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اثر المجددين في الحياة السياسية والثقافية في النجف 1945 - 1963 == The modernizers, Effect on the political and Educational life in Najaf (1945 - 1963 )

Author name: رحيم عبد الحسين عباس العامري
Supervisor name: علاء جاسم محمد الحربي
General topic: History
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
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الاصلاح البرلماني في بريطانيا في العصر الفكتوري (1837 - 1901م) == Parliamentary Reform in Britain in Victorian Age 1837 - 1901

Author name: عدي محسن غافل الهاشمي
Supervisor name: لطفي جعفر فرج الاسدي
General topic: History
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
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وليم بت والسياسة البريطانية 1783 - 1806 == William Pitt and The British Policy 1783 - 1806

Author name: اروى خالد علي مصطفى
Supervisor name: لطفي جعفر فرج الاسدي
General topic: History
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
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بلاد فارس في ظل الحكم الافشاري 1736 - 1747 == Persia Under The Afsheri Reign 1736 - 1747

Author name: احمد كاظم محسن بندر البياتي
Supervisor name: فوزية صابر محمد
General topic: History
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Summary:
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التطورات السياسية في ايرلندة الشمالية 1921 - 1949 == Political Developments In Northern Ireland (1921 - 1949)

Author name: احسان علي حسين الشمري
Supervisor name: صادق حسن السوداني
General topic: History
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Summary:
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الاستراتيجية الامريكية تجاه العراق على اثر احتلال دولة الكويت 1990 - 2003 : دراسة تاريخية == American Strategy toward Iraq after the occupation of Kuwait State 1990 - 2003 Historical Study

Author name: غسان بنيان جلود الشويلي
Supervisor name: ياسين طه ياسين الهارون
General topic: History
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:
Abstract: Iraq's relationship with marked United States since antiquity, but that relationship was ruled by the nature of international relations and global policy environment, and historical evidence pointed toward this relationship, which differed in different historical phases that passed by, through us site United States of America in international balance, Iraq has become a centerpiece of American interest and particularly after the end of World War II, especially after he became one of the most important factors for oil factor in the success of this war, and that Iraq enjoys a strategic location and its resources made it in Us policy priorities in accordance with the adopted strategy planning with multiple policies that has undergone transformation strategy wisdom international and regional situations and the Interior, as the actual intervention process began for the United States to Iraq and who skipped interest .Was the importance of this shift in the regional environment, after the fall of the Shah of Iran strategic ally of the United States in the Middle East, you may select the normal route of us strategic shift toward Iraq since Iran - Iraq war in 1980 - 1988, as The American decision maker, need to go towards a strategy to embrace Iraq, intelligence and logistical support in the course of the war, but that does not mean that the shift was not aimed at distancing strategy was primarily to destroy those strong regional area, and limit the expansion of Capabilities in the Middle East, the fact that both parties had United States animosity and ideological threat to their interests and its allies in the region that they both carry elements of geopolitical and economic and military power .The United States has adopted .And had proved its features and clearly as strategic shifts since the end of the Gulf war as a shift in the nature of dealing with the Iraqi file since 1993 - 2001, the policy of containment through economic and humanitarian dimensions, and carried military and security was intended to make the strategic dimension towards Iraq as Came the decision to stop the war, which set out the nature of the risks that they must stand against it based on the policy of containment, especially weapons of mass destruction, under UN Security Council resolutions, but that policy has failed to achieve the goal and different lobbyists around him success optimal strategy against Iraq was To be going towards a more effective policy that regime change in Iraq declared goal in light of the American strategy in Iraq Liberation Act .I took the success factors in Bush administration Jr in 2001 - 2003 September 11 helped in 2001, which varied around them, and what are the objectives behind them, but it's considered one of the most important factors in the nature of the shift towards Iraq and the ensuing consequences and becoming Opportunity invested by the Bush administration and neocons in the implementation strategy that drew toward Iraq since 1990, and go toward preemptive war, which was considered the decisive factor in achieving goal after failing military strategy of deterrence and containment, by connecting Iraq, global terrorism under the pretext of developing weapons of mass destruction, the US administration took escalating toward rogue States that support terrorism and Iraq was the priority attention being an anchor and a goal can usually process the overall security and military policy integration

سياسة الولايات المتحدة الامريكية تجاه تركيا 1960 - 1980 == The U.S. Policy Towards Turkey : 1980 - 1960

Author name: محمد مسير الربيعي
Supervisor name: عبد الرزاق احمد النصيري
General topic: History
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Wasit
First pages:
Abstract: Turkey has a prominent strategic position, which can be a meeting point between the three continents (Asia, Africa and Europe) and a major control center by air, sea and land between East and West.When Turkey became increasingly important in international relations after the end of the Second World War, and accompanied by international events accelerated political, military and economic, and the emergence of two major poles across the world.The United States sought to attract Turkey to its ranks and to associate with the so - called alliance policy. The interest of US policy in Turkey between 1960 and 1980, during which the Turkish army carried out three coups, left its mark on US policy towards Turkey. It isthe subject of this dissertation. The thesis in its final form included an introduction, five chapters and a conclusion. In order to preserve the comprehensiveness of the subject, and in line with its title, we suggested that Chapter I (American - Turkish relations from the end of World War II until 1960).To illustrate the extent of the United States' interest in Turkey during that period, and to divide the chapter into three topics, the first dealt with the review of the strategic location of Turkey and its impact on the US - Turkish alliance, and the US position on the attempts of the Soviet Union to dominate Turkey.Chapter II was devoted to the US strategy toward Turkey from 1947 until Turkey joined NATO in 1952, while the third topic dealt with US policy toward Turkey. During the reign of Turkish Prime Minister Adnan Menderes from 1950 to 1960.Chapter Two (US policy towards Turkey from the 1960 coup to the return of civil rule in 1961) dealt with three issues. The first part dealt with the US position on the precepts of the May 27, 1960 coup.The second topic was devoted to studying the American reaction after the coup. The third study examined US relations with Turkey during the military period until the return of civil rule in late 1961. The third chapter dealt with the Turkish - American relations from the return of civil rule to Turkey until 1971. In three studies, the first topic was devoted to studying the US policy towards Turkey after the return of civil rule.The second topic examines US policy toward Turkey since US President Lyndon Johnson warned Turkish Prime Minister Ismat Inonu on June 5, 1964, to abandon Turkey's protection against Soviet threats if Turkey intervened militarily in Cyprus until 1971. The third topic dealt with the position of the United States Of the coup of the memorandum on March 12, 1971.Chapter Four dealt with the study of the Cyprus crisis and its impact on US policy toward Turkey (1960 - 1974). It was divided into three sections. The first part explained the position of the United States on the Cyprus crisis since the independence of Cyprus in 1960 and the outbreak of the 1963 - 1964 crisis. the second section devoted to track the position of the United States in 1967, the Cyprus crisis, and touched on the third topic to the American position of the Turkish military intervention in Cyprus in 1974.Chapter 5 deals with US policy toward Turkey from 1971 to the 1980 coup. In the course of this chapter, the chapter dealt with three topics. The first part examined US policy toward Turkey from the ban on poppy cultivation until 1974. The second topic was devoted to the US embargo on Turkey and its implications for American - Turkish relations.The third topic dealt with the American position on the 1980 coup in Turkey.The thesis concluded with a conclusion that focused on the most important conclusions of the study in revealing the nature of the US policy towards Turkey from 1960 to 1980, and the transformations it underwent

هوراتيو نلسن ودوره العسكري في بريطانيا (1758 - 1805) : دراسة تاريخــــيـــــة == Horatio Nelson and his military role in England (1758 - 1805)

Author name: بيان عبيد زبيدي حسين الخفاجي
Supervisor name: نعيم كريم عجيمي الشويلي
General topic: History
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Dhi Qar
First pages:
Abstract: A comprehensive historical study on the personality of the sea was the most important European modern that accompanied the battles of the French Revolution, especially the Navy and left a significant impact in this aspect has been dealt with the personality in several aspects, first the humanitarian side and his life at a young and how he began a small sailor and then graduated until he reached the rank of Admiral Bahri And suffered during that period of health conditions were weak structure and accompanied by loss of sight in one eye and cut off his hand, but all this did not prevent him from continuing to give and lead naval battles and victory in the most difficult positions, Men make history, not vice versa. At the time when there was nothing but their actions, it would make progress when skilled leaders took advantage of the opportunity to change things for the better. That is what we can say about a naval military figure like Nelson and we will shed light on them from all sides Without being isolated between them and the circumstances and variables that surrounded them as it became one of the most prominent features in the history of the English Navy, which has long been described as the first Navy and Lady of the Sea has been a great deal of skill and experience and experience and hardness brought to the peak in terms of numbers and Or was Nelson part of the naval system has added to him and added to it was its name, England, linked to its vessels, which were navigating the sea and open roads to their interests, and formed the real power to which they left, and even enabled them to achieve the influence and economic gains as well as being the main tool To defend the country, its strength lay in its ships, so it is equivalent to the ground force adopted by other European countries and to achieve its goals, it was necessary to assign them to competent leaders. He was at the forefront of those leaders whose public popularity increased and became overwhelming after all his M 1793 - 1805 and has contributed in history to perpetuate his name in a period of time is full of events where he witnessed the Napoleonic Wars, which has long occupied Europe for so long is to be part of those events as making an English illuminated signs for her and himself.The battles fought by the decisive battles in which the great damage to the fleets of European countries has changed a lot of events and still a little remembered sacrificed himself during the Battle of the Trafalgar, The study included an introduction, four chapters and a conclusion with supplements. The first chapter, entitled "The Life of Nelson" (1758 - 1790), which included three aspects of the first years of his life, his birth, his birth and his life within his family, His loss of his mother The second topic discussed his maritime trips and his service in India and his transfer to Central America and then the American War of Independence, while the third topic explained his participation in the campaigns of the colonies since a year ago. 1780 and his participation in the campaign of Saint - Juno - Fort - Garand - Turek and then to peace until the beginning of the wars of the French Revolution.The second chapter deals with the military life of Nelsen from 1790 to 1795 and included four topics. The first topic discussed the beginning of the French - English conflict since the beginning of the French Revolution and the conflict with Spain aboutThe third chapter was a continuation of Nelson's military tournaments, which was titled The Naval Battles of 1796 - 1797. It included three explanations, one of which explained the changes in Admiralty and the withdrawal of the English fleet from the Mediterranean, while the second section presented the Battle of Saint Vincent, The plans for which and the results of it and the beginning of the brightness of the star during which we learned the subject to the rebellion of the English fleet in the port of Speethide and the impact on events between the French and English fleet and the emergence of the idea of France to invade England, Light on the Battle of Santa Cruz de Tenerife in 1797 and it has suffered damage during the battle marked by the defeat of his hand and back to London.The fourth chapter, entitled Victory to the End (1798 - 1805), included five questions, the first of which was how he returned to the sea in 1798 and the battle of the Nile, his leadership and his role in it. He also explained the reasons for this battle and its start and the positive results. The third topic explained his transition to service in the fleet of the Canal in the Baltic and the Battle of Copenhagen 1801 causes and results and the dissolution of the League of Armed neutrality, while the presentation of the subject The fourth plan of defense of England against French affiliation in 1801 and the role of Nelson, and then return to service in the Mediterranean and his leadership of the fleet in 1803 - 1804, while the fifth section of the battle of the legion 1805 causes and resulting satisfactory results of the English side and death Where we live.

مدينة الناصرية منذ 1869 - 1921 : دراسة تاريخية == The city of Nasiriyah from 1869 - 1921 Historical study

