AH / 1331-1431 AD)

اسم المؤلف: شاكر ياسين مخلف الدليمي
اسم المشرف: ايمان محمود حمادي العبيدي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2021
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الاسلامي
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: الانبار
الصفحات الاولى:

سياسة بريطانيا تجاه المملكة العربية السعودية 1975-1995 == The Policy of Britain towards Kingdom of Saudi Arabia 1975-1995

اسم المؤلف: حسام ابراهيم حمد الدليمي
اسم المشرف: احمد صالح خليفة الدليمي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2021
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: الانبار
الصفحات الاولى:

عسقلان ودورها السياسي والحضاري في سورية، الالف الثاني والاول قبل الميلاد == The city of Ashkelon and its political and civilizational position in Syria in the second and first millennium BC

اسم المؤلف: تميم عبد السميع جبير
اسم المشرف: شيبان ثابت الراوي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2021
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ
الدرجة: ماجستير
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: الانبار
الصفحات الاولى:

الاحزاب السياسية المصرية بين عامي 1955 - 1976م == Egyptian political parties between 1976-1995

اسم المؤلف: علاء مشرف سليمان خلف عبد الذيابي
اسم المشرف: معاذ هلال جاسم المحمدي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2020
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث
الدرجة: ماجستير
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: الانبار
الصفحات الاولى:

العلاقات السياسية العراقية اللبنانية 1958 ـ 1968 == IRAQI - LEBNAIAN POLITICAL RELATIONSHIPS 1958 - 1968

اسم المؤلف: قتيبة علي جاسم شرقي الصبيحي
اسم المشرف: عبد الرحيم ذو النون زويد الحديثي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2013
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: الانبار
الكلمات الدلالية:
  • .
الصفحات الاولى:

سياسة روسيا وفرنسا تجاه الدولة العثمانية 1789-1807م == The Policy of Russia and France Toward Ottoman Empire 1789-1807

اسم المؤلف: سنان صادق جواد السعدي
اسم المشرف: محمد يحيى احمد الجوعاني
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2019
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: الانبار
الصفحات الاولى:

سياسة الولايات المتحدة الامريكية تجاه مصر 1989-2005 == United States Policy Towards Egypt (1989-2005)

اسم المؤلف: احمد نعمه جوده الدليمي
اسم المشرف: كهلان كاظم حلمي القيسي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2020
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: الانبار
الصفحات الاولى:

موقف الدولة العثمانية من التغلغل الاوربي في المغرب العربي (1730-1830) == The Attitude of the Ottoman Empire on the European penetration in the Maghreb(1730-1830)

اسم المؤلف: خالد جمال كريم عباس
اسم المشرف: جمال فيصل حمد
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2020
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: الانبار
الصفحات الاولى:

اوقاف النساء في الدولة العربية الاسلامية == Woment Endowments In the Arab islamic State PhDthesis Submitted by Student

اسم المؤلف: مروة غازي محمد ضبع
اسم المشرف: بديع محمد ابراهيم
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2020
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الاسلامي
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: الانبار
الصفحات الاولى:

سياسـة بريطانيا تجاه نيجيريا 1960 - 1970

اسم المؤلف: نبيل علي فيصل المحمدي
اسم المشرف: كهلان كاظم حلمي القيسي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2020
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: الانبار
الصفحات الاولى:

التجارة في سلالة اور الثالثة 2112-2004 ق.م == Trade in Ur third dynasty 2112-2004 B.C

اسم المؤلف: حامد محمد حسين
اسم المشرف: شيبان ثابت مصطفى الراوي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2019
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ القديم
الدرجة: ماجستير
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: الانبار
الصفحات الاولى:

موقف مصر من الحرب الاهلية اللبنانية 1982-1989 == Egypt's position on the Lebanese civil war 1982-1989

اسم المؤلف: عمر فواز عباس العيساوي
اسم المشرف: اياد ناظم جاسم
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2019
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: ماجستير
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: الانبار
الصفحات الاولى:

تطوير المشكلة الكردية في العراق 1958-1968 : دراسة تاريخية == the Kurdish Problem in Iraq 1958-1968 (Historical Study)

اسم المؤلف: عبد السميع خلف عبد حبيب الجنابي
اسم المشرف: جاسم محمد عبد الشجيري
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2017
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: الانبار
الصفحات الاولى:

العلاقات البريطانية السعودية 1953 - 1964 == British Saudi Arabian Relations 1953 - 1964

اسم المؤلف: سجاد عبد المنعم مصطفى العاني
اسم المشرف: احمد صالح خليفة الدليمي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2017
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: الانبار
الصفحات الاولى:
الملخص:
المصادر:

المظاهر الحضارية في اقليم الجبال في القرن الرابع الهجري

اسم المؤلف: محمد عبد الله سمير
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2014
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الاسلامي
الدرجة: ماجستير
مكان الجامعة: الانبار

ال قتادة بن النعمان واثرهم في التاريخ الاسلامي

اسم المؤلف: عمر محمد علي سالم الزوبعي
اسم المشرف: جهاد عبد حسين العلواني
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2012
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الاسلامي
الدرجة: ماجستير
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: الانبار

موقف الحكومة البريطانية من القضية الكردية في العراق 1932 - 1958م

اسم المؤلف: حميد حسين علي حسن البالاني
اسم المشرف: غسان متعب عبد الكريم الهيتي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2019
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: الانبار

السلطان صلاح الدين الايوبي في كتابات المشتشرقين : المدرسة الانجليزية انموذجا == Sultan Salahddin Al - Ayoubi In Writings Of Orientalists English School "Model"

اسم المؤلف: سعدون خليفة مهدي صالح الفهداوي
اسم المشرف: عبد الستار مطلك درويش
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2018
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الاسلامي
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: الانبار

التدوين التاريخي ومنهجه في المغرب العربي حتى نهاية القرن السابع الهجري == Historical Codification and methodology in Arab Maghreb until the end of the seventh century alhijrii

اسم المؤلف: علاء حامد جاسم حمادي الطربولي
اسم المشرف: ايمان محمود حمادي العبيدي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2017
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الاسلامي
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: الانبار

الموقف المصري من الحركة الوطنية التونسية 1945 - 1956 == Egyptian Attitude Of The Tunisian National Movement 1945 - 1956

اسم المؤلف: حمادي سلمان حمادي الفلاحي
اسم المشرف: كهلان كاظم حلمي القيسي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2013
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: ماجستير
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: الانبار
الصفحات الاولى:
الملخص:
المصادر:

مدينة تونس : دراسة في احوالها السياسية والحضارية (296 - 981هـ/908 - 1572م) == Tunis City - Study In Its Political And Cultural States (296 - 981 A.H/ 908 - 1572 A.D)