Author name: مسلم عوض مهلهل الخزعلي
Supervisor name: مؤيد شاكر كاظم مخيلف الطائي | علي حسين الاسماعيلي
General topic: History
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Dhi Qar
First pages:
Abstract: The study of the local history of the cities of Iraq is a historical necessity. In order to shed light on this important and bright historical chapter in the study of the local history of its cities, this study of Nasiriyah came as this city has historical roots and is worthy of study and attention. But it did not receive a scientific academic study, while we find that the depth of civilization and its heritage of science and intellectual dictates to us a lot of effort and giving in writing the history of this city, especially during the period (1869 - 1921), which has undergone historic transformations and important political events, The Presbyterian L And the establishment of administrative units as well as the variables of international policy that came under the occupation of Britain to live under the table, and began the history of resistance against the occupier at the time it became called the House of Jihad after To be called the Mujahid Mujahid Muhammed Muhammad Said al - Haboubi as the Mujahideen sat in their folds to launch their convoys to resist the occupier in the battle of Shuaiba, and this historical importance of the city on the political side, as for the economic and social situation was not less ah Mia before it, which took the first economic position in the brigade after the city occupied the economic status through the river and maritime trade as a mode of transport between the cities of the south and center and the north, and on the other hand, we find the social side of this city floating to the surface is full of poetic and intellectual, A class of bourgeoisie and merchants who took over the management of the city's commercial affairs.The research was divided into four basic chapters, followed by the preparation of a set of appendices as well as the introduction of the importance of study and the development of frameworks to determine their content and conclusion. The conclusions of the thesis showed a summary in English.The preface to give a geographical overview of the nature of the region and a historical glimpse of the city, which was founded on the legacy of the ancient civilization and in the prelude to the political conflicts that have already been founded on the city of the Presbyterian side and with the Ottoman government on the other.The first chapter of the study was devoted to the establishment of the city of Nasiriyah in 1869 and the subsequent circumstances of the establishment, where we discussed the personality of Prince Nasser Pasha Al - Saadoun and a course in the establishment of the city conditions that approved the establishment stage. The second section, which highlighted the political developments towards the deceased in the era of Medhat Pasha, who established the guardian of Iraq that the establishment of the city, and what are the most important events that accompanied the stage of incorporation at the time came the third section to show the objective reasons for the establishment of the city and what is the grandeur of that establishment and the importance of political, economic and social matter for the side Eight of the fourth chapter of the chapter was a reflection of the families that lived in the city during the establishment, which played an important role in the management of public life.In the second chapter of the study of the general conditions of the city of Nasiriyah after the establishment to shed light in the first section on the administrative structure of the city and the most important formations and laws that worked to organize life in the city through the introduction of administrative units.The third chapter is devoted to highlighting the city of Nasiriyah in the late Ottoman period and the beginning of the First World War in 1914 to study the developments and conditions that plagued the city. The first topic was the British attitudes towards the region. It shows the British ambitions before the war and the policy followed by the British government before intervening with the tribes. The second topic explains the circumstances of the First World War 1914 in the city of Nasiriyah, entering a new phase of domination and injustice, as was the city of Dar al - Jihad to stand up and address the occupier and the resistance against him, while the third section came the city of Nasiriyah The repercussions of the British occupation Here the city enters the framework of the occupation officially and lives in a state of stability not to mention the role of its children at this critical stage and the difficulty of the situation for the people of the city, and also the fourth section of the secret conference of officers in the city and they seek to establish a national government and independent military establishment and seek the British side in that. The fourth chapter, which shed light on the most important events in the city under the city of Nasiriyah under the British occupation 1915 - 1921 was the first section, which illustrates the resistance of the sons of Nasiriyah and tribes against the British presence and the most important battles fought by the tribes on the outskirts of the city, Nasiriyah through working on the establishment of the State Departments in accordance with the interests required and required by their actions, and worked on the appointment of officers and political rulers in accordance with a systematic policy and give positions to loyalists without consideration of the interests of the city, Of the city of Nasiriyah under the British administration focused on the process of laying the foundations and the foundations of the British administration through the establishment of devices in the service of the establishment of the Shabana, ie, the police from the tribes and they are playing the role of maintaining security as well as work on the establishment of municipal departments, health and education and lightning, The third stage to highlight the role of the city of Nasiriyah from the revolution of the twentieth and it reveals the extent of the suffering suffered by the people until the people rose up with a revolution in spite of the results that were not within the military ambition and lack of success in the City at the time was the coronation of the king of Iraq, the result of this revolution and the positions of the sons of the city from the coronation process.The conclusion summarized the main findings of the study in the light of its contents, and we worked in annexes to document statistics and maps related to the history of the city of Nasiriyah.Before the establishment of the city of Nasiriyah, the Emirate of Al - Mustafir witnessed a state of clandestine and tribal conflict. It was managed by the Ottoman administration to weaken its status and military strength as it represented a danger and a source of concern for the Ottoman government, as well as supporting one side without the other. On collection taxes easily.The establishment of the city of Nasiriyah, carrying a political side as well as other aspects of its economic and social contrary to what has been circulated, because it came personal desire or a result of bargaining, and the Ottoman authorities aimed to bring a new policy in the region as a result of developments and has also weakened the authority of the Church through The number of symbols of the tribal and restrict the cities, and then replace the Presbyterate function, which is Sheikh subordinate to the authority in contrast to the former, as well as the resettlement of tribes in a region defined geographically for control while being outside the will of the government and this is what happened after the decision to settle tribes and impose Guan The recruitment and dispossession of lands intended to subject all to power.The city witnessed armed resistance continued against the British side of its arrival to the city of Baghdad, which led to the depletion of the efforts of their sons to take into account the city from the British side, especially the imposition of economic siege on the people of the city.The institutions of the state began to appear even if only by the British administration of the city of Nasiriyah when the police and the rest of the state institutions.The people of the city had a prominent role in the revolution of the twentieth and stand in the face of the British occupation and meet the call of reference in Jihad for two phases in Shuaiba and the Revolution of the twentieth

سياسة اليابان الاقليمية : دراسة تاريخية في قضايا الجزر المتنازع عليها في شمال شرق اسيا (1951 - 1978) == Japan Regional Policy : A historical Study of the Disputed Islands in the East - north Asia 1951 - 1978

Author name: لـــؤي ثجـيــل جمعة الاســدي
Supervisor name: كاظم هيلان محسن السهلاني
General topic: History
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:
Abstract: After the Second World War, the second part of the 20th century witnessed the cold war. Till now, there are some border disputes resulted from that war. This war was a reflection of that cold war through diverse sites in Asia, centering on the East - north of the continent. In accordance with San Francisco treaty in Japan for peace in 1951, there rose the cold war and how the USA contributed to that strife. As a result of the new regional situation of the former Japan Empire, the islands are (the Southern Kuril islands / Northern Territories), (Dokdo / Takeshima), and (Senkaku / Diaoyu).The history of the challenges on these islands goes back to different periods. These were confirmed by the regional expansion conducted by Japanese policy from 1879 to 1939. These challenges got complicated by the USA during the cold war in the east and north of Asia. This conflict was affirmed by San Francisco treaty for peace in 1951. This case is seen as an important one which has been still sustained. This conflict affects directly the economic and diplomatic relations between Japan and the other disputed countries. This also has an influence upon the social and cultural relations among the peoples of those countries at various levels, besides, these conflicts also affect the settlement and peace in the north and east of Asia. This may lead to armed conflicts. The current study focuses on the occurrence of those conflicts after the Second World War, as a result of San Francisco treaty for peace in 1951 and how these conflicts affect the diplomatic relations between the disputed countries from 1951 up to 1978, besides the role played by the USA in affirming these conflicts, and the historical roots for each case concerning these islands. These conflicts are enhanced historically rather than politically. The dissertation is, thus, divided into an introduction and four chapters. The first chapter is about the policy of regional expansion and its effect upon the Japan foreign affairs (1951 - 1979). It includes three sections : the first one is about the occurrence of Japan colonial tendency and the policy of expansion. Section two is concerned with the entrance of Japan into the Second World War and being under the USA occupation. The third section exposes the session of San Francisco in 1951 in the north east of Asia in affirming the Japanese regional conflicts. Chapter two is devoted to the study of Japan - Soviet conflict over (the Southern Kuril islands / Northern Territories) in (1951 - 1960). This chapter is also composed of three sections. The first on is about the historical roots of the conflict over these islands. The second one focuses on the case of these islands and how these affect the Japanese - Soviet relations and the USA position from the conflicts (1951 - 1960). The third section addresses the claims of the disputed powers over the dominance over the disputed islands. Chapter three shows the Japanese - Korean conflicts over (Dokdo / Takeshima) islands (1951 - 1978). It also includes three sections. The first section is about the historical background about these two islands. The second one is concerned with the reflection of these disputes over the Japanese - Korean relations and the position of USA from them. The third one shows the Japanese claims about the dominance over these two islands and how Korea responded. Chapter four is specified for the Chinese - Japanese dispute over (Senkaku / Diaoyu) from 1951 to 1978. It is composed of three sections. The first one is about the historical background of the dispute (1885 up to 1951). The second section is devoted to the Japanese - Chinese relations in response to the dispute over these two islands and the USA position from this conflict. The thirds section is concerned with the claims of China about the dominance over these two islands and how Japan responded to this claim. The conclusion is a summary of what the researcher has found about these various aspects of disputes.

دور جورج كينان في تخطيط السياسات الاستراتيجية الامريكية 1947 - 1953م == George Kennan's Role In Planning The American Strategy Policy 1947 - 1953

Author name: قاسم نمر جلوب السعيدي
Supervisor name: اميرة رشك لعيبي الزبيدي
General topic: History
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:
Abstract: The Study Aims To Explain The Strategic Role Played By Kennan And Its Impact On The American Foreign Policy Between (1947 - 1953). During The Time, Kennan Exercised His Greatest Influence In Implementing The Policy Of Containment. The Study Endeavours To Expose Kennan's Comprehensive And Coordinate Role In The Cold War. Kennan's Long Telegram Which He Prepared In 1946 Drew The Attention Of Such Major American Policy Makers In Washington D. C. As The Secretary Of Navy James Forrestal. The Telegram Offered Reasons And Justifications To Change The Aims Of The American Foreign Policy In Relation To The Soviet Union. Kennan Stated In His Evaluating Reports That The Communist Soviet Expansion Threatened The American Interests And Security. It Is Worth Mentioning That Kennan Did Not Name A Specific Strategy When He Wrote His Long Telegram. However, His Ideas Began To Clarify When He Gave Lectures At The National Defense University. These Lectures Made Clear His Ideas And Opinions In Relation To The American Foreign Policy. In The Meantime, Kennan Started To Outline What Is Termed As The Containment Strategy. Though His Ideas Did Not Design The Formal Strategic Line Of The State Department, They Had A Great Impact On The American Public. Therefore, The Long Telegram And The Lectures That Kennan Gave At The National Defense University Were Helpful Factors In Understanding Some Of His Ideas And Explaining Their Influence In Redefining The Concepts Of The Soviet Threat.The Conclusion Lists The Main Results Of The Study

العلاقات التركية المصرية 1980 - 1993 : دراسة تاريخية == Turkish - Egyptian Relations 1980 - 1993 (Historical study

Author name: عمار عبد الرضا ماهود الزبيدي
Supervisor name: طيبة خلف عبد الله
General topic: History
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:
Abstract: الاقليمي في المنطقة, وتجمع بينهما مجموعة صفات متقاربة او مشتركة, فمن حيث الموقع الجغرافي يتمتع البلدان بموقع جغرافي ممتاز, له اهميته الجيوسياسية في منطقة مهمة واستراتيجية من العالم, هي منطقة الشرق الاوسط, وهما البلدان الوحيدان في المنطقة اللذان لهما امتدادات في قارتين؛ فاراضي تركيا تتوزع بين اسيا واوربا, وتشكل حلقة اتصال بينهما, وكذلك مصر التي تمتد اراضيها في قارتي افريقيا واسيا, كذلك يمتلك البلدان سواحل طويلة على البحر المتوسط, كل ذلك جعل البلدين يتمتعان باهمية بالغة في الشرق الاوسط. ان النظام السياسي في كلا البلدين نظام جمهوري, تلعب فيه المؤسسة العسكرية دورا بارزا, وتولى ضباط الجيش منصب رئاسة الجمهورية, مع وجود رئيس للحكومة عادة ما يكون مدنيا, يتولى ادارة شؤون البلاد الداخلية والخارجية, فضلا عن انهما من البلدان النامية, وتشكل الزراعة فيهما النشاط الاقتصادي الرئيس للسكان, وانهما يعانيان من مشاكل اقتصادية متشابهة متمثلة في التضخم, وزيادة المديونية الخارجية, لذلك اتبعا مجموعة نظم واجراءات اقتصادية, من اجل التخلص من هذه المشاكل, فضلا عن ذلك هنالك تماثل في التكوين الاجتماعي, وفي عدد السكان في البلدين, والتداخل الديموغرافي بين ابناء الشعبين (التركي والمصري), فهناك مصريون من اصول تركية, وهناك اتراك من اصول عربية مصرية. اضف الى ذلك كون البلدين يرتبطان بعلاقة متميزة مع الولايات المتحدة الامريكية طيلة المدة التي هي قيد الدراسة, وكانا اكثر بلدين يتلقيان مساعدات اقتصادية منها بعد "اسرائيل" من الولايات المتحدة الامريكية, كذلك يرتبطان دون غيرهما من البلدان الاسلامية, بعلاقات دبلوماسية جيدة مع "اسرائيل" في هذه المدة. كل هذا التشابه بين البلدين وغيره, دفع الباحث الى اختيار الموضوع, فضلا عن افتقار المكتبات في الجامعات العراقية والتركية والمصرية, الى دراسة اكاديمية تتناول بحث العلاقات التركية المصرية, وتحليلها في المدة 1980 - 1993, تقف على نقاط التشابه التي تم ذكرها, ودورها في تنمية العلاقات بين البلدين في مختلف الجوانب. اما سبب تحديد عام 1980 لبدء الدارسة فيكمن في ان العلاقات التركية المصرية شهدت الانطلاقة الحقيقية نحو التطور في هذا العام, بعد تسلم كنعان ايفرين رئاسة الجمهورية التركية, على اثر الانقلاب العسكري في الثاني عشر من ايلول 1980, وسعيه الى توثيق علاقات تركيا مع الدول العربية, والدور الذي لعبه توركوت اوزال في توجه تركيا نحو مصر وباقي الدول العربية, سواء عندما كان رئيسا للوزراء على دورتين (1983 - 1989), ام بعد توليه رئاسة الجمهورية (1989 - 1993), وقد توقفنا في البحث عند عام 1993؛ لانه يمثل سنة وفاة توركوت اوزال الذي كان له دور الرئيس في تطوير سياسة تركيا الداخلية والخارجية, وعلاقاتها السياسية والاقتصاد مع مصر وباقي الدول العربية, وبذلك انتهت الحقبة الاوزولية التي امتدت من عام 1983 حتى عام 1993. وقد اعتمد الباحث في تقسيم الدارسة على وحدة الموضوع, مع مراعاة المنهج التاريخي بما يتطلب من تتبع للاحداث والوقائع المختلفة، حسب التسلسل التاريخي, مما يجعل التعمق في بحث الاحوال والمؤثرات التاريخية امرا ضروريا؛ لفهم تطور العلاقات التركية المصرية, ولذا كان ترتيب الفصول على الشكل الاتي : الفصل الاول, تناولت فيه طبيعة العلاقات التركية المصرية قبل عام 1980, وهو فصل تمهيدي, يعرض بالبحث والتحليل العلاقات التركية المصرية منذ قيام النظام الجمهوري في مصر عام 1952, واسباب توتر العلاقات التركية المصرية في هذه المدة حتى عام 1965, ثم دراسة العوامل التي دفعت تركيا الى تغيير سياستها تجاه مصر وباقي الدول العربية, ومراحل تحسن العلاقات بين البلدين, وصولا الى عام 1980, كذلك تناول الفصل تطور العلاقات التركية المصرية في المجال الاقتصادي, والعلمي, والثقافي, والصحي, في هذه المدة. اما الفصل الثاني فقد تناول تطور العلاقات السياسية بين البلدين في المدة 1980 - 1993, والعوامل التي ادت الى هذا التطور في العلاقات, وتبادل الزيارات الرسمية بينهما على اعلى المستويات, في مدة حكم كنعان ايفرين (1980 - 1989), ومدة حكم توركوت اوزال (1989 - 1993). اما الفصل الثالث فقد تناول مجالات التعاون بين تركيا ومصر (1980 - 1993), التي اشتملت على خمسة محاور هي : المحور الاول, ويناقش المجال الاقتصادي والمسوغات التي ادت الى انفتاح البلدين نحو بعضهما, من اجل زيادة مجالات التعاون الاقتصادي بينهما في مختلف المستويات، سواء التجاري منها ام السياحي، او في مجال الصناعة (المدنية, والعسكرية), وكذلك في مجال الانشاءات والمقاولات. اما المحور الثاني فقد تناول جانب التعاون في مجال النقل البحري والجوي بين البلدين. في حين يرصد المحور الثالث التعاون في مجال مشاريع الطاقة الكهربائية وغيرها. وعاين المحور الرابع التعاون في المجال القضائي، واحكام المسجونين, والمعتقلين, اما المحور الاخير فقد رصد التعاون في المجال الثقافي والعلمي، وكذلك مجال الاذاعة والتلفزيون. اما الفصل الرابع فقد وقف فيه الباحث على موضوع مهم, كان له انعكاساته على تطور العلاقات بين البلدين في مختلف المجالات, وهو موقف تركيا ومصر من القضايا الاقليمية, وقد ركزنا فقط على القضايا الاقليمية التي شهدت اهتماما مشتركا من قبل البلدين, وكان لهما موقف مشترك او متباين منها, ومدى تعاونهما مع بعضهما؛ لايجاد حلول لبعض هذه القضايا, واهم هذه القضايا التي تم تناولها هي : حرب الخليج الاولى (1980 - 1988), والصراع العربي "الاسرائيلي", المتمثل في هذه المدة بتطورات القضية الفلسطينية, والاجتياح "الاسرائيلي" للبنان في عام 1982, وتطورات القضية القبرصية, اضافة الى ازمة الخليج (1990 - 1991), واخيرا الحرب في البوسنة والهرسك عام 1992, وعلى الرغم من ان هذه الموضوعات هي موضوعات سياسية, الا انها تعد خارجة عن موضوع تطور العلاقات السياسية بين البلدين؛ لانها تمثل قضايا اقليمية كان لتركيا ومصر موقف منها, لذا تم تناولها في فصل خاص, ولم تدمج مع الفصل الثاني من الاطروحة. ثم تلت هذه الفصول خاتمة, ضمنها الباحث اهم النتائج التي تمخضت عنها الدراسة. اعتمدت فصول الدراسة على مجموعة كبيرة من المصادر الاصيلة، ياتي في مقدمتها عدد غير قليل من الوثائق التركية غير المنشورة، المحفوظة في ارشيف الدولة التركية في انقرة (Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü), فضلا عن مجموعة من الوثائق التركية المنشورة في الجريدة الرسمية التركية (Resmi Gazete)، وهي جريدة معنية بنشر الاتفاقيات الدولية والقوانين بعد مصادقتها من قبل رئيس الجمهورية, هذا فيما يخص الوثائق التركية التي اعتمدتها الدراسة، اما الوثائق المصرية فقد اطلعت على الاتفاقيات والبروتوكولات بين مصر وتركيا, المنشورة في الجريدة الرسمية المصرية, والتي تصدر عن مركز المعلومات والتوثيق ودعم اتخاذ القرار في الهيئة العامة لشؤون المطابع الاميرية في امبابة في محافظة الجيزة، اذ تنشر هذه الجريدة جميع الاتفاقيات والبروتوكولات التي توقعها مصر مع دول العالم بعد مصادقة رئيس الجمهورية عليها، وموافقة وزير الخارجية على نشرها, فضلا عن التقارير الصادرة عن المؤسسات الرسمية مثل الامم المتحدة, والبنك الدولي, وتقارير السفارات. كذلك اعتمدت فصول الاطروحة على عدد كبير من الكتب العربية والمعربة والكتب الاجنبية, التي رفدت الاطروحة بمعلومات مهمة, ومنها كتاب (التطورات المعاصرة في العلاقات العربية التركية) لمؤلفه خليل ابراهيم الناصري, ويعد من المصادر المهمة, اذ اعتمد المؤلف على عدد من المؤلفات التركية، والاجنبية, والكتاب في الاصل رسالة ماجستير في العلوم السياسية, ومن الكتب الاخرى المهمة كتاب (العلاقات العربية التركية) بجزئه الاول الذي كان من منظور عربي وصدر عن معهد البحوث والدراسات العربية التابع لجامعة الدول العربية عام 1991, اما في جزئه الثاني فقد كتب من منظور تركي, وصدر عن معهد البحوث والدراسات العربية, بالتعاون مع مركز الابحاث للتاريخ والفنون والثقافة الاسلامية باسطنبول عام 1993, والكتاب عبارة عن مجموعة بحوث تناولت مختلف جوانب العلاقات التركية العربية, وما يؤخذ على الكتاب ان بعض تواريخ الاحداث الواردة فيه غير دقيقة, وكذلك بعض الاسماء, الامر الذي دفع الباحث الى الرجوع للجرائد؛ من اجل التاكد من تواريخ الاحداث. ومن الكتب المهمة مؤلفات الدكتور جلال عبد الله معوض, منها كتاب (صناعة القرار في تركيا والعلاقات العربية - التركية), وهو كتاب يوضح كثيرا من خبايا وتوجهات السياسة التركية, على الرغم من ان معظم فصول الكتاب تقع خارج نطاق البحث، وكتاب (قضايا العلاقات المصرية التركية), وهذا الكتاب ذو طبيعة سياسية, اعتمد فيه المؤلف على التحليل السياسي للمواقف, الا انه ذكر بعض الجوانب التاريخية في العلاقات بين البلدين, وكذلك مؤلفات الدكتور احمد نوري النعيمي, ومنها كتاب تركيا وحلف شمال الاطلسي، وهو كتاب يتناول بالبحث والتحليل موقع تركيا في حلف شمال الاطلسي واسباب انضمام تركيا لهذا الحلف, وكذلك مؤلفات الدكتور عوني عبد الرحمن السبعاوي، ومؤلفات الدكتور ابراهيم الداقوقي, وغيرهم، وتاتي اهمية هذه الدراسات في كونها مؤلفات متخصصة في عدة مجالات من شؤون تركيا. واستعان الباحث بعدد من الرسائل والاطاريح الجامعية، كانت في مقدمتها اطروحة اميرة محمد كامل الخربوطلي، الموسومة بـ(العلاقات المصرية - التركية 1952 - 1971), والتي نوقشت في كلية الاقتصاد والعلوم السياسية - جامعة القاهرة عام 1979, ومنهج كتابة الاطروحة كان منهجا سياسيا وليس منهجا تاريخيا, لكني افدت منها في معرفة خلفيات العلاقات التركية المصرية, واستعنت برسالة احمد نوري النعيمي (السياسة الخارجية التركية بعد الحرب العالمية الثانية) وهي رسالة ماجستير اعتمدت على الصحافة بالدرجة الاساس وتصل لغاية عام 1975، وكذلك اطروحة احمد جاسم الطائي (موقف تركيا من قضايا المشرق العربي 1967 - 1978), فقد اشار فيها الى جوانب يمكن الافادة منها؛ لفهم العلاقات التركية المصرية, ورسالة الماجستير للباحث زياد عزيز حميد الجلبي، (السياسة الخارجية التركية 1973 - 1983) وغيرها, وقد افاد منها الباحث في الفصل الاول من الاطروحة فقط. كما شكلت البحوث المعتمدة في المؤتمرات العلمية والبحوث المنشورة في الدوريات العربية، مرتكزا اخر افاد منه الباحث في كتابة اطروحته, اذ قدمت الابحاث والدراسات معلومات قيمة عن العلاقات التركية العربية بشكل عام, وتاتي في طليعتها البحوث المنشورة في مجلة السياسة الدولية الصادرة عن مركز الاهرام, كذلك اعتمد الباحث بشكل كبير على الشهريات الموجودة في مجلة السياسة الدولية, كدليل لمعرفة الزيارات المتبادلة وتواريخها للبحث عنها, وعما دار فيها من مباحثات في الجرائد والمصادر الاخرى, كما ان مجلة السياسة الدولية كانت تعنى ايضا بنشر بعض الملفات الوثائقية عن بعض الاحداث المهمة. اما الجرائد والمجلات العربية والتركية والاجنبية, المحفوظة في دار الكتب والوثائق القومية في القاهرة, او في المكتبة الوطنية (Milli Kütüphane) في انقرة, او في دار الكتب والوثائق الوطنية في بغداد, او في مركز الدراسات الاستراتيجية في بغداد, فقد شكلت رافدا مهما من روافد الاطروحة؛ اذ اعتمد عليها الباحث اعتمادا كبيرا في توثيق الزيارات والمباحثات التي جرت بين البلدين, فقد كانت هذه الجرائد حريصة على متابعة الاحداث والمواضيع وتطوراتها, وما نتج عنها, وقد اعتمد الباحث في اغلب المواضيع على اكثر من صحيفة, ومن مختلف التوجهات؛ من اجل الوصول الى دقة المعلومة, واهم هذه الجرائد هي جريدة الاهرام المصرية, واضواء الانباء التركية, و(Milliyet) وغيرها من الجرائد. وكان للمواقع الالكترونية الموثقة اثر مهم في تزويد الاطروحة ببعض الوثائق والمعلومات, مثل موقع الامم المتحدة, وموقع مقاتل من الصحراء, وموقع عالم المعرفة وغيرها من المواقع الالكترونية . وفي الحقيقة ان هذا الجهد الذي بذل من قبل الباحث قد واجه عدة صعوبات, متعارف عليها عند اغلب الطلبة والباحثين, منها عدم اهتمام وزارة التعليم العالي والبحث العلمي في تذليل العقبات امام الطلبة؛ من اجل الحصول على الوثائق والمصادر من خارج العراق, فيبقى الطالب معتمدا على جهده الذاتي وعلاقاته الشخصية؛ من اجل الحصول على وثيقة, او كتاب نادر. ولم يدخر الباحث جهدا او مالا في سبيل ذلك, اذ قام بعدة سفرات في داخل العراق وخارجه, شملت عددا من المدن التركية والمصرية لاكثر من مرة, فضلا عن المدن العراقية, يقتفي اثر المعلومة؛ من اجل سد الثغرات, وكنت اعمل بشكل دؤوب في المكتبات التركية والمصرية لساعات طوال, باحثا في صفحات المجلات والجرائد وناقلا منها, اذ ان بعض المكتبات تمنع استعمال تقنية التصوير بكل انواعه, اما الوثائق المصرية غير المنشورة فلا يحق للباحث الاطلاع عليها, الا بعد الحصول على موافقة وزير الخارجية حصرا, وبتزكية من احد الاساتذة الجامعيين المصريين, وبعد مدة انتظار قد تصل الى اكثر من خمسة شهور, لا يتمكن الباحث من الاطلاع على جميع الوثائق التي يرغب في الحصول عليها. والشيْ الاخر الذي يدعو الى الاسى هو وجود عدة تقارير وجرائد تخص علاقة تركيا مع الدول العربية, كانت متوفرة في مكتبة مركز الدراسات الاقليمية في جامعة الموصل, ولكنها فقدت او اتلفت بعد سيطرة (داعش) على المدينة عام 2014, وعلى الرغم من كثرة الاتصالات مع بعض الاصدقاء لم اتمكن من الحصول الا على نزر يسير منها . وختاما فعلى الرغم مما بذله الباحث من جهد في اعداد هذه الدراسة، ومهما بلغ حرصه على دقتها, فانه لا يدعي الكمال فيما كتب, فالكمال لله وحده، وما اضافه من نتائج اعتمد فيها على ما توفر عليه من وثائق ومصادر علمية. وغاية ما يرجوه ان يكون قد وفق في متابعة موضوع بحثه, وان تحظى الاطروحة برضا الاساتذة الكرام، وان تكون جديرة بان تحتل مكانتها في المكتبة التاريخية العراقية ... والله الموفق . | Turkey and Egypt are considered among the most important countries in the Middle East. They share a common set of characteristics, in terms of the geographical location, the nature of political regime and economic system, the social formation, the population and so on. Both have an excellent geopolitical location which have an important geopolitical Area. Whereas the Turkish grounds lay between the continents of Asia and Europe it form a link between them, Also Egypt in which its grounds lay in Africa and Asian Areas and it forms as an important link between the ancient continents of the world (Asia, Africa, and Europe). As well both have long beaches on the Mediterranean sea. All of what mentioned above makes both countries among the most important countries of the Middle East . The political regime in both countries is a republican, and in such regime, The position of presidency should be assumed by Army officers with a head of government usually a civilian, manages the internal and external affairs of the country. As both countries are related to the growing countries in which agriculture is the main source of economy of their peoples, And both countries are suffering from economic problems, such as inflation and increasing external indebtedness. Both countries have a special relationship with the USA in the period of studied, and they were getting great economic support from the USA. The support comes in the second class, after "Israel" In addition both countries have a good diplomatic relationship with "Israel'' - that the other Islamic countries. All that similarity between the two countries, pushes the researcher to choose such a subject, to find out the similarity which has been mentioned, above and its role in growing the relation between the two countries. The researcher has divided the study depending on the unity of the subject, with observance of historical method, which is required to follow different events and attitudes according to historical sequence. And this is what makes going deeply into conditions and influences is very necessary to understand the development of Turkish - Egyptian relations. Therefore, the order of the chapters is as follows : Chapter I : The nature of Turkish - Egyptian relations until 1980Chapter II : Development of Turkish - Egyptian Political Relations 1980 - 1993Chapter III : Areas of Cooperation between Turkey and Egypt 1980 - 1993Chapter IV : The Attitude of Turkey and Egypt form The Regional Issues 1980 - 1993. The most important conclusions which have been reached by the researcher are that relations between both countries have developed relatively since 1965 and until the end of seventies, But the relations between them haven't reach advanced stages and the stage of coordination in attitudes and trends, only in the eighties and early nineties of the last century, This is reflected in the frequent visits between officials of the two countries at the highest levels, cooperation in the economic fields, the field of transport, the field of justice, the field of culture and other fields, as well as in the coordination of positions, either individually or through the Organization and the Conference. The Islamic, the United Nations. Turkey's drive towards Egypt was mainly due to two factors : the first is political; Turkey's attempt to obtain a supportive position in the Cyprus issue from the Arab and Islamic countries and the Non - Aligned Movement. Turkey was an important gateway to Egypt; to influence the positions of these countries, The economic factor was a major factor in the development of Turkish - Egyptian relations during this period. It was also the most active in the relations between the two countries because of the problems Economy Suffering from both countries. However, the economic relations between Turkey and Egypt have not reached an advanced stage compared to other Arab countries, Iraq, Libya and Saudi Arabia were the most economically connected countries with Turkey. The reason for this is that Turkey and Egypt were competing in some Economic fields. It is clear here that the process of making foreign political decision in the Turkish state has been subject to several variables internal, regional and international, has been determined the process of issuing in accordance with Turkey's political relations and economic interests with those determinants