اسم المؤلف: منذر عطا الله شيحان الدليمي
اسم المشرف: بديع محمد ابراهيم الكربولي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2015
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الاسلامي
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: الانبار
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The city of Tunis got a great position since it foundation in 84A.H./703A.D. and this made the city get the prior position where it became the metropolis of the country. The city had been founded to be the defensive center which enabled it to face Byzantine risk, so it was unattackable predominate against enemies attacks through the sea. Also, Tunis was the starting spot for Islamic Arab Armies, specially the navy. So Tunis became the coastal camp for Islamic Armies. Truly, it was the base of Arabic squadron in north of Africa, therefore, it became a navy harbor for Islamic Arab Forces and Navy Fleets. This importance appeared when the navy campaign was setting out.This thesis studies the political and cultural states of Tunis, in order to give a modest view about this city which was the second Islamic Arabic city after Qairwan in Morocco, where it once became the capital of Islamic Caliphate after the falling of Baghdad by Al - Maghol 656A.h - 1258 A.DThis study discovered many result : A - The study showed that the building of the city of Tunis firstly was for protecting Arab Muslims in in Qairwan and counteracting the navy attacks of Byzantine and get rid of their risks and at the same time, it became the Islamic Navy Harbour where the invasions setting out.B - The study discovered that the city of Tunis didn’t get enough attention when Al - Fatmeen were the princes of Africa because they looked to Tunis as a place of opposition for them. But this didn’t prevent from developing the city and flourishing in other aspects.C - The study showed that Tunis had exposed to many revolutions and invasions which led to destroy it for a period of time but it soon regained its force and raised and continued its political and cultural rules. One of these revolutions was Abi Yazid Mukhalad Bin Kidad in 333A.H., also the invasion of Bani Hilal and Bani Saleem tribes, and the revolution of Bani Ghaniya 600 - 602 A.H. It also exposed to the eighth campaign Crusades in 668 - 669 A.H. After that, Abin Marzoq Al - Misayli had dominated the city and occupied it for a period of time 681 - 683 A.H. Also the city exposed to the Al - Marini occupation in 748 - 750 A.H.D - The city of Tunis became independent princedom during Bani Kharassan and it began developing and flourishing, after the destructions and ruins which Qairwan faced because of the invasion of Bani Hilal and Bani Salim
الملخص:
المصادر:

منظمة حركة عدم الانحياز وموقفها من قضايا المشرق العربي 1955 - 1980 == The Position Nonaligned Movement 1955 - 1980