جوزيف مكارثي ونشاطه السياسي ودوره الفكري في الـولايات المتحدة الامريكية 1908 - 1957 == Joseph McCarthy and His political Activity and Intellectual role in the United States of America (1908 - 1957)

Author name: علاء عبد العالي كاظم الطائي
Supervisor name: بيداء علاوي شمخي جبر الشويلي
General topic: History
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: يعد جوزيف مكارثي من الشخصيات السياسية المهمة والمؤثرة في الولايات المتحدة الامريكية ، لما تركه من اثر كبير في مجمل الحياة السياسية الامريكية بما حمله من افكار وما طبقه من ممارسات عرفت في التاريخ الامريكي بالمكارثية والتي يمكن تعريفها بانها : حركة متطرفة لمناهضة الشيوعية في الولايات المتحدة الامريكية ، والمكارثية مصطلح مرادف لتوجيه اتهامات خطيرة ، لكن دون ادلة واضحة ضد موظفين رفيعي المستوى وكذلك اشخاص في الحياة العامة . كما استخدمت المكارثية مصطلحا اكثر شمولا لوصف الممارسات (السلوكيات) العامة بتوجيه مزاعم كاذبة وتحديدا بممارسة نشاط مؤيد (داعم) للشيوعية . اقترنت المكارثية بالخوف من الشيوعية التي طرحت افكارا ماركسية متطرفة تعتمد مواجهة العالم الراسمالي الليبرالي والدعوة الى تحطيمه وازاحته من الوجود كليا واحلال البديل الشيوعي منهجا جديدا في ادارة العالم الغربي الا ان المكارثية تلازمت بصورة اكبر بما اطلق عليه بالخوف الاحمر الثاني على اساس ان الخوف الاحمر الاول تبلور مع انتصار الشيوعيين في روسيا عام 1917 وهو مصطلح سياسي اطلق على خوف الامريكيين في نهاية عقد الاربعينيات الى منتصف عقد الخمسينيات من النفوذ الشيوعي المحتمل في بلادهم ولم يكونوا يخشون الاتحاد السوفيتي فحسب بل يخشون الشيوعيين الامريكيين واختراقهم المحتمل للادارة الامريكية في محاولة لاسقاط الجمهورية ونظامها الديمقراطي الاتحادي , وقد عمل مكارثي على نشر وتاكيد تلك المخاوف ، اذ منحته الاوضاع السياسية والاجتماعية في الولايات المتحدة الامريكية الفرصة ، باعطائه التسمية الناجعة لقادة الراي العام الامريكي بان الاتحاد السوفيتي العدو الدولي ، والشيوعية تهديد تخريبي من الداخل ، وكانت ظروف البلاد الداخلية مهياة بعد خروجها من الحرب مع المانيا واليابان قبل مدة قصيرة من الزمن ودخولها في حرب باردة خطيرة ابان عقد الاربعينيات والخمسينيات مع السوفييت ، وممزااد من حدة الخوف تقارير وسائل الاعلام التي كانت تتحدث عن التجسس والسياسيين والصحفيين الذين يلمحون الى عمليات قام بها عملاء اجانب في التجارة والحكومة والتعليم وصناعة الافلام واغلب مرافق الحياة العامة الامريكية . بدات المكارثية بصورة فعلية وعملية في 9 شباط 1950 بالخطبة التي القاها مكارثي بذكرى مولد الرئيس ابراهام لنكولن والتي رفع فيها ورقة قال : انها تحوي (205) اسما من موظفي وزارة الخارجية متهمون بالشيوعية ومتهما الرئيس ترومان بالتواطىء وعدم الموافقة على اعفائهم من مناصبهم ، قادت اتهاماته الى سنوات من التحريات في مجلسي النواب والشيوخ ، ووصل مكارثي الى قمة سلطته عام 1953 بفوز الحزب الجمهوري بالرئاسة والاغلبية في الكونغرس وتراسه لجنة العمليات الحكومية الخاصة بالتحقيقات في النفقات الوزارية ولجنتها الفرعية ، لكن صلاحياته لم تستمر لمدة زمنية طويلة ، اذ سرعان ما بدا تراجعه (نهايته) عندما وجه اتهاماته الى وزارة الدفاع في 25 شباط 1954 بايواء عناصر شيوعية ، ادت تلك الاتهامات الى التقليل من هيبة واحترام الوزارة امام الشعب الامريكي ، وعلى اثر تلك الاتهامات فقد شعبيته ، مما دعا مجلس الشيوخ الى تشكيل لجنة للتحقيق معه بشان مزاعمه ، ووجد مجلس الشيوخ ان زميلهم تصرف بطريقة مهينة وتستحق التوبيخ ، فصدر قرار الادانة في 2 كانون الاول 1954 بتجريده من صلاحياته وايقافه عن العمل في اللجان ؛ لان تصرفاته لا تليق بعضو في مجلس الشيوخ الامريكي . خلفت المكارثية عديدا من الضحايا الابرياء وسجن المئات وكان اغلبهم له صلات (ارتباطات) بالحزب الشيوعي الامريكي في مدة ما من حياتهم ولذلك تم استهدافهم، وادراج عدد كبير من الضحايا على القائمة السوداء بما في ذلك الممثلين والمؤلفين وناشطين في الحقوق المدنية وعلماء واغلب شرائح المجتمع الاخرى . وقبل الخوض في نشاط مكارثي السياسي ودوره الفكري في الولايات المتحدة الامريكية في المدة موضوع الدراسة ، وجب اثارة عدد من الاسئلة ذات علاقة بمكارثي ومنها : هل كان للوسط الاجتماعي او الانحدار الطبقي والعائلي والتعليم وممارسته المحاماة والقضاء والخدمة العسكرية اثر في تكوين شخصيته ؟ والى اي مدى كان تاثيرها ؟ وما اسباب فوزه بعضوية مجلس الشيوخ ؟ وكيف كان اداؤه في المجلس ؟ ودوره في الجانب التشريعي ؟ ولماذا اهتم ببعض الجوانب التشريعية من دون سواها ؟ ما هي الاسباب والنتائج ؟ ما اراؤه السياسية في مشروع قانون تقنين السكر وقانون الاسكان ؟ ولماذا كان الشيخ الاكثر اثارة في الجانب الرقابي وما هي اسباب تدخله في اغلب القضايا ومنها التي لم تكن من صلاحياته او لم يكن مسؤولا عنها ، ولم يكن عضوا في لجانها ؟ وكيف تمكن من جعل صوته اعلى من تقرير لجنة مالميدي (Malmedy Committee) ؟ وما اسباب تمسك مكارثي بالشيوعية واتخاذها هدفا لاتهاماته التي قام بتوجيهها الى عدد كبير من الموظفين وغيرهم ؟ وكيف تمكن من استغلال الاوضاع التي كانت تمر بها البلاد من اجل تحقيق مكاسب شخصيه له ولحزبه ؟ ولماذا بدا باستهداف وزارة الخارجية دون سواها ؟ ومن الجهات التي كانت تمده بالمعلومات ؟ وهل كان لمكتب التحقيقات الفيدرالي (FBI ) دور في اتهامات مكارثي ؟ وكيف تمكن بدهائه السياسي من جعل قرار لجنة تيدينغس (Tyding) دون فائدة على الرغم من انه بين ان اتهاماته لوزارة الخارجية لا اساس لها ؟ وما الاسباب التي ادت الى تعاظم نفوذه وقوته ؟ وكيف تمكن من اقناع قادة الحزب الجمهوري بترؤسه لجنة العمليات الحكومية ولجنتها الفرعية وما الغاية من ذلك ؟ والى ماذا كان يسعى مكارثي من خلال استهداف اذاعة (صوت امريكا) والفنانين والفنانات والمكتبات ووزارة الدفاع ؟ وكيف كانت نهاية مكارثي والمكارثية ؟ جاءت فصول الاطروحة للاجابة على الاسئلة المطروحة وغيرها ، متوخين اتباع اسلوب التسلسل الزمني في عرض موضوعات الاطروحة ، وتم اختيار عام 1908 بداية لموضوعها كونه العام الذي شهد ولادة مكارثي في حين كانت وفاته في 2 ايار 1957 نهاية الاطروحة . اشتملت خطة الاطروحة على مقدمة واربعة فصول وخاتمة وملاحق ، بحث الفصل الاول نشاة مكارثي وسيرته المهنية حتى عام 1945، اذ احاط مبحثه الاول بمعرفة الوسط الاجتماعي الذي عاشت فيه عائلته الفلاحية . وركز المبحث الثاني على مكان ولادته ونشاته ، وظروف تعلمه وكيفية تبلور شخصيته وحصوله على شهادة القانون ، واكد المبحث الثالث على ممارسته المحاماة والقضاء وسيرته المهنية وكيفية معالجته للقضايا التي يتم عرضها عليه ، في حين ضم المبحث الرابع سيرته العسكرية والاهداف المرجوة منها . اما الفصل الثاني فتطرق الى نشاطه السياسي 1946 - 1949 . وخصص المبحث الاول لدراسة حملته الانتخابية وفوزه بعضوية مجلس الشيوخ . اما المبحث الثاني فقد افرد لدراسة نشاطه في مجلس الشيوخ . في حين كرس المبحث الثالث لدوره في الجانب التشريعي والافكار التي تم طرحها من اجل تشريع قانون انهاء تقنين السكر ومشروع قانون الاسكان . اما المبحث الرابع فقد درس نشاطه في الجانب الرقابي ودوره في تحقيقات لجنة مالميدي . وكرس الفصل الثالث لدراسة تبلور المكارثية ومحاربة الشيوعية 1950 . فتناول مبحثه الاول اسباب معاداة الشيوعية وظهور المكارثية . وفي المبحث الثاني سلط الضوء على وزارة الخارجية الامريكية ووطاة المكارثية . اما المبحث الثالث فقد ناقش اسباب تحقيقات لجنة تايدنغ وتقريرها . في حين خصص الفصل الرابع لدراسة المكارثية في التطبيق 1951 - 1957. فجاء المبحث الاول لدراسة تعاظم نفوذ مكارثي . اما المبحث الثاني فركز على تحقيقات لجنة العمليات الحكومية ودور مكارثي فيها والتي طالت اتهاماته اذاعة صوت امريكا والمكتبات والفنانين والفنانات ووزارة الدفاع . اما المبحث الثالث فقد افرد لبيان اسباب نهاية مكارثي والمكارثية . في حين جاءت الخاتمة موضحة اهم النتائج التي تم التوصل اليها . بناء على ذلك ولحصول الباحث على مجموعة متنوعة ومختلفة من وثائق الكونغرس الامريكي ووزارة الخارجية الامريكية ، التي حاول الباحث من خلالها استقراء دور مكارثي بالدرجة الاولى ، ولاسيما المنشورة تحت العنوان الرئيس : - (United States Department of State / Foreign Relations of the United States , 1952 - 1954 ) الموجودة في المكتبة المركزية في جامعة بغداد (الجادرية) وفي مكتبة وزارة الخارجية العراقية (بناية الوزارة) ، اذ رفدت الاطروحة بمعلومات مهمة في الفصلين الثالث والرابع ، اذ اعطتنا فكرة واضحة وجلية عن نشاط مكارثي السياسي ودوره الفكري ، اذ حوت معلومات دقيقة وتفصيلية عنه ، سيما اراء المسؤولين الامريكيين ووجهات نظرهم في واشنطن ، الى جانب ما حوته هذه الوثائق من تصريحات وبيانات ورسائل المسؤولين الامريكيين ، وبذلك هيات الفرصة للاجابة على كثير من الاسئلة التي تتعلق بنشاطه السياسي ودوره الفكري ، وحاول الباحث جهد الامكان استعمالها بصورة علمية محايدة ، ومتفاوتة من فصل لاخر علما انها وردت مجموعات مختلفة . وكان للوثائق المنشورة في مكتبة الرئيس ترومان اهمية كبيرة لمعرفة مواقف واراء السياسيين بشان اتهامات مكارثي والمنشورة في الموقع الالكتروني : http : //www.trumanlibrary.org/whistlestop/study_collections/mccarthyism/index.php ولا يخفى ما للرسائل والاطاريح من اهمية كبرى في رفد الباحث بمعلومات موثقة ودقيقة للاوضاع الداخلية والخارجية للولايات المتحدة الامريكية للمدة موضوع الدراسة . تاتي في مقدمتها اطروحة الدكتوراه للباحث احمد عبد الواحد عبد النبي الحلفي التي حملت عنوان (الرئيس الامريكي هاري ترومان واثر مبدئه في العلاقات الدولية 1945 - 1953) فقد افادت الاطروحة في الفصلين الثالث والرابع كذلك اطروحة الدكتوراه للباحثة ايناس سعدي عبد الله , المعنونة (الحرب الباردة , دراسة تاريخية للعلاقات الامريكية - السوفيتية 1945 - 1963 كوبا نموذجا) ، واطروحة الباحثة رغد فيصل عبد الوهاب نقاوة , المعنونة (سياسة الولايات المتحدة الامريكية تجاه اوربا الغربية في عهد الرئيس الامريكي هاري اس. ترومان 1945 - 1952 (دراسة تاريخية سياسية) اذ افادة الباحث في الفصلين الثالث والرابع لدراستهما الاوضاع السياسية العالمية في المدة موضوع الدراسة . ومن المصادر الاخرى الكتب العربية والمعربة التي تنوعت عناوينها ومؤلفيها سيما تلك التي تحدثت عن شخصية مكارثي ، او التي تتناول السياسة الامريكية ، واهمها كتاب (السناتور جو مكارثي) لمؤلفه ريتشرد هـ . روفيرى . واعتمد الباحث في معلوماته على النسختين العربية والانكليزية لوجود فارق كبير بينهما وعدم ترجمة اغلب صفحات الكتاب بعد مقارنة النسختين . وكتاب (المكارثية والمثقفون) لمؤلفه اريك بنتلي الذي اعطى معلومات عن تحقيقات لجنة النشاطات غير الامريكية ، وغيرها من الكتب التي اغنت الاطروحة بالمعلومات المهمة ، لانها حَوَتَ معلومات قيمة حول نشاطه ، اما الكتب الاجنبية فقد رفدت الاطروحة بمعلومات مهمة وعدت ركيزة اساسية في مصادر الاطروحة ، اذ اعتمد الباحث عليها بشكل كبير ابتداء من المرحلة الاولى لحياة مكارثي حتى وفاته ، وياتي في مقدمتها كتاب (تاريخ العالم من عام 1914 الى 1950 - World History from 1914 to 1950) لمؤلفه ديفيد تومسن (David Thomson) وكتاب (جوزيف مكارثي اعادة فحص حياة ولادت شيخ امريكي الاكثر كراهية - , Joseph McCarthy : Reexamining the Life and Legacy Of Americas Most Hated Senator لمؤلفه ارثر هيرمان (Arthur Herman) وكتاب ديفيد اوشنسكي (David M. Oshinsky) (المؤامرة الهائلة جدا عالم جوزيف مكارثي - A conspiracy So Immense : the World of Joe McCarthy) الذي شَخص جوانب عديدة من حياة مكارثي . ولم تهمل الدراسة الافادة من البحوث والمقالات المنشورة في الكتب الاجنبية التي كانت سباقة في نقل سيرة مكارثي ، واهم الاحداث في حياته المهنية ، اذ زودت الباحث بمعلومات مهمة. كما اعتمد الباحث على الموسوعات العربية والاجنبية وشبكة المعلومات الدولية الانترنت في الاطلاع على الوثائق المنشورة والكتب والمقالات العربية والاجنبية على حد سواء ، التي تضمنت معلومات مهمة عن افكار مكارثي السياسية . واخيرا ارجو من الله العلي القدير ان اكون قد وفقت في هذه الاطروحة التي اتمنى ان تشكل اضافة للدراسات العربية القليلة التي تعنى بهذه الموضوعات ، واضع هذا الجهد المتواضع بين ايدي اساتذتي الفضلاء شاكرا جهودهم القيمة في تثبيت ملاحظاتهم التي ستعزز القيمة العلمية للاطروحة ، فلهم مني شكري وتقديري وجزاهم الله عني خير الجزاء ، وما توفيقي الا بالله رب العالمين | The American Senator Joseph McCarthy is an important and influential political figure in American political life from 1950 to 1957, because he left a great influence on the entire American political life by establishing what is known in American history as McCarthyism, which can be defined as : The United States and McCarthyism are synonymous with serious accusations, but without clear evidence against high - ranking officials and even people in public life. McCarthyism was also used as a more comprehensive term to describe public practices by making false allegations and specifically by supporting pro - communism. The chapters of the Dissertatiion came to answer the questions and others, and we wanted to follow the chronological method in presenting the topics of the thesis, and was chosen in 1947 as the beginning of the subject of the year was the election of McCarthy as a member of the US Congress, while his death on May 2, 1957 end of the thesis. The first part of his dissertation includes the introduction of four chapters, a conclusion, and an appendix to the first chapter of McCarthy's career and career until 1945. His first topic covered the social milieu in which his family had lived and which had returned from the peasant families. The second topic focused on the place of his birth and origin, the conditions of his learning and how to crystallize his personality and the third degree on the practice of law and the judiciary and his professional career and how to deal with the issues that are presented to him, while the fourth section included his military career and the desired goals. Chapter II deals with McCarthy's political activity 1946 - 1949. The first topic was devoted to the study of his campaign and his victory in the Senate. The second topic was devoted to studying his activities in the Senate. While the third topic devoted to its activity in the legislative aspect and ideas that were put forward for the legislation of the law to end the rationing of sugar and the draft housing law. The fourth topic examined his activities on the supervisory side and his role in the investigations of the Malmedy Committee. The third chapter devoted to the study of the crystallization of McCarthyism and the fight against communism in 1950. His first topic dealt with the causes of anti - communism and the emergence of McCarthyism. In the second part, he highlighted the US State Department and the impact of McCarthyism. The third topic discussed the reasons for the investigation and report of the Tidings Commission. Chapter IV was devoted to the study of McCarthyism in the application 1951 - 1957. The first topic was to study McCarthy's growing influence. The second topic focused on the investigations of the governmental operations committee and its role in which the charges ranged from Voice of America radio, libraries, artists, artists and the military. The third topic was devoted to explaining the reasons for the end of McCarthy. While the conclusion was the most important results reached. Accordingly, the researcher obtained a variety of documents from the US Congress and the US State Department, which motivated the researcher to study McCarthy and his intellectual and political role in the United States of America in order to find out the hidden facts about him. Finally, I ask Allah Almighty to be successful in this Dissertation , which I hope to be an addition to the few Arabic studies dealing with these subjects. I put this effort in the hands of my distinguished professors, thanking their valuable efforts in establishing their observations which will enhance the scientific value of the . Allah rewarded me with the best reward, and my compromise except Allah the Lord of the worlds

العلاقات السياسية التركية - الايرانية 1923 - 1945 == Turkish - Iranian Political Relation 1923 - 1945

Author name: صادق فاضل زغير الزهيري
Supervisor name: عفراء عطا عبد الكريم الريس
General topic: History
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Baghdad
First pages:
Abstract: The Relation of turkey and Iran, which are Important and Strong Countries In the Middle - East , date back To Thousands years ago, The relations which characterised sometimes with tension sometimes with friendship have caused an inevitable interaction between the two countries throughout history. The choice of this topic was motivated by the importance of The role that these two countries play in the middle East Especially on the arab countries, including Iraq , and the great in Fluence of their policies in the reqion as a whole. The two Countries which Confronted with each Other Due To the Reasons such as Political/ Idealogical tension, geo - Strategical Rivalry, economic hegemony and religious Contraveysy In the Past, have started to get Closer to Each other since the owerthrown of the Kachar dynasty In Iran. In improving the relations of the Two States the Nationalist Charismatic leaders who have been the Main actors in Change and westernisation Policies, have Played Very important roles. Thus, The Contraversies Between The Two Countries Have Been Solved And The Relations have been Placed A solid legal Ground, ending the suspieion and Prejudice Characterised The relationships between the two states for Along Time. The Common Security Concerns Aspiration for Economic Social Development And Nationalist Modernist Aprroaches Have Forced Each Country To Cooperate with the Other One. Moreover, The Necesity for cmmon Combat Against Seperatiet Kurdish Movement which Thretaens both States is Anather factor which Affect the Two Countries' Relations. In The Process which Foreign (Outsider) Actors Have Also Involred, The Two States Recognised That If They Develop Peaceful Agreement And Cooperation Instead of Rivalry And Conflict, It Would Be more In Farour of Them, And They Shape Their Relations Accordingly. The Have Sustained This Policy as Long as Internal And External Factors Let to do So and They have Taken Place In Regional Cooperations, actin Together. The First Part of the Introductions Between the Two Countries from the Beginning of the Twentieth Century Until 1925, he Reviewed the Nature of the Relations Between the Countries And The Entry of the Ottoman forces Into Iranian Territory During the First world war, The Turkish Support of the Iranin Revolutionary Movements, The Diplomatic Contact Between the Two countries And the Courese of Their Political Relations, And Issue of Declaring the Republic In Iran. The Second Chapter Reviewed the Turkish - Iranian Treaty of 1926, The Problems of the Kurds on the Border And the Seduction of the 1930. The third Chapter Deals with Turkish - Iranian Agreements In 1932, And Reza Shah visit to Turkey in 1934. The Fourth Chapter Dealt with the Relations Between the Two Countries in the Period 1923 - 1945, The Turkish Policy In Iran's foreign Policy Relatians, Especially with Afghanistan And iraq, The Saadabad Charter, the Position of the Two Countries on world warII, and Turkey's Position On the Soviet - British Occupation of Iran.

الصراع السياسي في الصين 1966 - 1976 (الثورة الثقافية) == Political conflict in China, 1966 - 1976 (Cultural Revolution

Author name: حسين عبد الكاظم عودة الحسيناوي
Supervisor name: فرقد عباس قاسم المياحي
General topic: History
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:
Abstract: The present study focused on the Cultural Revolution in the Republic of China 1966 to1976. Primary aim of this revolution was to take possession of the state authority by power, to get hold of things and to crush the resistance of old elites in the Party after Mao and his followers realized that the totalitarian regime and conflict over the authority is endless in the central committee of the communist Party in China. Broadly, this cultural revolution embodied a series of general and political crises that republic of China tolerated during the 20th century. Mao and his group focusing on the central function of this revolution which was to prevent China from turning into being Capitalistic and to adopt Mao's ideas Besides, this revolution aims at flourishing the ideological awareness so that people can free themselves through class struggle. Mao believed that manipulating the political, ideological and public and public processes of the revolution, Mao's proponents could accomplish their revolutionary goals and also make their economic and social improvement. But this resulted in heightening the political turmoil accompanied by sustained ideological struggles, swept through the whole state. Mao thought Leo Shao Shi and his fellow, Ding Shiow Beeing were adopting capitalism in their support of some groups and instigation against the cultural revolution which, accordingly, resulted in a distortion of their interior affair in the face of the Party and the people of China. This struggle was known as "conflict between two link". Although this type of struggle was not over between the president and Mao at the beginning, the latter was able to exert his sovereignty as a leader to the communist party in China, for he believes the Chinese communist party was the dominant power that had ruled for a long time during bureaucratic leadership that made it lose its communist values and revolutionary spirit. In response, communist China witnessed some accusations and criticism oriented towards the great political and military. Majors, even different categories of people as well as conflict movements. In addition, China witnessed the formation of a number of organizations and armed groups coincided these divisions and the armed conflicts, even within one organization or one group. The conclusion shows that throughout this study one can comprehend the final version of the cultural revolution in that it was a huge risk to Chinese policy since it was exploited by Mao who succeeded in eliminating the communist party on the inside and dismantling it. Mao and the group of the central revolution took the advantage of the unsettled situation in China in order to distort the reputation of those who work for the president, Leo, Which is part of their political attempt to disrepute the party leaders and their system. Further, Mao was able, via this revolution, practiced communist totalitarian and to spread hatred throughout the state. At the same time, he succeeded in accomplishing his primary aim which is to control the authority under the rule of his power. Though he progressively attempted to turn China into being socialist and communist based upon Marxism, these attempts reached a resounding failure

العلاقات السياسية الالمانية - اليابانية 1933 - 1941 == German - Japanese political relations 1933 - 1941

Author name: حسام طعمة ناصر
Supervisor name: حميد احمد حمدان التميمي
General topic: History
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:
Abstract: After the First World War (1914 - 1918), the history of the international relations has witnessed many conflicts, some of them were born from the womb of the mitigations that were founded by the victorious countries. And the return of Germany and Japan to the cycle of the conflict, during the thirties of 20th century was one of the results of those mitigations, after they both have suffered from the oppression of the Allies Forces. The yield of Japanese policy to the army influence early thirties decade of the 20th century, and seizing the rule by Nazi in Germany in 1933, was an announcement to start a huge transition in the international relations.In the light of those conditions, the research of Germany - Japan political relations has acquired unique position for history study of the international relationships between the two World Wars. This thesis specifically addresses (1933 - 1941) era, during which, particularity in 1933, the Nazi headed by Adolf Hitler took power, with all the changes that took place in both the internal and external policy of Germany and the giant transition towered Japan. The study is concluded in 1941, where Japan officially involved in the second World War beside Germany, specifically during the bombardment of American Pearl Harbor in December of that year.The methodology of the thesis addresses both events chronologically, and at the same time maintains subject cohesion. The thesis includes a preface and four chapters, beside this introduction, conclusion, and bibliography. The preface is dedicated to research the history of the Germanys - Japanese relations advancement, up to 1933. It focused on Germany’s role in building the modern Japan, and the colonial competition between the two countries in the Middle East area. The research consists of two themes, the first has discusses the ideological elements and the political circumstances that effected the rapprochement, while the second theme discusses Germany - Japan political relations during the 1935 - 1936 period and the ratification of the anti - communism agreement on October 1936.The second chapter studies the impacts of Japan’s expansion in China on Germany - Japan relationships from 1937 to 1938. This chapter includes three themes : the first one discusses the Germany’s policyGerman - Japan political relations 1933 - 1941 toward the Far East prior to July - 1937 China - Japan war. While the second theme follows up the Germany’s attitude toward Japan - China war, and the third theme explores the internal and external factors that forced Germany to stand beside Japan, sacrificing its economic interests in China.The third Chapter is divided into three themes; the first one studies the attempts of the Japanese army to consolidate the military alliance with Germany. While the second theme discusses the impact of Germany - Soviets nonaggression treaty on the tripartite alliance negotiations. The third theme highlights the Japan’s attitude toward the Second World War in the period from September 1939 until July 1940.The fourth chapter in its three themes unveils the political relations of the two countries in light of the tripartite alliance in 1940 - 1941. The first theme focusses on the agreement discussion of the Germany - Italy - Japan tripartite alliance. While the second theme discusses the Japan - Soviet neutrality agreement in April 1941, and the Japan attitude toward the attack of its own ally, Germany, on the Soviets territories. The third theme focuses on Germany’s attitude toward America - Japan negotiations, and the Japanese attack on the American Pearl Harbor on 7th December 1941, Japan’s evolvement in the war beside its allies the Axis against the United States and Brittan.The thesis is counted on a group of sources and references; the most significant ones are collections of German, Britain and American documentations, in addition to a number of foreign specialized books, researches, and academic studies concerning Japan and Germany.The thesis concludes that the Germany - Japan relationships were not fully harmonious, they were rather characterized by hesitancy, perhaps due to the domination sole interests of each country over the common goals of the alliance.