اسم المؤلف: محمد رشيد غافل سالم
اسم المشرف: كهلان كاظم حلمي القيسي
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2015
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: ماجستير
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: الانبار
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: Non - Aligned Movement passed in terms of origination historical precedent stages of World War II. And it formed the Second World War and the emergence of the main forces represented in all of Soviet Union, the United States and the American Cold War and a major cause of birth.Was the respective roles of presidents Yugoslav Tito, and Egypt's Gamal Abdel Nasser, and India's Jawaharlal Nehru, the impact of the consolidation of the organizational foundations of the movement through the Bandung Conference in 1955, and the Conference of Brioni in 1956, and the first conference of the movement in 1961 in Belgrade, it took the movement international circumstances to increase in number, membership and effectiveness in the international arena and it had a role in easing tensions and to call for international peace and security.Counting Brioni conference the basic building block for the emergence of the Non - Aligned Movement, as shares in the close cooperation between the Non - Aligned Movement on the scope of the Bandung Conference crystallization formats Movement and to the creation of new patterns of cooperation relations between the countries and not restricted to African and Asian countries, but also European.The Yugoslavia and its President Tito large and intimate of the Arab nation a friend, and is reflected in its support and its support for the Arab cause fair, and Neil Arab countries rightful place in politics or the economy, Yugoslav - Arab relations began to flourish since I care Tito President Abdel Nasser and liked it and raised close relationship between them, and the way I feel the issues of the Arabs and the need for access to their independence and achieve their will, so he stood beside Egypt against attacks (Israeli) and endorsed the move Egypt to arm its army and supported Egypt's nationalization of the Suez Canal because it is part of the Egyptian territory, and the back of his support in the United Nations, as supported by Egypt, and to stop against the tripartite aggression launched by France, Britain and Israel and condemned the aggression, Yugoslavia was the first country leading up to claim the intervention of the United Nations crucial to the reduction of this aggression is justified, and went out several demonstrations in Yugoslavia supported Egypt against aggression, the Egyptian people and supported volunteers, money and contributed in the international force that formed stands for the armistice lines between Egypt and Israel and clearing the channel. It contributed to the Non - Aligned Unionist support in the project, which took place between Egypt and Syria in 1958, and to stop deduced from the separation that took place in 1961, and was with Abdel Nasser in his decision not to use force against the separatists.It was of the Organization of the Non - Aligned big role in the first conference of the countries holding the Non - Aligned visited a group of African and Asian countries calls for the heads of its countries and peoples to participate in the Belgrade Conference in 1961, and select the conference the principles of the movement and it does not allow the blocs and to renounce the Cold War and the call to unity and expansion it is in the movement of 25 countries to 49 countries at the Cairo Conference, which is concerned with economic issues and the need for decolonization and the removal of military bases.What the movement's position on the Palestinian issue in the partition of Palestine stage was associated position Yugoslavia nature of the prevailing international situation that accompanied the developments in the Arab conflict - (Israel), has participated in the membership of the United Nations Committee on Palestine and presented a project called Project minority, and when the vote was taken on the partition plan refrained Yugoslavia the vote was a neutral stance, but that this attitude completely changed with the outbreak of the Cold War and the emergence of the idea of alliances in international politicsIt exposed the trick (Israeli) and appeared on the reality of colonialism base and global imperialism in the Middle East and the Mediterranean region and this is what called Yugoslavia to the need to look for new bases for its policy in the Middle East and after multiple meetings Tito with Abdel Nasser and the emergence of coordination and cooperation between Egypt and Yugoslavia began Relations landmarks unclear between Yugoslavia revolutionary Arab powers, and it tried to (Israel) achieve political gains mediated Yugoslav president due to his ties close in Egypt, but Tito refused to be based intercede with President Nasser for a peace agreement, and when the intensified crisis between Egypt and (Israel) in May 1967, Tito announced that the pressures directed against Syria and Egypt on the part of (Israel) is very dangerous, which could lead to a global clash.When proceeded (Israel) to launch an aggression against Egypt, Syria and Jordan, the fifth of June 1967 morning, Yugoslavia issued a statement strongly condemned this aggression and expressed sympathy with the struggle of the Arab peoples and criticized the government of Yugoslavia Security Council resolution No. 242 and said that reward the aggressors, as he attended the Moscow conference of the socialist countries of Europe to discuss the Middle East crisis, which condemned the aggression and confirmed European countries to support the just struggle of the Arabs, and Yugoslavia diplomatic relations with (Israel).At the United Nations level movement has always been calling for the condemnation of Israel and its demand to withdraw its troops immediately without limitation or shares condition of President Tito projects to resolve the crisis and visited Egypt, Iraq and Syria in August 1967, and another in early February 1968, but that all projects Saidh provided by the profile or the level of the Non - Aligned did not succeed in front of