موقف الاردن من اتفاقية كامب ديفيد واثره على العلاقات مع الولايات المتحدة الامريكية 1977 - 1979

Author name: اسعد كاظم جابر الغزي
Supervisor name: اميرة رشك لعيبي الزبيدي
General topic: History
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Basrah
First pages:
Abstract: The reason for choosing the subject was to know the Jordanian position regarding the Camp David Accords and its impact on US relations with Jordan from 1977 until 1979, which marks a turning point in Arab - American relations in general and Jordanian - American in particular. US Presidency .The importance of the study comes from the specificity of the stage covered by the conflict, which witnessed the intensification of the Arab - Israeli conflict and the entry of the parties into crises and wars. The Arab parties and the Jordanian side resorted in particular to seek the support of the United States, which strongly entered the Arab region to resolve disputes and to settle the settlement Both American and Israeli, because of the strategic relationship between the United States and Israel, which is the cornerstone of American foreign policy in the region .The Camp David Accords were an important turning point in history in the history of the Arab - Israeli conflict. The agreement, which was accompanied by protracted negotiations for nearly a year and a half, paved the way for the signing of a formal peace treaty on March 26, 1979 between Egypt and Israel. This led to close ties with the United States and a profound change in the strategic map of the Middle East .The Camp David Agreement is one of the issues affecting the two countries because of the Jordanian interests' ties with the United States of America through the active role of Jordan in the Arab region and its international relations with the major countries. Especially with the United States .The interest of the United States and its support for Jordan stemmed from the general interest of the United States in the Middle East. The Middle East was an advanced front for the West in a possible confrontation with the Eastern bloc. It contained vast reserves of raw materials needed by the West, most importantly oil, and at the same time a market for Western products Thus, the American perception centered on the statement that the one who controls the Arabian Peninsula and the Middle East controls the European continent. Therefore, the key to interpreting the US policy in Jordan was the result of his opposition to the Soviet threat and the associated elements Because of its geographical location and because of its interest in peace in the region. Jordan is a small country with few major economic resources, which has made it rely heavily on US foreign aid to compensate for the scarcity of resources and its need for economic and social programs to support growth. Great Population .ABSTRACTBThe United States has considered Jordan as the qualified party to take positions in support of US peace initiatives, but rather to call for a key role in the peace process .The United States views Jordan as a major party in its political vision of the nature and dimensions of the conflict, seeking to ensure its security and stability, which is thus reflected in ensuring Israel's security. In contrast, Jordan has taken advantage of the US interest in highlighting its regional role towards peace .The first chapter was entitled "Negotiations for the Settlement of the Arab - Israeli Conflict and its Impact on US - Jordanian Relations 1973 - 1977". The first topic focused on the October 1973 war and the Jordanian - American contacts. The American attempts to settle the conflict and the Jordanian position, 1973 - 1974, are also discussed in the third article; following the decisions of the Arab summit on the Jordanian position on the peace talks 1974 - 1976 .While the second chapter dealt with the direction of the administration of US President Jimmy Carter to settle the Arab - Israeli conflict and the Jordanian position in 1977. In the first part, he focused on the Jordanian position on American mediation until October 1977, and in the second part, the Jordanian position on the joint Soviet - American statement and Sadat's visit to Jerusalem .The third chapter explains the role of the United States in the Camp David talks, the signing of the 1978 - 1979 Egyptian - Israeli peace treaty, the recognition of mutual visits prior to the agreement, the details of the Leeds Castle Conference in July 1978, the transition to the White House announcement to call the Camp David Conference, The Camp David Summit, during its thirteen days, monitored and analyzed the proposed projects, which were presented to the agenda of the negotiations, and what was reached at the end of the conference, embodied in the Camp David Agreement and the Egyptian - Israeli Treaty. And the Egyptian - Israeli negotiations until September 1978. The second topic was the US hosting the Camp David conference and its role in the Egyptian - Israeli peace treaty 1978 - 1979 .The fourth chapter was entitled : The Jordanian Position on the Camp David Accords and the Egyptian - Israeli Treaty and its Impact on American - Jordanian Relations. The first topic dealt with the Jordanian reservations to the Camp David Accords and the American position on them. David at the Ninth Arab Summit in Baghdad, and the latter dealt with the impac

الشيعة ودورهم السياسي في لبنان 1920 - 1958 == Shia and their Political Role in Lebanon 1920 - 1958

Author name: حسين عبد الحسين عباس الزهيري
Supervisor name: خضير مظلوم فرحان البديري
General topic: History
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Wasit
First pages:
Abstract: The title, “The Shiites and Their Political Role in Lebanon1920 - 1958” is among thecrucial issues in the political history of Lebanon. For it would explore a key component ofthe Lebanese society which has contributed to building political contemporary Lebanesestate. This is evidenced in the hypothesis of this study. The subject matter of this studyfalls within the socio - political history. Knowing that the researcher has come to pick theyear1920, as the beginning of his study,for it was the year in which the Shiite communalitywas forcedly annexed to the structure of the Lebanese state, the French mandate overLebanon was announced and the State of Greater Lebanon was established. Theresearcher has chosen 1958, as the closing year of the study, because it represented theexpiration of the first Lebanese Republic - an event that can be considered as thebeginning of a new era in Lebanon and one that was in many ways unlike previous eras.The study has been divided into an introduction, five chapters and a conclusionalong with a number of annexes. Chapter Oneis an introductory chapter dealt with thehistorical roots of the formation of Lebanese Shiite community well up to 1920. It containsa number of topics. These are the genesis of Shiite sect and its doctrine, the spread of theShiite sect in Lebanon, status of Shi'ite clerics in Lebanon, the Shiites under the 1516 - 1914 Ottoman Empire and finally, the activities of the Shiites in Lebanon from 1914 - 1920.Chapter Twodeals with addresses the efforts of theLebanese Shia in theestablishment of the State of Greater Lebanon in 1920 - 1926. It touches on several topics : the 1920 Conference of the Lebanese Shiites in Hujayr, their reactions on the 1920French mandate, along with the Niger’s campaign of French military against the Shiites ofLebanon in 1920, as well as the position of Lebanon's Shiites from the declaration of theGreat State of Lebanon in 1920, the inclusion of Lebanon’s Shiites in the 1921 census,the Lebanese representation in the Lebanese representative councils from 1922 - 1926, theShiite’s political anti - moves against the French authorities from 1920 - 1926, and down tothe state of division imposed among the Shiite sect over the 1926 Lebanese constitution.Chapter Threededicates to the attitude Shiites of Lebanon about the Lebaneseinternal situations in 1926 - 1936. The chapter referred to the extent of the participation ofLebanon's Shiites in the parliamentary elections from 1926 to 1936, and their seriousdesiresin the government’s representation for the same period, as well as Shiite orientationAbstractBtowards Lebanon union with Syria during the period of 1927 - 1936, the Shiites’ registrationin the 1932 census. The chapter alsodeals with Shiite reactions to French control overtheiragricultural areas leading to the 1936 uprising of Shiites in BintJbeil. The Shiite - Frenchclashes haveprecipitated the conclusion of the France - Lebanon treaty in 1936 - thetreaty which divided up Shia’s attitudes about it, prompting a segment of Shiites to blendinto the then Lebanese Republic.Chapter Four focuses on unification of the Shiites of Lebanon over the interiorissues of Lebanon 1937 - 1946. It has turned out that the rush of Shiites into theadministration of justice to them in elections, subsequent Lebanese Parliament sessions,and their claim to representation in the Lebanese government at the time as well as theShiites rejection of the coercive policy that was used against them during World War II andtheir objection of decrees 49 and 50 of 1943. The chapter as well goes over the 1943National Pact of Lebanon that helped secure the privileges of the Shiite community andtheir legal rights in the representation, the Shiite’s determination to hold on to the Republicof Lebanon following the Lebanon's independence in 1943 and foreign withdrawal thereof.Chapter Five addresses the role of Shiites in Lebanon's internal politicaldevelopments 1947 - 1958. It encompasses themes, chief of which are the Shiites’ movesto ensure their rights in the parliamentary and presidential elections and theirrepresentation in successive Lebanese governments. Shiites role was not restricted tothere, however. Rather, Shiites demands of reforms drove them to their participation in theLebanese uprising in 1952 and in the Lebanese political parties as well as their prominentnational role in the Lebanese revolution in 1958. As for the conclusion, it includes theoutcomesto which the researcher reached.Throughout the study, the researcher focuses on the position of nothing more thanthe Twelfth Sect of Shiite community in Lebanon and no other Shiite communities, such asthe Nasiri, Alawites and Ismaili scattered around Lebanon. Forthe Twelver is the biggestcommunity in number, exposed to the arbitrariness of the ruling authorities and successiveLebanese governments over the period 1920 - 1958. Not only this, the subject matter itselfhas not had its share of study in a separate and scientific academy way. It is thesereasonsthat would lendprodigiousstanding not on the topic only, but for choosing it as well.What is more, the researcher managed to respect the thematic unity in dealing withAbstractChistorical events encompassed by this study, in particular, the theme of the political partiesaddressed in Chapter Five that has been studied in detail, all at one over the study periodin question.The conclusions of this dissertation prove the following : The tyrannical policy against Shias does not change throughout Ottoman regime.Ottoman State attributes their conflict with Persian State to the Shias in all the places itgoverned. In addition, it does not confess Shia as one of the Islamic four doctrines.Besides, it legitimizes killing Shias and looting their money as well as women. However, thelaw of sects which was produced later by Sublime Porte confesses some of Shia's rights.The reason beyond this law was to increase the number of Muslims over the number offollowers of other religions in the Ottoman Empire who helps the great states in the war.This law lasts to the First World War in 1914 and the submission of Lebanon to the French occupation in 1920.New era of the Shiite sect has begun in 1920 when they rejected the French mandate in Lebanon and resisting it powerfully, particularly when the armed groups that led the armed resistance against the French have strengthened. Only the Shiite sect took this position while the others sects restored to more flexible stance so as to gain political benefits. Maronite and Sunni sects have agreed with the declaration of large Lebanon in1920 while none of the Shiite figures were invited to the ceremony because of their rejection to the French policy in Lebanon.The Shia have lost most of the advantages that other Islamic sects have gained because of the Shiite breakup among their leaders who are the representatives of the sect.this leads to surface representation. Besides, their rejection of the political work causes them to get away of the procedures followed by the French commission. Such procedures include blocking Shia from representation in parliament, to be included in the census in 1920, agreement on writing the constitution or declaring the republic in 1926, and finally the second census in 1932 which aggrieves Shia's rights. As such, Shia occupied the third rank in Lebanon since they were the first.Generally, the Shiite sect have not played its exact role in Lebanon because of the resistance of the French authorities who aligned with the other sects against Shia. This resistance was represented by preventing Shia to occupy sensitive positions in the state.This French policy has lasted throughout the occupation period and then to the independence era. Besides, most of the Shiite representatives served their personal affairs because they were feudalists. Thus, the Shiite suffered severe situations; they did not gettheir full political, economic, cultural rights and services. Accordingly, we suppose that Shia's rights have lost because of their representatives did not strived to gain their rights on a high level.On the contrary, the Shiite sect come to view noticeably through political crises in Lebanon, namely in 1943 when Shia led demonstrations reinforced by armed figures in their towns. First, they fought the French forces in the south, Hermel and Baalbek. Second,they demonstrated against the president, Bechara El Khoury, in1952.These demonstrations were large and covered most of Shiite towns. Their demand was to substitute the president by another one. Their efforts ended with nominating Camille Chamoun as the new presidentfrom 1952 - 1958. This event entered Shia a new era.

منظمة حلف جنوب شرق اسيا (ســـــياتو) 1954 - 1977 == Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO)1954 - 1977

Author name: احمد حاشوش عليوي عبيد الحجامي
Supervisor name: فاهم نعمة ادريس الياسري
General topic: History
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Wasit
First pages:
Abstract: Despite the role played by the South East Treaty Organization (SEATO) in the defence of Western interests in that region during the Cold War, there has to date been no scholarly attempt to examine the development and performance of the organization as a military alliance. This thesis is thus the first attempt to do so and as such seeks to take advantage of the recent release of much SEATO - related official material into the public domain by Western governments. This material throws new light upon SEATO’s aims and achievements, particularly in regard to the first ten years of its existence. Because SEATO was eventually rendered irrelevant by the events of the Second Indochina War (1965 - 1975) a popular perception has arisen that it was always a “Paper Tiger” lacking in substance, and thus easily dismissed. This thesis challenges this assumption by examining SEATO’s development in the decade before that conflict. The thesis analyses SEATO’s place in the wider Cold War and finds that it was part of a rational and consistent response within the broader Western strategy of containment to deter, and if need be, defeat, the threat of communist aggression. That threat was a very real one for Southeast Asia in the aftermath of the First Indochina War and one that was initially perceived in terms of the conventional military balance of power. This focus dominated SEATO’s strategic concepts and early contingency planning and rightly so, as an examination of the strength and development of the PLA and PAVN during this period demonstrates. SEATO developed a dedicated military apparatus, principally the Military Planning Office (MPO), that proved itself to be perfectly capable of providing the level of co - ordination and planning needed to produce a credible SEATO deterrent in this regard. SEATO enjoyed less success with its attempts to respond to the emergence of a significant communist insurgent threat, first in Laos then in South Vietnam, but the alliance did nonetheless recognise this threat and the failure of SEATO in this regard was one of political will rather than military doctrine. Indeed this thesis confirms that it was the increasingly disparate political agendas of a number of SEATO’s members that ultimately paralysed its ability to act and thus ensured its failure to meet its aims, at least insofar as the so - called “Protocol States” were concerned. But this failure should not be allowed to completely overshadow SEATO’s earlier achievements in providing a modicum of Western - backed stability and security to the region from 1955 - 1965.The vision of SEATO expansion disappeared during the Kennedy administration, but the organization did fulfill its primary military purpose in August 1964. Following attacks on US Naval vessels in the Gulf of Tonkin.President Lyndon B. Johnson addressed Congress on 5 August to ask permission for American military action in Vietnam. He justified the request with an invocation of the Southeast Asia Collective Defense Treaty and claimed that the treaty and its protocol on the former Associated States "obligated" an American response. Congress responded with the Tonkin Gulf Resolution on 7 August, and the United States soon became embroiled in its longest war since the American Revolution.The Vietnam War subsequently destroyed SEATO. Britain and France refused to give any substantial military assistance, and Pakistan withdrew from the organization entirely .After the war, the need for SEATO disappeared, and the remaining members disbanded in 1977.