intransigence (Israeli) which puts obstacles in the way of a just and comprehensive peace.Movement constantly worked to support the struggle of the Palestinian Arab people through its leading role in the Non - Aligned emerged this support at the Third Conference of the Non - Aligned Movement in Lusaka in 1970, was Yugoslavia behind the historic decisions that demanded the rights of the Palestinian people, and while holding fourth conference of non - aligned countries in Algeria in 1973, Yugoslavia was in the forefront of countries which confirmed its support of the Palestinian revolution, and it was a letter of Tito in the conference in line with the struggle - line anti - imperialist forces in terms of support of the Arab people and the need to impose sanctions on (Israel) and its condemnation because of its threat to international peace and its defiance of world public opinion.In the October War in 1973, the Yugoslav government issued immediately after the outbreak of war a statement carried it (Israel) responsible for the outbreak of fighting, and demanded that the forces in favor of peace to take practical steps to help the Arab countries that are struggling for the liberation of its territory, has supplied Yugoslavia Egypt during the war with weapons necessary and ammunition them, and informed the governments of Syria and Egypt support the Government and people for the struggle of the ArabsAfter the October war strengthened the relations between Yugoslavia and the Palestinian revolution, the Palestinian leaders hosted and gave them support and assistance, and it was Tito encourages Arabs to liberate their land by force and the use of weapons, because it is the only way for them, and after the deterioration of Egyptian relations - Yugoslavian on the impact of President Sadat's visit to Jerusalem and concessions presented at the expense of the Arab Palestinian people and their rights, Tito strongly opposed the Camp David agreement because it does not take into account the interests of the people of Palestine, and we see it stays true to the struggle of the Palestinian Arab people to the day of his death on the fourth of May 1980.The positions of the Non - Aligned of Iraq was Iraq and across the stages of the history of their struggle, which expressed all the different forms, from the forefront of nations calling for the content of the non - aligned policy, but the internal events in Iraq and the political instability of it, which lasted until 17 revolution - July 30, 1968, and to system biased attitudes of the West, I have occupied from actively contribute with the rest of the peoples of the third world in the Non - Aligned movement, came in Iraq's role in the emergence of the movement and crystallized phase.However, those constraints do not permit the Iraqi people to know of his will free and independent, and personal nationalism, and his timeless Alancianah, was able to end all forms of exaggeration and underdevelopment revolution in the 17 _ July 30, 1968, and that the stems through clear, comprehensive and in - depth approach drawn his goals and principles of the new Iraqi government, to contribute to the actor in the role of the non - Aligned Movement prepared by the Iraqi government theater of the national liberation struggle of the peoples.Iraq has been keen in all conferences held by the movement after the government to be the first to call for the values and goals Alancianah noble endeavor of human to achieve them down to the world's security prevail justice and prosperity and constructive cooperation between peoples, it was also a voice loud national issues libertarian, earn higher support her.On the economic front, the March of Iraq in those conferences intensive activity, and confirmed by the need to get rid of the split to other developed countries and underdeveloped, and the need for people in control of their natural resources, and the need for cooperation of the people in this field.Iraq also has been outspoken on the unity of the movement to confirm the characteristics of liberation, and made great efforts in order to move to countries that actually seek to achieve the principles of limited, and sought to Ataatblor movement organizationally, even as the efforts of Iraq in such a way that to deepen the contribution of the movement in the international arena more deeply and all succeed, it makes it more near of their people and their needs of struggle.In spite of the keenness of Egyptian politics before the revolution of July 23, 1952 to maintain friendly ties with the West and especially the United States of America, has proceeded contrast to the spun yarn contact between them and with a neutral approach to the Asian countries, especially India and represents that its participation in New Delhi, the second in 1949 and maintaining on neutral approach to international issues that had occupied the international scene at the time.Egypt's foreign relations entered a new stage, including its relations with third countries in the world after the victory of the revolution in July 1952, Egypt has abandoned its policy of appeasement with the West, to begin a new chapter of political relations between Cairo and Third World countries. The most important and the creation of developments within several years have contributed to the drafting of the Egyptian policy directions, objectives and modus operandi involves as much as a few unexpected surprises. It was marked by Egypt's relations with the leading principle in the development of the Non - Aligned Movement to India and Yugoslavia flexibly unusual countries, it coincided spree and the United States and the Soviet Union in the Cold War. Was opening up by Egypt on the neutrality of the Afro - Asian countries, trends, and rejected the principle of Western alliances, declared this one turns that identified the Egyptian policy towards domestic and international issues.Expressed Egyptian politics policy of neutrality and non - alignment in a lot of situations, and coincided with the movement states sent into being in the wake of holding the Bandung Conference in 1955, despite the difference in some of the starting points towards the Arab and international issues at the time as an alliance