سياسة الولايات المتحدة الامريكية تجاه كوريا الجنوبية (1961 - 1974) == Policy of the United States of America toward South Korea (1961 - 1974)

Author name: طارق مهدي عباس الجبوري
Supervisor name: فؤاد طارق كاظم العميدي
General topic: History
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Babylon
First pages:
Abstract: The Study of the Foreign Policy of the United States of America is a vital and vital studies in the field of modern and Contemporary history as a Policy of divergent and fixed priorities, and the other variable and the importance of this study being linked to one of the most prominent pillars of national security in the North East Asia and the Pacific, Which represents the greatest threat to the safety of the United States of America in the Korean Peninsula, as the Most dangerous Nuclear Weapons Can still explode at any time, in addition to what contributed to the US Policy to find a State of Modernity and development in the Spring Political, Economic and Military generated in the Southern Part of the Korean Peninsula and transforming society from a society of poverty and Underdevelopment to innovation and community regeneration.can be described as poor for such important studies that combine the American orientations with the South Korean developments, Therefore, one of the reasons that led the researcher to choose is placed in the US - South Korean affairs. In addition, the post - Korean period is the beginning of the emergence of the modern South Korean state. It represents a pivotal stage for the beginning of the new history of the US - South Korean alliance, its role in building the South Korean people and its Contemporary historical development. It was in this sense that the subject of the study was chosen under the title "The United States Policy Towards South Korea (1961 - 1974)." John Kennedy first assumed the presidency of the US Administration, accompanied by internal transformations in South Korea and the coming of Park Chung. The end of the administration of Richard Nixon, and what has seen the reign of his administration of the effects of South Korean reality. The thesis consisted of introduction, introduction, three Chapters, a conclusion and a list of sources and references : The preamble entitled "The US Policy Towards South Korea1953 - 1960" included three aspects : The Political aspect concerns Washington's Policy toward South Korea, its Political issues, Diplomacy from the end of the war and its Military operations, with the signing of the truce on July 27, 1953 to 1960, the internal Political change in South Korea following the student revolution, the removal of the Sangman Re regime and the advent of the interim government Led by Chang Miyun. The Second aspect dealt with the role of the United States in rebuilding the economy and infrastructure of South Korea during the years 1953 - 1960.The Third aspect was the activation of the role of the United States Military Forces in South Korea and their use in civil and Economic activities, as well as in the development and assistance of South Korean Military forces during this period. The first chapter dealt with the Policy of the administration of John F. Kennedy towards South Korea 1961 - 1963, divided into five sections : The First part is the John F. Kennedy administration's policy on the internal political developments in South Korea, 1961 - 1962, following the Military Coup and the nature of the US position and Policy. The Second Part discusses John F. Kennedy's Administration's Policy towards the democratic transition in South Korea after Washington's Conditional acceptance of the South Korean Military Council on November 14, 1962, 1963, and the transformation of South Korea into a democratic approach. The Third topic addresses the efforts of the John F. Kennedy administration to normalize bilateral relations between South Korea and Japan, 1961 - 1963. The Economic dimension in the fourth topic, under the title : The role of the United States of America in guiding and developing the South Korean economy from 1961 to 1963, as the main factor in saving South Korea economically. The fifth topic dealt with the Military dimension of policy, John Kennedy, entitled : The Policy of John Kennedy's Military administration towards South Korea 1961 - 1963. Which was characterized by weakness and did not rise to advanced situations between the two countries in this area that the political factor is still in the process of maturation. The second chapter is entitled : Strategic Options for US Policy on South Korea during the Lyndon Johnson Administration 1963 - 1969. The First topic is the administration of President Lyndon Johnson and its success in the normalization of the South Korean relations of Japan 1964 - 1969, which constituted a major and strategic demand for Washington at this stage. The second topic : South Korea and the US strategy in Asia 1963 - 1969. And discussed two important points : First, the South Korean move towards the regional states in Asia and the American position from 1963 to 1969. This was a success for South Korean diplomacy and with the blessing and support of Washington, which led to the convening of the Asian Regional Council's conferences to support the American orientations.II. The nature of US policy towards South Korea in the wake of Pyongyang's provocations, 1966 - 1969.And discussed the third topic : the impact of the economic policy of the United States of America in the development and construction of the South Korean economy during the administration of President Lyndon Johnson 1963 - 1969, where it witnessed the most delicate stages of laying the foundations of the modern economy and renewed South Korea, as well as the best US in providing Economic Assistance and consultation Miscellaneous. He discussed the Fourth Section_ Lyndon Johnson's Military Policy Toward South Korea 1963 - 1969 : First, Lyndon Johnson's policy on the issue of reducing and regulating the status of US military forces in South Korea 1964 - 1969. Second, the alliance between the United States and South Korea in the Vietnam War 1964 - 1969. These aspects have been key factors in increasing the momentum of harmony, understanding and cooperation between Washington and Seoul and opening new horizons for their alliance in the region. The fourth chapter examines Richard Nixon's policy toward South Korea, 1969 - 1974. Three investigations included : The first part was devoted to the study of the Nixon administration's policy on Pyongyang's provocations against South Korea (1969 - 1974), which showed US adherence to the option of escalating Positions with North Korea and pushing all forces toward appeasement and containment of crises. While the second topic discussed the political impact of the Nixon Doctrine on South Korea, 1969 - 1974, which affected several internal and external political aspects, which constituted a real Challenge to the US - South Korean Relations, led to cracks that almost died in harmony between the two sides, South Korean Political reality. The third topic : Nixon's Economic Policy towards South Korea, 1969 - 1974, also set up in some of its stations a climate of mistrust and divergence of views, but remained where the US funds are the biggest hand in supporting the South Korean Economy. The last topic is : The Military Impact of the Nixon Doctrine on South Korea, 1969 - 1974. Where the military transformation of the large and reduce the presence of US forces in South Korea and the resulting Military implications for the Modernization of the military capabilities of the South Korean forces, in addition to government intersections between the executive and legislative US and the impact of its results on Seoul's acquisition of military modernization required, as well as the Korean disengagement South of the Vietnam War following the cessation of Military escalation and acceptance of the truce and foreign withdrawal.

سياسة انكلترا الخارجية 1307 - 1272 == England Foreign Policy 1272 - 1307

Author name: محمد عبد الرضا موسى
Supervisor name: كريم مطر حمزة الزبيدي
General topic: History
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Babylon
First pages:
Abstract: تعد الدراسات في العصر الوسيط الاوربي من الدراسات التاريخية المهمة, اذ لم يسلط عليها الضوء بشكل كاف والغور في احداث ذلك العصر واشباعه بحثا وتحليلا. ولا شك ان لدراسة تاريخ انكلترا في العصور الوسطى اهمية بالغة نظرا لمكانة تلك المملكة في اوروبا والعالم في العصر الوسيط وما الت اليه تلك المملكة بعد ذلك, فهذه المدة التاريخية التي تناولناها في هذه الاطروحة (1272 - 1307) كانت بداية جادة لتوحيد الجزر البريطانية بقيادة انكلترا تحت مظلة مملكة واحدة موحدة فقد تمكنت انكلترا من السيطرة على ويلز بالقوة والحال نفسه ينطبق على اسكتلندا على الرغم من الصعوبات والتقلبات الي شهدتها السيطرة الانكليزية هناك, فضلا عن تبعية ايرلندا لانكلترا. ومن جانب اخر عد الملك ادوارد الاول الذي حكم انكلترا ابان تلك المدة من ابرز ملوك انكلترا في العصر الوسيط ان لم يكن ابرزهم على الاطلاق, كما تميز عهده الذي امتد طيلة خمسة وثلاثين سنة بوافر من الاحداث ولاسيما على المستوى الخارجي بدءا من الجزر البريطانية ومرورا بممالك اوروبا وصولا الى الشرق الاسلامي. ولعل ذلك من جملة ما دفعنا وحفزنا على البحث والكتابة في هذا الموضوع بعد توكلنا على الله تعالى لاختيار موضوع الاطروحة والموسوم ( سياسة انكلترا الخارجية 1272 - 1307). وقد تضمنت الاطروحة اربعة فصول مسبوقة بمقدمة وتحليل لما ورد في المصادر وتعقبها استنتاجات وملاحق وقائمة بالمصادر, وقد بحثنا في الفصل الاول دور الامير ادوارد في ظل حكم ابيه الملك هنري الثالث لانكلترا (1239 - 1272) اما الفصل الثاني فقد تناول السياسة الصليبية لانكلترا ودورها في حل النزاع الاوربي حول صقلية, وشرعنا في الفصل الثالث لتتبع النزاع والحرب ما بين انكلترا وفرنسا خلال المدة (1293 - 1303) وكان محورها دوقية جاسكوني ومحاولة المملكتين السيطرة عليها, وجاء الفصل الرابع ليوضح سياسة انكلترا تجاه اسكتلندا (1286 - 1307). شهدت انكلترا خلال النصف الثاني من القرن الثالث عشر وبداية القرن الرابع عشر الميلاديين جملة من الاحداث المهمة على الصعيد الخارجي, تمثلت في تطورات ملحوظة في مختلف جوانب الحياة السياسية والاجتماعية والاقتصادية, انعكست على مؤسسات المملكة على كافة الصعد التشريعية والتنفيذية والقضائية والعسكرية, اذ كانت السياسة الخارجية لانكلترا في ذروتها على الرغم ان اغلبها اتسمت بطابع الحروب والقوة والتوسع. ولا شك ان الحروب الكثيرة التي قامت بها انكلترا قد جعلت خزينة المملكة خاوية ومدينة في اغلب الاحيان, وبالتالي فان تكلفة تلك الحروب وقيامها تقع في معظمها على كاهل المواطنين الانكليز عبر فرض الضرائب او جنودا للقتال في تلك المعارك, وبالرغم من ذلك كان هناك قبولا ولو على مضض وهم يرون ان مملكتهم تتوسع رقعتها وتزداد هيبتها, فضلا عن رغبتهم بالحصول على الغنائم ان استطاعوا ذلك وهذا ما ينطبق ومنطق العصور الوسطى. سعى الملك ادوارد الاول في تكوين امبراطورية كان يتوق اليها عبر توحيد الجزر البريطانية تحت سلطة التاج الانكليزي فضلا عن سعي انكلترا للاحتفاظ باخر ممتلكاتها القارية وهي جاسكوني ونجحت في ذلك الى حد كبير, الا ان ذلك جاء نتيجة حروب وقتال راح ضحيتها الالاف من سكان تلك الجزر, وبذلك يمكن القول ان فكرة توحيد تلك الجزر ترسخت اكثر خلال عهده. | During the second half of the thirteenth century and the beginning of the fourteenth century, England witnessed a number of important events on the external level. These were notable developments in various aspects of political, social and economic life, which were reflected in the Kingdom's institutions at all levels of legislative, executive, judicial and military. Of England at its peak, although most of them were characterized by the nature of wars, force and expansion. In the first chapter we discussed the role of Prince Edward under the reign of his father King Henry III of England (1239 - 1272). The second chapter dealt with the crusader policy of England and its role in solving The first was to trace the crusade of England from 1274 to 1291, and the attempts of King Edward I of England, to A crusade to the Middle Islamic and contacts Papacy other foreign powers to do that campaign, and the third section the role of England and its king Edward the first in resolving the European dispute over the Kingdom of Sicily for the period between the year (1284 - 1289). In chapter 3 we began to trace the dispute and the war between England and France during the period (1303 - 1303), centered on the Duchy of Gaskone and the attempt of the two kingdoms to control it. Chapter IV explains England's policy towards Scotland (1286 - 1307). From the above, we can deduce a number of points : - The Character of King Edward I was refined in a good framework and gradually with the stages of progress of his life, the responsibilities entrusted to him at an early age and his participation in the formulation of political events in England as well as personal involvement in battles The parliamentary institution under the reign of King Edward I witnessed a remarkable development by representing large sections of the English people, especially the Model Parliament in 1295, although the king's main purpose was to obtain funds by authorizing the Parliament to impose taxes. That On the other hand put another brick in the evolution of the legislative institution in England to be representative of all strata. King Edward I worked hard to carry out a crusade that would be reprisal and personal consideration after the failure of his campaign with the King of France Louis IX in 1270 - 1272. England and the other European kingdoms had the lead in it, but it did not succeed where the conditions and preparations were not appropriate. The Englishman comes first regardless of his strong desire to carry out this campaign. He can not risk his rule in England for the Crusaders in the East unless he is sure that this does not pose a threat to his rule. Proof of this is his confiscation of money and Crusader infidelity, She desperately needs to meet his expenses Internal or external wars. The Duchy of Gascone was the compass of Anglo - French relations, which was dominated by tension and attraction, especially with the ambition of French King Philip IV to annex the Duchy to his property and expand his influence at the expense of the King of England, which he was able to control already for nearly a decade, but King Edward was able to retrieve With great difficulty after losing a fatal mistake, to maintain at least the last part of English property in France King Edward I sought to form an Empire he longed for by unifying the British islands under the authority of the English Crown. He succeeded in doing so to a great extent, but this was the result of wars and fighting using iron and fire, which claimed the lives of thousands of inhabitants. The islands became more established during his reig.

التطورات التاريخية للنزاع البريطاني الارجنتيني حول جزر الفوكلاند : حرب عام 1982 انموذجا == Historical Developments Of The British Argentian Dispute Over The Falklands Islands 1982 War As A Model

Author name: علي عدنان عبد سعد الشمري
Supervisor name: عصام عبد الحسين نومان الدليمي
General topic: History
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Babylon
First pages:
Abstract: In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate,Praise be to Allah, Lord of the Worlds. Prayer and peace upon Prophet of prophets and messengers Mohammad and his progeny and his best followers to the day of judgment, One of the important necessities for any academic researcher specialized in modern European history is to shed light on a subject or important event as long as operates the interest of specialized researchers and learners in the field of modern history, especially the subjects and events that raised argument in the scientific circles as it has no specialized expanded academic universal study. After studying, search, prospecting and discussion researcher has chosen (historical developments in the British Argentinian struggle over the Falkland Islands the war of 1982 as an exemplar). So I consulted my respected supervisor and some of my respected teachers and found a great welcome. I put my trust in God and decided to try in this field. It is clear that for each study there is an aim and my aim of this study is to give a deep and clear idea about the dramatic background that is still vague about the nature of this important historical incident and to shed light on the long exhaustion process the British and Argentinian which has its roots from the age of geographical discoveries till 1833. It is important to notice that the researcher has tried his best to keep a possible objective picture of the facts and analyze events and incidents of the study and make them the core of research which left a wide debate about the real owner of these islands. The researcher depended on data of the historical method in documenting the incidents of this study and its changes and the developments that joined it and the result incurred. The nature of research demanded to be based on three chapters preceded by a preface and followed by conclusion presented the important findings of the study in addition to a list of resources and references used in this study,The preface gives a geographical and historical brief about the Falkland Islands till 1914.So the first pivot is the geographical one and it includes the study of the natural geographical features of these islands,Geographical characteristics of mankind "demographic", while the share of the second axis, a historical axis is the study of the historical roots of international conflict over the Falklands, as well as the study of international disputes and conflicts over those islands,As for chapters study have to stop the first chapter of the importance Elchibolatkih to the Falkland Islands and its location in the area of international conflict, and this chapter included four sections : the first : the Falkland Islands during the period of World Wars I and II, and the second chapter : economic importance to the Falkland Islands and its impact on the British - Argentinean relations, and the third the crisis of the Falklands as part of political negotiations between the British, Argentina and internationalization of the United Nations (1945_1974), and fourth : developments crisis in light of the political negotiations between Britain and Argentina, and its impact within UNITED NATIONS (1975_1982), and ensure that Chapter II study of political and economic developments in the British, Argentina and orientation towards war Falklands has included four Detectives also : first : Political and economic realities in Britain, Argentina and its impact on the Falklands (1981 - 1982), and the second phase of the crisis (March - 2 April 19 1982), and the third : the military operations (April 2 to June 14, 1982), War Results of the Falklands and its impact on reality Britain and Argentina and the Falkland Islands, and there was talk in the third chapter on the international and regional situations of the Falklands war, Has continued on two detectives : first : attitudes international and represented the position of both the UN Security Council, the US position and the Soviet and French and NATO, the North Atlantic and the market of European common, the Vatican and Israel, while the second section : attitudes regional and there was talk of the positions of both the Organization of American States and the position of Brazil, Peru, Chile and Bolivia and Colombia, Costa Rica, Uruguay, and a treatise on its contents based on a wide range of sources varied according to the requirements of chapters, during which many of the official documents published, Especially documents from the United Nations, and documents Foreign and Commonwealth Office, the prime minister British, as well as documents and German foreign ministry and the US State Department, and the White House, US as well as intelligence documents US Central (CIA), as well as documents Wiki Leaks, either the documentation is published are : Archive personal documents Constantine Davidoff, and adopted a researcher at the completion of the treatise on the total sources varied between Arab and foreign books, treatise and theses , as well as newspapers and published research.

حروب الوردتين في انكلترا (1455 - 1485) : دراسة تاريخية == Wars of the Roses in England (1455 - 1485)A Historical Study

Author name: رشا مجيد منديل الحاجم
Supervisor name: ماجد محيي عبد العباس الفتلاوي
General topic: History
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Babylon
First pages:
Abstract: The Wars of the Roses was the name given to the English civil wars fought roughly between 1455 and 1485. The principal conflicts took place in 1455 - 1460 (First War), 1460 - 1483 (Second War), and 1483 - 1485 (Third War). The wars developed during the reign of King Henry VI (1422 - 1461) , and the outgrowth of the conflict with the Duke of York to be the direct causes of the outbreak of the war,York was killed at the battle of Wakefield. His son Edward IV (1461 - 1483), the first Yorkist king, decisively defeated the Lancastrians in 1461. His reign was punctuated by a Second War, in which Warwick the Kingmaker made Henry VI briefly king again (the Readeption, 1470 - 1471). Edward recovered his throne at the battles of Barnet and Tewkesbury. Following Edward IV’s death and the succession of his son Edward V, in 1483, the throne was usurped by Edward’s uncle, Richard III (r. 1483 - 1485), who was overthrown at the battle of Bosworth in 1485 by Henry Tudor, who reigned as Henry VII (1485 - 1509). Thesis Included, preface, four chapters, further to the introduction and conclusion, preface Devoted, which came under the title (the general situation and the nature of the monarchy in England system until the year 1337) to shed light on the general situation in England since the Norman Conquest until the outbreak of the Hundred Years War between England and France, to address political, economic and social to situations in England during this period and then touched on the nature of the hereditary monarchy system in England and the rules that have been used in the Middle Ages. The first chapter (introductions and the causes of War of the Roses), which consisted of three sections, studied the historical roots of the wars of the Roses, which has its origins traced back to the reign of King Edward III, then explained chapter the effects and reflections of Hundred Years War between England and France on the internal situation in England and being of the outbreak of War of the Roses factors, the illustrate the case of political conflict in the early reign of Henry VI and the outgrowth of the conflict with the Duke of York to be the direct causes of the outbreak of the war. While the second chapter which marked (the first phase of the Roses 1455 - 1460 war) and be one of the three sections discussed by the beginning of the outbreak of war between the Lancaster and the York in the battle of St Albans first and the conduct of battles and military campaigns between the two parties and the victory of York at this juncture and Richard Duke York take over the Regency of England. While the third chapter (the second stage of the War of the Roses (1460 - 1483) and be one of the three sections is also studying the longest duration of this war, which were highlighting the significant role played by Queen Margrethe Of Anjou Henry VI's wife and her leadership to the of Lancasters In their struggle with the Yorks and its defense of the right of her son on the throne against attempts to remove him from the throne and the most prominent military campaigns during this period, which resulted in a loss of Lancaster to the throne and the arrival of Edward the fourth son of Richard Duke of York, to power. The fourth chapter (the end of the War of the Roses and their results (1483 - 1485)) to study the final phase of the wars of the Roses, which almost three years, but it was eventful and developments in the process of conflict consisted chapter of Investigation three also discussed the demise of the House of Lancaster and the arrival of the third Richard to power after that usurped the throne by force of his nephew Edward V and then the emergence of a new prosecutor for the throne of England, but it is Henry Tudor, which was estimated to be the end of the wars of the Roses on his hand and then was showing notable results and effects of the wars of the Roses on England in the various political, economic and socialists aspects . thesis Pena conclusion the main conclusions reached by the dissertation.

العلاقات السياسية المصرية التونسية 1956 - 1970 == The Egyptian - Tunisian Political Relations 1956 - 1970

Author name: فاطمة فالح جاسم الخفاجي
Supervisor name: صالح جعيول جويعد السراي
General topic: History
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Dhi Qar
First pages:
Abstract: The Egyptian - Tunisian political relations of the vital topics andimportant in the history of the Contemporary Arab world because ofthe close contact with the emergence of national and patriotic feelingwhich targeted the salvation of colonialism and anti - Europeandomination in all its forms and to obtain independence, as it enjoysboth countries important and influential geographical location, ascharacterized relations between Egypt and Tunisia instability, as it wastense at times and up to the point of severance of diplomatic relationsbetween the two parties, and at other times looking for ways to boostbilateral relations, and for this period of study it has witnessed manystages of the push and pull and tension in political relations, marred bya lot of uncertainty and mutual accusations between the parties aboutthe responsibility of each party to the degradation of these relations.Accordingly, we decided to study the subject and to give a clearpicture of these relationships in an attempt to shed light on the politicalaspect of the relations between the two countries, was identified in, the beginning of the study because it is the public who wasrepresenting Gamal Abdel Nasser took the Egyptian presidency inJune and also saw Tunisia's independence by protocol twentiethfrom March , after the French occupation of Tunisia ended, whenhe came in to be the end of the study being the year in which hedied, Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser, who counted the end ofan important stage of the history of Egypt.Required by the nature of the study, divided into four chapterspreceded by an introduction and followed by a conclusion, relying inthe division on the chronology in the presentation of facts andhistorical events in time and place and to develop the facts of which,analyzed and linked to each other so as to be visible in the historicalcontext, each chapter deals with the subject of an integrated selfcontained,which included the first chapter ((Egypt and TunisianNational Movement - )).The second chapter has reviewed ((Egyptian - Tunisian PoliticalRelations between - )) and be one of the four sections, theAbstractBfirst section discussed the political developments in Egypt in , theTunisian them and position, while the second section focused on theEgyptian position of the United States' policy US to Tunisia in ,through the study of the impact of the Eisenhower Doctrine on theEgyptian - Tunisian relations, spoke of the third section of theestablishment of the United Arab Republic in , the Tunisian themand position, while devoted the fourth section to follow twoassassination attempts Habib Bourguiba in and their impact onthe Egyptian Tunisian relations, the fifth was devoted to the study ofthe position of the United Arab Republic of Tunisia join the ArabLeague in .The third chapter study of the subject ((Swing Egyptian - TunisianPolitical Relations from to )) and the Department of turn foursections, the first dealt with the position of the United Arab Republic ofTunisian - French dispute over Bizerte base from to , camesecond section highlights the Egyptian - Tunisian Solidarity to addressthe problem of the course of the Jordan River diversion in , andthe third section presents Habib Bourguiba project for the settlement ofthe Arab - Israeli conflict in and the reactions of the United ArabRepublic, and the fourth section has touched on the Islamic allianceand the intensification of the Tunisian - Egyptian competition fromto .Chapter IV Treated ((A Reflection of the Arab - Israeli Conflict onthe Egyptian - Tunisian Political Relations ( - ))), which aredistributed to five sections, the first was Tunisia's position on the war inJune and its impact on the Egyptian - Tunisian convergence, asthe second topic included Egyptian efforts - Tunisian to remove theeffects of the aggression in , while the third section dealt with theEgyptian stances and Tunisia from the incident burning of Al - Aqsamosque in , and touched on the fourth section of them to theEgyptian - Tunisian relations, according to US policy in the light of the Arab - Israeli conflict in , it has also allocated fifth topic of study Cairo Conference and the death of Gamal Abdel Nasser in and reverberation it in the Tunisian Republic.In summary it can be observed that the Egyptian - Tunisian relations were not at the same pace but differentiated to some extent by the nature of each issue of international and surrounding circumstances, and relations between the two countries went through during the period ( - ) and tidal, which was dominated by the state of tension and the thing that you should pay attention to him thatinstability and differences in the relations between Bourguiba and Abdel Nasser is probably due to the similarity of the desire of both of them, led by the Arab world, or because of Nasser's the fact that it was supportive of his nemesis Salah Ben Youssef, differing deological Nasiriyah for Bourguibism, as well as personal differences, It is also noted that Tunisia has always been the first to cut off political relations with the United Arab Republic, which is returned by, as days showed Bourguiba experience and statesmanship.

لويس فيليب (1773 - 1850) سياسته الداخلية والخارجية == Louis Philippe (1773 - 1850) His Domestic And Foreign Policy

Author name: نرجس كريم خضير الخفاجي
Supervisor name: نعيم كريم عجيمي الشويلي
General topic: History
Degree: Doctorate
Language: Arabic
University location: Dhi Qar
First pages:
Abstract: History of the European track of many of the characters prestigious in the community, especially at the Political level to the effect that left on the reality in which they live and the different effects and orientation, according to the environment in which and the Place they operate in our society lived as well as cultural and Social level where it grew up. The subject of the study has a personal political dimensions because of the high Social status are returning to one of the oldest royal families in the European continent, Louis Philippe is due relative to the Orleans family of one the branches of the royal family Bourbon which ruled France for centuries. He is the first and the last of the Orleans family, he rule France after 1830 July Revolution which ended the rule of the Bourbon finally in France and overthrew his cousin Charles X of topping Louis throne of France according to the will of the French people under "King citizen's "name was his 18 years. The last ten years of his reign has seen political turmoil, reflected in the large number of ministries, which amounted about ten ministries, as well as numerous attempts to assassinate the king especially, making it a sign of the fact that the French people have tired of the case that it is the one who has not seen a change from the before, Louis near to him bourgeoisie class and former kings near the clergy and nobility classes. As well as economic situation is not good, low wages and had working conditions and prices on rise. We can not overlook the cultural evolution of the country schools have increased and there were in each region and in creased students obviously, and it began to hear the voices of the speakers in parliament. This expanse of freedom has encouraged people to claim their rights especially the electoral impact of the opposition leaders who have helped increase knowledge and cultural awareness of the French community to claim their rights guaranteed by the constitution, which led the king oath of allegiance.The constitutional king did not learn alesson, which before him and he did not win people to his side, he neglected the poor and workers who deteriorating situation much because the industrial evolution of the country making the community living on a volcano waiting for a time in which explodes. It come that decisive to feel the community on his finished page of the monarchy in France to begin a new era in France, where the new regime is trying to take advantage of the mistakes of the previous eras and rise in the country at all levels and fields. At the same time, at every body hopes to be the next new good on the country for all members of Society without discrimination of sectarian. The study was divided in to four chapters included the first chapter about his life and education as well as impact resulting from the position of the French 1789. The chapter two studied the circumstances that created the situation for Louis Philippe the throne of France and main development in the period of the rule until 1845. The chapter three searched about French foreign policy at the European continent and its position on the Belgian Revolution 1830 and Italian Revolution 1831, and the issue of conflict on the throne of Spain and Portugal during the period of Louis Philippe. The chapter four explained the French internal political developments that led to the outbreak of the Revolution 1848 with mention the biography events Revolution until Louis Philippe waivered about his throne then he left France towards to Britain until his death. The study was based on number of sources to be distributed between documents and sources of Arabic and foreign as well as build on some the previous academic studies that were related to the study as well as other sources have been mention in the of sources.
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