of Baghdad and exciting than the reactions of Arab and different Dlah.In this context, Egypt tried to do a prominent role in the movement, as they expanded and headed by Gamal Abdel Nasser to build bridges with the movement states in order to promote the ideas of neutrality and impartiality in the Arab region especially, prompting Egyptian politics to work in order to find every opportunity through which to deploy the concept of neutrality and non - alignment between the Arab countries invested in the leading position of the Arab League.The concept of neutrality and non - alignment has a very distinct role in the overall Egyptian, Arab and regional relations. Out of appreciation Saeb of the Egyptian leadership of the importance of that concept, they tried by all means to make it an effective tool to investigate the far - reaching their goals associated with the conditions of the Cold War directly. Egyptian leadership position was not, nor the world can the third ignore secretions of this war on the ground at that point that followed in 1957, making it the third world countries a third party is actually in the midst of the events that paved the way to the emergence of the concept and the principle of non - aligned through movement international in the first summit of the movement in the Belgrade Conference in 1961. This is at a time when Egypt were not ready to link itself to any form of Western blocs, including the Baghdad Pact, which is contrary to the stated policy of the Egyptian leadership to follow the policy of neutrality and non - alignment. Leaving the direct impact on the course of relations between Cairo and Western countries were following the nationalization of the Suez war of President Gamal Abdel Nasser of the Suez Canal in 1956, the best proof of the strength and hardness stand committed to a policy of non - aligned countries.The ambitious national leadership that can be NOTE problem when Abdel Nasser, was found in the spread of the concept of neutrality and non - alignment is better given to achieve this ambition, which embodies the establishment of the United Arab Republic in 1958, which form a kind of concern for the policy of Western countries in the Middle East as long as it threatens Systems Circle in the orbit of Western policy, which contributed to the emergence of what is known as the (Arab Union) between the Hashemite family in Iraq and Jordan to reduce the importance of unity between Egypt and Syria, as well as the affected countries in the region Egyptian neutrality policy, when rapid change of Iraq revolution July 14 came in 1958 which brought down the royal regime, was quick to declare the Revolutionary Command pursued a policy of neutrality and non - aligned foreign policy declaring the Republic of Iraq, and this is what explains the Egyptian - Iraqi rapprochement before statement revolution.It may be noted that non - aligned countries have tried to build new relationships at the beginning of the sixties of the last century, based on the common goal in its policy to emerge on the international politics of an international movement that has its components Theater, and with the impact of the issues that arise at the level of Nations body United. In the first summit conference in Belgrade in 1961 and who launched the movement states it achieve its goals, including Egypt, which had differentials in its foreign policy following the collapse of unity with Syria and military intervention in Yemen to help the republican government.Focused the attention of the Egyptian leadership to strengthen its position in the axial movement, which represents Egypt to host the Conference of the Second Summit of the Movement in Cairo in 1964 at the stage of stabilization have begun to see the escalation of Israel against Arab countries and thus the war June 5 1967. Which turned out to the role of non - Alahaniaz movement in strengthening the venerable Arab side public and private Egyptian, which was reflected in the decisions taken by the United Nations body, has not seen any stage of the history of Egyptian politics and within the framework of itching that support and the support given by NAM countries to advocate for the Arab cause against the continued occupation (Israel) to the territory of Egypt and some Arab countries.Was the first summit in Belgrade provides support for the full restoration of each among the Palestinian Arab people, including spending and the Charter of the United Nations and its decisions.The second conference in Cairo in a position to develop a real Non - Aligned Movement towards the question of Palestine, and in light of the position taken most comprehensive conference which support the armed struggle for the liberation movements, the Conference decided to condemn the colonial policy in the Middle East and decide in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations.Extraordinary Congress came in Belgrade in 1969, adding to the previous resolution to condemn the occupation of Arab lands and reject annexation of land aggression and war, demanding to withdraw from all the ground, and remain the same Wish List, a lack of reference to that (Israel) that occupies the territory of the three countries. And the resolution of the third conference in Lusaka in 1970 command to confirm that the continuation of the occupation (Israel) to the territory of the three countries of the Non - Aligned Movement is a challenge to the objectives of the Non - Aligned and breach of the principles of the United Nations movement.The Fourth Conference in June 1973 titled more comprehensive than the previous decision where he became a decision situation in the Middle East Ntejhn occupation (Israel) to the territory of the non - aligned countries which threatens peace in the non - aligned countries and world peace.The fifth Summit Conference in Colombo in 1976, he stressed the need for the division of financial, military, political and moral of the PLO and Arab countries aid in their struggle against Israel.The Sixth Summit in Havana in 1979, just collect and confirm the previous resolutions that have committed themselves fully to the right of the Arab.
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المصادر:

السياسة السوفيتية تجاه القرن الافريقي 1963 - 1978 == Soviet Policy Towards The Horn Of Africa 1963 - 1978

اسم المؤلف: قيس عدنان عودة الفهداوي
اسم المشرف: سمية امين ياسين
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2014
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: دكتوراه
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: الانبار
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The Somali - Ethiopian conflict over the province of Ogaden and the Ethiopian strong ties with the US were reasons for the intervention of the Soviet Union in the African Horn. Traditionally, the intervention of Moscow came by a way of an agreement to supply military support to Somali in 1963, and the development in the military cooperation between the two countries after the coup of 1969 which brought the General Mohammed Siad Barre into power. The beginning of the Seventies witnessed a huge increase in the Somali military power. In 1974, the policy of Moscow reached its peak, and that same year witnessed the first test for its survival under changeable conditions. The Soviet Union formalized its relations with Somali throughout the peace and friendship treaty in the midst of 1974. Almost successively, the Ethiopian revolution caused the end of the imperial regime in September 1974.Thus, the emperor Hilasilasi was replaced by a military council known by the name Derek which announced its enmity to the Western front and its support for the Eastern front. At the beginning, the Soviet Union policy towards Ethiopia was characterized by caution because Ethiopia was still dependent on the American support and the Soviet Union did not want to agitate the Somali enmity. But the change in the Soviet attitude was underway when Mangistu named president of the military council in February 1976.The Soviet found in him a loyal friend who since his arrival into power announced his will to accelerate the revolutionary march and the socialist inclination of Ethiopia. The Soviet Union began considering what problems its relations with Ethiopia may have on its relations with Somali. The Soviet Union wants to keep its domination on Somali and at the same time to get more powerful in Ethiopia. For the Soviet leadership, it is clear that the development which can threaten that Soviet ambition and which was beginning to take form after 1974, is the fighting which broke out between Somali and Ethiopia because this will enforce the Soviet Union to choose between the two countries. In an attempt to avoid this situation, the Soviets sought, in March 1977, to establish a confederal union including the three socialist countries; Somali, Ethiopia, and Southern Yemen with Djibouti to be added in the future. According to a suggestion written and signed under Soviet guarantee to supply economic and military support for this union. Therefore the regions of tension in Eretria and the province of Ogaden will be given self - rule inside and within the ongoing border arrangements of Ethiopia. The Somali president, Said Barry, strongly refused this suggestion and affirmed that the union could only be established when all the nations would be able to have the right of self - determination. This practically means that Eretria must be member of this union by its own right and Western Somali is to join the union either as a separate entity or as a part of Somali. The Somali president was content that there is a golden chance to seize Ogaden and to annex it to Somali since the ruling council in Ethiopia was busy with an extending internal opposition to the regime and was also obliged to devote most of the military abilities to Eretria Province, where the Eritrean rebels launched a violent war of separation and succeeded in their control over 80% of their lands after badly defeating the Ethiopian army. The key ports on the Red Sea came under the threat of the Eritrean resistance. Added to this, the Western Somali Liberation Front (Ogaden), which was supported by the Somali government, declared war against Ethiopia. Since its independence in 1960, Somali was thinking of seizing Ogaden and for the first time, it was more well - armed than its Ethiopian counterparts. Will the president, Said Barry, fail to take action and let the golden chance slip from him for the sake of the Soviet promises of self - rule of Ogaden —a promise may never be possibly kept by the Soviets. When the fight broke out between Somali and Ethiopia as a result of the Somali attack on Ogaden in July 23rd 1977, the Soviet Union took sides with Ethiopia. Moscow launched the biggest air and sea bridge (after the October war) to transport weapons and military equipments to Ethiopia. The American intelligence estimated the size of the military equipment which Moscow provided Ethiopia about 61,000 ton and the overall value of the Soviet loads about one billion dollars.11000 Cuban soldiers were sent to Ethiopia. In an unprecedented step, Moscow sent two of its high profile generals to take part in planning and managing the war which ended with the defeat of Somali and its withdrawal from Ogaden in March 9th 1978. The Soviet did not achieve their supreme goals but their policy did not bring them heavy loss. Although losing Somali meant for them the loss of their biggest military bases outside the Warsaw League, the final outcome was positive for the Soviet policy because Moscow won a new and important position in Ethiopia. In November 1978, Mangistu visited Moscow and signed a 20 - year - agreement of friendship and cooperation which established the allegiance between the Soviet Union and Ethiopia which was one of the important circles of the American influence. Ethiopia also has a coast on the Red Sea, so this can provide the Soviet Union with institutions which equal in their value what the Soviets lost in Somali. Added to that, the Ethiopian population is seven times larger than the Somali's, its national income is eight times larger than the Somali's, its area is twice larger than the Somali's, and its natural resources are more abundant and its influence in Africa is wider.
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موقف الامم المتحدة من العراق خلال حربي الخليج الاولى والثانية 1980 - 1993م == Thesis Title The United Nations Attitude Towards Iraq In The First And Second Gulf War (1980 - 1893)

اسم المؤلف: عمر عناد حمود
اسم المشرف: فواز مطر نصيف
الموضوع العام: التاريخ
السنة: 2016
الموضوع الدقيق: التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
الدرجة: ماجستير
اللغة: العربية
مكان الجامعة: الانبار
الصفحات الاولى:
المستخلص: The study contains an introduction, an introductory chapter and four chapters followed and a list of sources and seferences. The first chapter entitled : the situation of the united nations regarding traq during the first Gulf war (1980 - 1993 ). It discussed the events and developments of the first gulf war and the resulting decisions issued by the security council to deal with these decisions, it discussed the situation of the permanent members within the international organization, it sheds light on the decision No. (589) issued in 1987.The second chapter : the private interests of the permanent members of the security council and its impact on the united nations " decisions regarding the first gulf war". The chapter also discusswd the political, economic and military interests and the private goals of the five permanent members of the security council and its impact on the united nations decisions concerning the first gulf war and the five permanent member countries attempt to exploit its influence within the organization to achieve its goals.The third chapter : the situation of the united nations regarding Iraq since Kuwait invasion and until cease - fire decision ( 1980 - 1991 ). It discusses the events and developments of the second gulf war since the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait on the second of august 1990 and the resulting decisions issues by the security council to deal with these events until the security council decision no. (687 ) of ceasing fire.The fourth chapter : international sanctions and their impact on the demarcation of the Iraq - Kuwait borders ( 1990 - 1993 ). It discusses the international sanctions issued by the security council against Iraq in accordance with its decisions scince the decision (661) passing the decisions of building safe areas in north and south Iraq and reparations imposed on it and the impact of these sanctions on the Iraq people and the process of demarcation of the Iraq - Kuwait broders, according to Security Council decision No.(833) issued in 1988.Several resources have been adopted in the study : Published and unpublished documents, a variety of arab and foreign studies on the same subject of the study, in addition to a number of arab and foreign reviews publications.We cannot see the situation and the behavior of the united nations Iraq as a normal and regular one, the united nations of the first and second gulf war containment have witnessed different situations regarding Iraq.Its space and timid interval in the first gulf war reflects a state of negligence towards a major regional crisis and allowed it to continue for eight connecting years until the security council issued the decision no.These factors overlapped and produced reactions and movements which seem to be contradictory during the two wars if we assumed that the United Nations has a free decision, which was proved to be not free one by the movement of the permanent member countries. What makes the UN interval into Iraq and special thing guring the two Gulf wars is that fully achieved its goals despite the suffering that the Iraqi people had witnessed.
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